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    Title: The History of Dartmouth College

    Author: Baxter Perry Smith

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## THE HISTORY

OF

# Dartmouth College.

BY

## BAXTER PERRY SMITH.

BOSTON:
HOUGHTON, OSGOOD AND COMPANY.
The Riverside Press, Cambridge.
1878.

Copyright, 1878,
by Baxter Perry Smith.

The Riverside Press, Cambridge:
Printed by H. O. Houghton and Company.

## PREFACE.

In the preparation of this work the writer has deemed it better to let history, as far as possible, tell its own story, regarding reliability as preferable to unity of style.

The imperfect records of all our older literary institutions, limit their written history, in large measure, to a record of the lives and labors of their teachers.

To the many friends of the college, and others, who have kindly given their aid, the writer is under large obligations.

The following names deserve especial notice: Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Hon. Charles L. Woodbury, Hon. R. R. Bishop, Wm. H. Duncan, Esq., Richard B. Kimball, Esq., Rev. Eden B. Foster, D.D., Hon. James Barrett, N. C. Berry, Esq., Dr. F. E. Oliver, Hon. J. E. Sargent, Dr. C. A. Walker, Hon. A. O. Brewster, Hon. A. A. Ranney, Dr. W. M. Chamberlain, Hon. James W. Patterson, Rev. Carlos Slafter, Hon. J. B. D. Cogswell, Gen. John Eaton, Rev. H. A. Hazen, Rev. S. L. B. Speare, H. N. Twombly, Esq., Caleb Blodgett, Esq., Hon. Benj. F. Prescott, Dr. C. H. Spring, Prof. C. O. Thompson, Hon. Frederic Chase, Rev. W. J. Tucker, D.D., L. G. Farmer, Esq., and N. W. Ladd, Esq.

With profound gratitude he mentions also the name of Hon. Nathan Crosby, but for whose valuable pecuniary aid the publication of the work must have been delayed; and the names of Hon. Joel Parker, Hon. William P. Haines, Hon. John P. Healy, Hon. Lincoln F. Brigham, John D. Philbrick, Esq., Dr. Jabez B. Upham, Hon. Harvey Jewell, and Hon. Walbridge A. Field, who have aided in a similar manner. Particular mention should also be made of the kindness of gentlemen connected with numerous libraries, especially that of Mr. John Ward Deane, and Mr. Albert H. Hoyt, and the late J. Wingate Thornton, Esq., of the New England Historic-Genealogical Society, by whose kindness the writer was furnished with the valuable letter from David McClure to General Knox, and Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, D.D., and Dr. Samuel A. Green, of the Massachusetts Historical Society, to whom he is indebted for the invaluable list of English donations given in the Appendix. Valuable aid has been rendered also by Messrs. Kimball and Secor, of the New Hampshire State and State Historical Society Libraries, at Concord. In this connection the well known names of W. S. Butler, Prof. F. B. Dexter, Hon. C. J. Hoadley, F. B. Perkins, Hon. J. Hammond Trumbull, and Hon. E. P. Walton also deserve notice.

The writer is deeply indebted to Hon. John Wentworth, of Chicago, for his kindness in examining the more important portions of the work previous to its publication.

For the carefully-prepared draught of the original college edifice, the writer is indebted to the artistic skill of Mr. Arthur Bruce Colburn.

In closing, especial mention should be made of the kindness of Prof. Charles Hammond, Marcus D. Gilman, Esq., and others representing the family of the founder, of the family of Hon. Elisha Payne, an early and honored Trustee, of the Trustees and Faculty of the college, and the courteous liberality of the publishers.

BAXTER P. SMITH.

Brookline, Mass., June, 1878.

## CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Introduction | 1
CHAPTER II.
Ancestry and Early Life of Eleazar Wheelock.—His Settlement at Lebanon.—Establishment of the Indian Charity School.—Mr. Joshua More | 6
CHAPTER III.
Education in New Hampshire.—Action in Regard to a College.—Testimonial of Connecticut Clergymen.—Legislative Grant to Mr. Wheelock | 15
CHAPTER IV.
A College Contemplated by Mr. Wheelock.—Lord Dartmouth.—Occom and Whitaker in Great Britain | 23
CHAPTER V.
Sir William Johnson.—Explorations for a Location.—Advice of English Trustees | 29
CHAPTER VI.
A College Charter | 40
CHAPTER VII.
President Wheelock's Personal Explorations in New Hampshire.—Location at Hanover | 49
CHAPTER VIII.
Commencement of Operations.—Course of Study.—Policy of Administration | 57
CHAPTER IX.
Progress to the Death of President Wheelock.—Prominent Features of his Character | 65
CHAPTER X.
Progress During the Administration of the Second President, John Wheelock | 76
CHAPTER XI.
Lack of Harmony Between President Wheelock and Other Trustees.—Removal of the President From Office.—Estimate of His Character | 88
CHAPTER XII.
Administration of President Brown.—Contest Between The College and the State.—Triumph of the College | 100
CHAPTER XIII.
Character of President Brown.—Tributes by Professor Haddock And Rufus Choate | 117
CHAPTER XIV.
Progress From 1820 to 1828.—Administrations of President Dana and President Tyler | 126
CHAPTER XV.
Inauguration of President Lord | 143
CHAPTER XVI.
The Policy of the College, its Progress and Enlargement under President Lord's Administration from 1828 to 1863 | 157
CHAPTER XVII.
Character of President Lord | 168
CHAPTER XVIII.
Administration of President Smith | 177
CHAPTER XIX.
Inauguration of President Bartlett | 190
CHAPTER XX.
Prof. John Smith.—Prof. Sylvanus Ripley.—Prof. Bezaleel Woodward | 211
CHAPTER XXI.
Prof. John Hubbard.—Prof. Roswell Shurtleff | 225
CHAPTER XXII.
Prof. Ebenezer Adams.—Prof. Zephaniah S. Moore.—Prof. Charles B. Haddock | 241
CHAPTER XXIII.
Prof. William Chamberlain.—Prof. Daniel Oliver.—Prof. James Freeman Dana | 256
CHAPTER XXIV.
Prof. Benjamin Hale.—Prof. Alpheus Crosby.—Prof. Ira Young | 276
CHAPTER XXV.
Prof. Stephen Chase.—Prof. David Peabody.—Prof. William Cogswell | 298
CHAPTER XXVI.
Prof. John Newton Putnam.—Prof. John S. Woodman.—Prof. Clement Long.—Other Teachers | 316
CHAPTER XXVII.
Medical Department.—Professors Nathan Smith, Reuben D. Mussey, Dixi Crosby, Edmund R. Peaslee, Albert Smith, and Alpheus B. Crosby—Other Teachers | 339
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Chandler Scientific Department.—The Agricultural Department.—The Thayer Department of Civil Engineering | 367
CHAPTER XXIX.
Benefactors.—Trustees | 380
CHAPTER XXX.
Labors of Dartmouth Alumni.—Conclusion | 395

[1]

## DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

## CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

The most valuable part of a nation's history portrays its institutions of learning and religion.

The alumni of a college which has moulded the intellectual and moral character of not a few of the illustrious living, or the more illustrious dead,—the oldest college in the valley of the Connecticut, and the only college in an ancient and honored State,—would neglect a most fitting and beautiful service, should they suffer the cycles of a century to pass, without gathering in some modest urn the ashes of its revered founders, or writing on some modest tablet the names of its most distinguished sons.

The germ of Dartmouth College was a deep-seated and long-cherished desire, of the foremost of its founders, to elevate the Indian race in America.

The Christian fathers of New England were not unmindful of the claims of the Aborigines. The well-directed, patient, and successful labors of the Eliots, Cotton, and the Mayhews, and the scarcely less valuable labors of Treat and others, fill a bright page in the religious history of the seventeenth century. To numerous congregations of red men the gospel was preached; many were converted; churches were gathered, and the whole Bible—the first printed in America—was given them in their own language.

This interest in the Indian was not confined to our own country, in the earlier periods of our history. In Great Britain, sovereigns, ecclesiastics, and philosophers recognized[2] the obligations providentially imposed upon them, to aid in giving a Christian civilization to their swarthy brethren, who were sitting in the thickest darkness of heathenism in the primeval forests of the New World. Societies, as well as individuals, manifested a deep and practical interest in the work.

We can only touch upon some of the more salient points of this subject. But it is especially worthy of note, that the elevation of the Indian race, by the education of its youth, was not an idea of New England, nor indeed of American, birth.

In Stith's "History of Virginia" (p. 162), we find in substance the following statements: At an early period in the history of this State, attempts were made to establish an institution of learning of a high order. In 1619, the treasurer of the Virginia Company, Sir Edwin Sandys, received from an unknown hand five hundred pounds, to be applied by the Company to the education of a certain number of Indian youths in the English language and in the Christian religion. Other sums of money were also procured, and there was a prospect of being able to raise four or five thousand pounds, for the endowment of a college. The king favored the design, and recommended to the bishops to have collections made in their dioceses, and some fifteen hundred pounds were gathered on this recommendation. The college was designed for the instruction of English, as well as Indian, youths. The Company appropriated ten thousand acres of land to this purpose, at Henrico, on James River, a little below the present site of Richmond. The plan of the college was, to place tenants at halves on these lands, and to derive its income from the profits. The enterprise was abandoned in consequence of the great Indian massacre, in 1622, although operations had been commenced, and a competent person had been secured to act as president. This is believed to have been the first effort to found a college in America.

Passing to the middle of the century, we find the distinguished Christian philosopher, Robert Boyle, appointed governor of "a company incorporated for the propagation of the gospel among the heathen natives of New England, and the parts adjacent in America," and that, after his decease, in[3] 1691, a portion of his estate was given, by the executors of his will, to William and Mary's College, which was possibly, in a measure, the outgrowth of the efforts of Mr. Sandys and his coadjutors, for the support of Indian students.

In 1728, Col. William Byrd, in writing upon this subject, laments "the bad success Mr. Boyle's charity has had in converting the natives," which was owing in part, at least, to the fact, that the interest of their white brethren in their welfare was confined chiefly to their residence at college.

Pursuing these researches, we come to the name of another distinguished British scholar and divine, George Berkeley, who has been styled "the philosopher" of the reign of George II.

We quote a portion of a letter relating to his educational plans, from Dean Swift to Lord Carteret, Lieutenant of Ireland, dated Sept. 3, 1724, in which he says:

"He showed me a little tract which he designs to publish, and there your Excellency will see his whole scheme of a life academico-philosophic, of a college at Bermuda for Indian scholars and missionaries. I discourage him by the coldness of courts and ministers, who will interpret all this as impossible and a vision, but nothing will do. And therefore I do humbly entreat your Excellency either to use such persuasions as will keep one of the first men in this kingdom for learning and virtue quiet at home, or assist him by your credit to compass his romantic design, which, however, is very noble and generous, and directly proper for a great person of your excellent education to encourage."

The pamphlet alluded to begins, as one of his biographers informs us, by lamenting "that there is at this day little sense of religion and a most notorious corruption of manners in the English colonies settled on the continent of America, and the islands," and that "the Gospel hath hitherto made but very inconsiderable progress among the neighboring Americans, who still continue in much the same ignorance and barbarism in which we found them above a hundred years ago." After stating what he believes to be the causes of this state of things, he propounds his plan of training young natives, as missionaries to their countrymen, and educating "the youth of our English plantations," to fill the pulpits of the colonial churches. His[4] biographer is doubtless correct in the opinion, that "it was on the savages, evidently, that he had his heart."

He obtained a charter from the crown for his proposed college, and a promise, never fulfilled, of large pecuniary aid from the government, and early in 1729 he arrived in America, settling temporarily at Newport, R. I. Failing to accomplish his purpose, he remained in this country but two or three years, yet long enough to form the acquaintance of many eminent men, and among them President Williams, of Yale College.

Finding that there was no prospect of receiving the promised aid for his college, Berkeley returned to England in 1731. Soon after, in addition to a large and valuable donation of books for the library, he sent as a gift, to Yale, a deed of his farm in Rhode Island, the rents of which he directed to be appropriated to the maintenance or aid of meritorious resident graduates or under-graduates.

Although he failed to carry out his plan of establishing a college himself, in America, perhaps he "builded better than he knew." Most fitting is it, as we shall see hereafter, for the current literature of our day to place in intimate association, the names of Boyle, Berkeley, and Dartmouth.

Passing to 1734, we find Rev. John Sergeant commencing missionary labor among the Indians at Stockbridge, Mass. After a trial of a few years, he writes in a manner showing very plainly that he believes civilization essential to any permanent success. In one of his letters to Rev. Dr. Colman, of Boston, he says: "What I propose, in general, is, to take such a method in the education of our Indian children as shall in the most effectual manner change their whole manner of thinking and acting, and raise them as far as possible into the condition of a civil, industrious, and polished people, while at the same time the principles of virtue and piety shall be instilled into their minds in a way that will make the most lasting impression, and withal to introduce the English language among them instead of their own barbarous dialect."

"And now to accomplish this design, I propose to procure an accommodation of 200 acres of land in this place (which may be had gratis of the Indian proprietors), and to erect a[5] house on it such as shall be thought convenient for a beginning, and in it to maintain a number of children and youth." He proposes "to have their time so divided between study and labor that one shall be the diversion of the other, so that as little time as possible may be lost in idleness," and, "to take into the number, upon certain conditions, youths from any of the other tribes around." His plan included both sexes. Mr. Sergeant died in 1749. Besides accomplishing much himself, he laid the foundations for the subsequent labors of Jonathan Edwards.

This rapid glance at the earlier efforts in behalf of the Aborigines of our country, shows that the next actor upon the stage, undaunted by any lack of success on their part, measurably followed in the footsteps of learned and philanthropic predecessors.

[6]

## CHAPTER II.

ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE OF ELEAZAR WHEELOCK.—HIS SETTLEMENT AT LEBANON, CONN.—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INDIAN CHARITY SCHOOL.—MR. JOSHUA MORE.

Eleazar Wheelock, the leading founder of Dartmouth College, was a great-grandson of Ralph Wheelock, a native of Shropshire, in England, through whom Dartmouth traces her academic ancestry to the ancient and venerable Clare Hall, at Cambridge, where he graduated in 1626, the contemporary of Thomas Dudley, Samuel Eaton, John Milton, John Norton, Thomas Shepard, and Samuel Stone.

Coming a few years later to this country, he became a useful and an honored citizen of the then new, but now old, historic town of Dedham, from which place he removed to Medfield, being styled "founder" of that town, where he remained till his death. He devoted his time largely to teaching, although, having been educated for the ministry, he rendered valuable service to the infant community as an occasional preacher. His name is also conspicuous among the magistrates and legislators of that period.[1]

[1] His daughter Rebecca married John Craft, whose birth is the earliest on record among the pioneer settlers at Roxbury. Some of his descendants (by another marriage) are conspicuous in history. Medfield records connect the names of Fuller, Chenery, and Morse with the Wheelock family.

In the character of his son, Eleazar Wheelock, of Mendon, we are told there was a union of "the Christian and the soldier." Having command of a corps of cavalry, he was "very successful in repelling the irruptions of the Indians," although he treated them with "great kindness," in times of peace. From him, his grandson and namesake received "a handsome legacy for defraying the expenses of his public education," and from him, too, he doubtless acquired, in some[7] measure, that peculiar interest in the Indian race which so largely moulded his character and guided the labors of his life.

Near the time of Ralph Wheelock's arrival in America, were two other arrivals worthy of notice: that of Thomas Hooker, at Cambridge, "the one rich pearl with which Europe more than repaid America for the treasures from her coasts," and that of the widowed Margaret Huntington, at Roxbury, of which there is still a well-preserved record, in the handwriting of John Eliot. The guiding and controlling influence of Hooker's masterly mind upon all, whether laymen or divines, with whom he came in contact, must be apparent to those who are familiar with the biography of one, to whom the learned and religious institutions of New England are more indebted, perhaps, than to any other single person. Hooker's settlement at Hartford is fitly styled "the founding of Connecticut."

When a little later the family of Margaret Huntington settled at Saybrook, their youthful pastor, who was just gathering a church, was James Fitch, a worthy pupil of Thomas Hooker. Not satisfied with their location, pastor and people sought an inland home, and in 1660 laid the foundations of what is now the large and flourishing town of Norwich. From this time Huntington and Fitch are honored names in the history of Connecticut.

A quarter of a century after the settlement of Norwich, an English refugee from religious oppression began the settlement of the neighboring town of Windham. To this place, Ralph Wheelock the younger, a grandson of the Dedham teacher and preacher, was attracted, marrying about the same time, Ruth, daughter of Dea. Christopher Huntington, of Norwich. Mr. Ralph Wheelock was a respectable farmer, universally esteemed for his hospitality, his piety, and the virtues that adorn the Christian character, and in his later years was an officer of the church.

Of Mrs. Wheelock, it is said:[2] "Every tradition respecting her makes her a woman of unusual intelligence and rare piety. Her home, the main theatre of her life, was blessed equally by her timely instructions, her holy example, and the administration[8] of a gentle yet firm discipline." Their son Eleazar was born at Windham, April 22, 1711.

[2] Huntington Family Memoir, p. 78.

The first minister of this honored town was Rev. Samuel Whiting, a native of Hartford, and trained in the "Hooker School." For a helpmeet he had secured a lineal descendant of that noble and revered puritan, Gov. Wm. Bradford. The labors of this worthy pair were largely blessed to their people. At one period, in a population of hundreds, it is said "the town did not contain a single prayerless family."

Thus kindly and wisely did the Master arrange, by long and closely blended lines of events, that the most genial influences should surround the cradle of one for whom He designed eminent service and peculiar honor.

The mother of Eleazar Wheelock having died in 1725, for a second wife his father married a lady named Standish, a descendant of Myles Standish, whose heroic character she perhaps impressed, in some measure, upon her adopted son. "Being an only son," says his biographer,[3] "and discovering, at an early age, a lively genius, a taste for learning, with a very amiable disposition, he was placed by his father under the best instructors that could then be obtained." At "about the age of sixteen, while qualifying himself for admission to college, it pleased God to impress his mind with serious concern for his salvation. After earnest, prayerful inquiry, he was enlightened and comforted with that hope in the Saviour, which afterwards proved the animating spring of his abundant labors to promote the best interests of mankind." At the time of his admission to the Windham church, the distinguished Thomas Clap was its pastor.

[3] Memoirs of Wheelock, by McClure and Parish.

Having made the requisite preparation, he entered Yale College, of which President Williams was then at the head, "with a resolution to devote himself to the work of the Gospel ministry." Among his college contemporaries were Joseph Bellamy and President Aaron Burr.

"His proficiency in study, and his exemplary deportment, engaged the notice and esteem of the rector and instructors, and the love of the students. He and his future brother-in-law, the late Rev. Doctor Pomeroy of Hebron, in Connecticut, were the first who received the interest of the legacy, generously[9] given by the Rev. Dean Berkeley," for excellence in classical scholarship.

Soon after his graduation, in 1733, he commenced preaching. Having declined a call from Long Island, to settle in the ministry, he accepted a unanimous invitation from the Second Congregational Society in Lebanon, Connecticut, and was ordained in June, 1735.

This town occupies a conspicuous place in American history; for, whoever traces the lineage of some of the most illustrious names that grace its pages, finds his path lying to or through this "valley of cedars," in Eastern Connecticut. Here the patient, heroic Huguenot aided in laying foundations for all good institutions. Here the learned, indefatigable Tisdale taught with distinguished success. Here lived those eminent patriots, the Trumbulls. By birth or ancestry, the honored names of Smalley, Ticknor, Marsh, and Mason, are associated with this venerable town.

Mr. Wheelock's parish was in the northern and most retired part of the town, and the least inviting, perhaps, in its physical aspects and natural resources. The products of a rugged soil furnished the industrious inhabitants with a comfortable subsistence, but left nothing for luxury. It was at that period a quiet agricultural community, living largely within itself. As at the present day, there was but one church within the territorial limits of the parish. The "council of nine," selected from the more discreet of the male members, somewhat in accordance with Presbyterian usage, aided in the administration of a careful and thorough discipline.

There can be no doubt that Mr. Wheelock was accounted one of the leading preachers and divines of his day. Both as a pastor, and the associate of the eminent men who were prominent in the great revival which marked the middle of the last century, his labors were crowned with large success. Rev. Dr. Burroughs, who knew him intimately, says: "As a preacher, his aim was to reach the conscience. He studied great plainness of speech, and adapted his discourse to every capacity, that he might be understood by all." His pupil, Dr. Trumbull, the historian, says: "He was a gentleman of a comely figure, of a mild and winning aspect, his voice smooth[10] and harmonious, the best by far that I ever heard. He had the entire command of it. His gesture was natural, but not redundant. His preaching and addresses were close and pungent, and yet winning beyond almost all comparison."[4] By an intermarriage of their relatives, he was allied to the family of Jonathan Edwards, whose high regard for him is sufficiently indicated in a letter dated Northampton, June 9, 1741, from which we make brief extracts. "There has been a reviving of religion of late amongst us, but your labors have been much more remarkably blessed than mine. May God send you hither with the like blessing as He has sent you to some other places, and may your coming be a means to humble me for my barrenness and unprofitableness, and a means of my instruction and enlivening. I want an opportunity to concert measures with you, for the advancement of the kingdom and glory of the Redeemer."

[4] The venerable Prof. Stowe states that, when a professor in the College, he was informed by an aged man, living in the vicinity, that President Wheelock's earnestness in preaching at times led him to leave the pulpit, and appeal to individuals in his audience.

We are fortunate in having the testimony of a member of his own family, in regard to the beginning of Mr. Wheelock's more practical interest in the unfortunate Aborigines. His grandson, Rev. William Patten, D.D., says,[5] "One evening after a religious conference with a number of his people at Lebanon, he walked out, as he usually did on summer evenings, for meditation and prayer; and in his retirement his attention was led to the neglect [from lack of means] of his people in providing for his support. It occurred to him, with peculiar clearness, that if they furnished him with but half a living, they were entitled to no more than half his labors. And he concluded that they were left to such neglect, to teach him that part of his labors ought to be directed to other objects. He then inquired what objects were most in want of assistance. And it occurred to him, almost instantaneously, that the Indians were the most proper objects of the charitable attention of Christians. He then determined to devote half of his time to them."

[5] Memoirs of Wheelock, p. 177.

We will now allow this eminent Christian philanthropist to speak for himself. In his "Narrative," for the period ending[11] in 1762, after referring to the too general lack of interest in the Indian, he says:

"It has seemed to me, he must be stupidly indifferent to the Redeemer's cause and interest in the world, and criminally deaf and blind to the intimations of the favor and displeasure of God in the dispensations of His Providence, who could not perceive plain intimations of God's displeasure against us for this neglect, inscribed in capitals, on the very front of divine dispensations, from year to year, in permitting the savages to be such a sore scourge to our land, and make such depredations on our frontiers, inhumanly butchering and captivating our people, not only in a time of war, but when we had good reason to think (if ever we had) that we dwelt safely by them. And there is good reason to think that if one half which has been expended for so many years past in building forts, manning, and supporting them, had been prudently laid out in supporting faithful missionaries and schoolmasters among them, the instructed and civilized party would have been a far better defence than all our expensive fortresses, and prevented the laying waste so many towns and villages; witness the consequence of sending Mr. Sergeant to Stockbridge, which was in the very road by which they most usually came upon our people, and by which there has never been one attack made upon us since his going there." After referring to the ordinary obligations of humanity, patriotism, and religion, he says:

"As there were few or none who seemed to lay the necessity and importance of Christianizing the natives so much to heart as to exert themselves in earnest and lead the way therein, I was naturally put upon consideration and inquiry what methods might have the greatest probability of success; and upon the whole was fully persuaded that this, which I have been pursuing, had by far the greatest probability of any that had been proposed, viz.: by the mission of their own [educated] sons in conjunction with the English; and that a number of girls should also be instructed in whatever should be necessary to render them fit to perform the female part, as house-wives, school-mistresses, and tailoresses. The influence of their own sons among them will likely be much greater than[12] of any Englishmen whatsoever. There is no such thing as sending English missionaries, or setting up English schools among them, to any good purpose, in most places, as their temper, state, and condition have been and still are." In illustration of his theory, he refers to the education, by the assistance of the "Honorable London Commissioners,"[6] of Mr. Samson Occom, "one of the Mohegan tribe, who has several years been a useful school-master and successful preacher of the Gospel."[7]

[6] Agents of the Corporation in London referred to on page 2, of which Robert Boyle was governor.

[7] See Appendix.

"After seeing the success of this attempt," he continues, "I was more encouraged to hope that such a method might be very successful, and above eight years ago I wrote to Rev. John Brainerd [brother of the distinguished David Brainerd], missionary in New Jersey, desiring him to send me two likely boys for this purpose, of the Delaware tribe. He accordingly sent me John Pumpshire in the fourteenth, and Jacob Woolley in the eleventh years of their age. They arrived December 18, 1754.

"Sometime after these boys came, the affair appearing with an agreeable aspect, I represented it to Col. Elisha Williams, late Rector of Yale College, and Rev. Messrs. Samuel Moseley, of Windham, and Benjamin Pomeroy, of Hebron, and invited them to join me. They readily accepted the invitation. And Mr. Joshua Moor,[8] late of Mansfield, deceased, appeared, to give a small tenement in this place [Lebanon], for the foundation, use and support of a charity school, for the education of Indian youth, etc." Mr. More's grant contained "about two acres of pasturing, and a small house and shop," near Mr. Wheelock's residence.

[8] Mr. M.'s own orthography is More.

This gentleman was one of the more prominent of the early settlers at Mansfield. He owned and resided upon a large estate on the Willimantic river, a few miles north of the present site of the village bearing that name. There is sufficient evidence to warrant the belief, that the first husband of Mr. More's mother was Mr. Thomas Howard (or Harwood),[13] of Norwich, who was slain in the memorable fight at Narragansett Fort, in December, 1675, and that her maiden name was Mary Wellman. From the church records, he appears to have been of a professedly religious character, as early as 1721. As his residence was in the neighborhood of Mr. Wheelock's early home, and but little farther removed from Lebanon "Crank," as the north parish in that town was styled, Mr. More had ample opportunities for a thorough acquaintance with the person to whom he now generously extended a helping hand. It is not known that this worthy man left any posterity, to perpetuate a name which will be cherished with tender regard, so long as the institution to which he furnished a home, in its infancy, shall have an existence.

In a summary of his work for the eight years, Mr. Wheelock says: "I have had two upon my hands since 1754, four since April, 1757, five since April, 1759, seven since November, 1760, and eleven since August, 1761. And for some time I have had twenty-five, three of the number English youth. One of the Indian lads, Jacob Woolley, is now in his last year at New Jersey College."

There is reason to believe that Occom would have taken a collegiate course, but for the partial failure of his health. On the whole, we are fully warranted in the opinion that, from the outset, Mr. Wheelock designed to have all his missionaries, whether Indian or English, "thoroughly furnished" for their work.

Before closing the "Narrative," he gives an interesting account of material resources.

"The Honorable London Commissioners, hearing of the design, inquired into it, and encouraged it by an allowance of £12 lawful money, by their vote November 12, 1756. And again in the year 1758 they allowed me £20; and in November 4, 1760, granted me an annual allowance of £20 for my assistance; and in October 8, 1761, they granted me £12 towards the support of Isaiah Uncas, son of the Sachem of Mohegan, and £10 more for his support the following year. In October, 1756, I received a legacy of fifty-nine dollars of Mrs. Ann Bingham, of Windham. In July, 1761, I received[14] a generous donation of fifty pounds sterling from the Right Hon. William, Marquis of Lothian; and in November, 1761, a donation of £26 sterling from Mr. Hardy, of London; and in May, 1762, a second donation of £50 sterling from that most honorable and noble lord, the Marquis of Lothian; and, at the same time, £20 sterling from Mr. Samuel Savage, merchant in London; and a collection of ten guineas from the Rev. Dr. A. Gifford, in London; and £10 sterling more from a lady in London, unknown, which is still in the hands of a friend, and to be remitted with some additional advantage, and to be accounted for when received. And, also, for seven years past, I have, one year with another, received about £11 lawful money, annually, interest of subscriptions. And in my journey to Portsmouth last June, I received, in private donations, £66 17s. 7¼d., lawful money. I also received, for the use of this school, a bell of about 80 lb. weight, from a gentleman in London. The Honorable Scotch Commissioners,[9] in and near Boston, understanding and approving of the design of sending for Indian children of remote tribes to be educated here, were the first body, or society, who have led the way in making an attempt for that purpose. While I was in Boston they passed a vote, May 7, 1761, 'that the Reverend Mr. Wheelock, of Lebanon, be desired to fit out David Fowler, an Indian youth, to accompany Mr. Samson Occom, going on a mission to the Oneidas; that said David be supported on said mission for a term not exceeding four months; and that he endeavor, on his return, to bring with him a number of Indian boys, not exceeding three, to be put under Mr. Wheelock's care and instruction, and that £20 be put into Mr. Wheelock's hands to carry this design into execution.' In November, 1761, the Great and General Court or Assembly of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, voted that I should be allowed to take under my care six children of the Six Nations, for education, clothing, and boarding, and be allowed for that purpose, for each of said children, £12 per annum for one year."[10]

[9] Agents of the Scotch "Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge."

[10] For tribes represented in the school, and other donors to the school and college, see Appendix.

[15]

## CHAPTER III.

EDUCATION IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.—ACTION IN REGARD TO A COLLEGE.—TESTIMONIAL OF CONNECTICUT CLERGYMEN.—LEGISLATIVE GRANT TO MR. WHEELOCK.

The importance of education to the welfare of any community, has been duly appreciated by the people of New Hampshire from the earliest periods of her history.

Such an item as the following is worthy of notice:

"At a publique Town Meeting held the 5: 2 mo. 58 [1658,] It is agreed that Twenty pounds per annum shall be yearly rayzed for the mayntenance of a School-master in the Town of Dover."[11] Harvard College being in need of a new building in 1669, the inhabitants of Portsmouth "subscribed sixty pounds, which sum they agreed to pay annually for seven years to the overseers of Harvard College. Dover gave thirty-two pounds, and Exeter ten pounds for the same purpose."[12] Very few towns at the present day are as liberal, in proportion to their ability.

[11] Dover Town Records.

[12] Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, p. 50.

Classical schools were established in all the more populous towns, and these were furnished with competent teachers, who were graduates of Harvard College, or European universities.

In 1758, in the midst of the din and tumult of the French war, we find the clergy—ever among the foremost in laudable enterprise—making an earnest effort for increased facilities for liberal education.

We give official records:

"The Convention of the Congregational Ministers in the Province of New Hampshire, being held at the house of the[16] Rev. Mr. Pike in Somersworth on the 26th day of Sept. 1758: The Rev. Joseph Adams was chosen Moderator." After the sermon and transaction of some business:

"The Convention then taking into consideration the great advantages which may arise, both to the Churches and State from the erecting [an] Academy or College in this Province, unanimously Voted that the following Petition shall be preferred to the Governor, desiring him to grant a Charter for said purpose:

"To his Excellency, Benning Wentworth, Esq., Capt.-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over his Majesty's Province of New Hampshire in New England. May it please your Excellency,—

"We, the Ministers of the Congregational Churches in this Province of New Hampshire under your Excellency's Government now assembled in an Annual Convention in Somersworth, as has been our custom for several years past, the design of which is to pray together for his Majesty and Government, and to consult the interests of religion and virtue, for our mutual assistance and encouragement in our proper business: Beg leave to present a request to your Excellency in behalf of literature, which proceeds, not from any private or party views in us, but our desire to serve the Government and religion by laying a foundation for the best instruction of youth. We doubt not your Excellency is sensible of the great advantages of learning, and the difficulties which attend the education of youth in this Province, by reason of our distance from any of the seats of learning, the discredit of our medium, etc. We have reason to hope that by an interest among our people, and some favor from the Government, we may be able in a little time to raise a sufficient fund for erecting and carrying on an Academy or College within this Province, without prejudice to any other such seminary in neighboring Colonies, provided your Excellency will be pleased to grant to us, a number of us, or any other trustees, whom your Excellency shall think proper to appoint, a good and sufficient charter, by which they may be empowered to choose a President, Professors, Tutors, or other officers, and regulate all matters belonging[17] to such a society. We therefore now humbly petition your Excellency to grant such a charter as may, in the best manner, answer such a design and intrust it with our Committee, viz.: Messrs. Joseph Adams, James Pike, John Moody, Ward Cotton, Nathaniel Gookin, Woodbridge Odlin, Samuel Langdon, and Samuel Haven, our brethren, whom we have now chosen to wait upon your Excellency with this our petition, that we may use our influence with our people to promote so good a design, by generous subscriptions, and that we may farther petition the General Court for such assistance, as they shall think necessary. We are persuaded, if your Excellency will first of all favor us with such a charter, we shall be able soon to make use of it for the public benefit; and that your Excellency's name will forever be remembered with honor. If, after trial, we cannot accomplish it, we promise to return the charter with all thankfulness for your Excellency's good disposition. It is our constant prayer that God would prosper your Excellency's administration, and we beg leave to subscribe ourselves your Excellency's most obedient servants.

Joseph Adams, Moderator.

"Proceedings attested by Samuel Haven, Clerk."

"The Convention of Congregational Ministers in the Province of New Hampshire being held at the house of the Rev. Mr. Joseph Adams in Newington on the 25th of September, 1759, the Rev. Mr. Adams was chosen Moderator. We then went to the house of God. After prayer and a sermon:

"A draught of a charter for a college in this Province being read: Voted, That the said charter is for substance agreeable to the mind of the Convention. Whereas a committee chosen last year to prefer a petition to his Excellency the Governor for a charter of a college in this Province have given a verbal account to this Convention of their proceedings and conversation with the Governor upon said affair, by which, notwithstanding the Governor manifests some unwillingness, at present, to grant a charter agreeable to the Convention, yet there remains some hope, that after maturer consideration and advice of Council, his Excellency will grant such a charter as will be agreeable to us and our people, therefore, Voted, that[18] Rev. Messrs. Joseph Adams, James Pike, Ward Cotton, Samuel Parsons, Nathaniel Gookin, Samuel Langdon, and Samuel Haven, or a major part of them, be and hereby are a Committee of this Convention, to do everything which to them shall appear necessary, in the aforesaid affair, in behalf of this Convention; and, moreover, to consult upon any other measures for promoting the education of youth, and advancing good literature in the Province, and make report to the next Convention.

Attested by Samuel Haven, Clerk."

The Convention was holden at Portsmouth, September 30, 1760, and at the same place in September, 1761, but nothing appears in the proceedings of those years concerning the charter. But at the convention held at Portsmouth, September 28, 1762, the Rev. Mr. John Rogers having been chosen moderator, after prayer and sermon, the following testimonial was laid before the Convention:

"Chelsea, Norwich, July 10, 1762.

"We ministers of the gospel and pastors of churches hereafter mentioned with our names, having, for a number of years past, heard of or seen with pleasure the zeal, courage, and firm resolution of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon, to prosecute to effect a design of spreading the gospel among the natives in the wilds of our America, and especially his perseverance in it, amidst the many peculiar discouragements he had to encounter during the late years of the war here, and upon a plan which appears to us to have the greatest probability of success, namely, by a mission of their own sons; and as we are verily persuaded that the smiles of Divine Providence upon his school, and the success of his endeavors hitherto justly may, and ought, to encourage him and all to believe it to be of God, and that which he will own and succeed for the glory of his great name in the enlargement of the kingdom of our divine Redeemer, as well as for the great benefit of the crown of Great Britain, and especially of his Majesty's dominions in America; so we apprehend the present openings in Providence ought to invite Christians of every denomination to unite their endeavors and to lend a[19] helping hand in carrying on so charitable a design; and we are heartily sorry if party spirit and party differences shall at all obstruct the progress of it; or the old leaven of this land ferment upon this occasion, and give a watchful adversary opportunity so to turn the course of endeavors into another channel as to defeat the design of spreading the gospel among the heathen. To prevent which, and encourage unanimity and zeal in prosecuting the design, we look upon it our duty as Christians, and especially as ministers of the gospel, to give our testimony that, as we verily believe, a disinterested regard to the advancement of the Redeemer's kingdom and the good will of His Majesty's dominions in America, were the governing motives which at first induced the Rev. Mr. Wheelock to enter upon the great affair, and to risk his own private interest, as he has done since, in carrying it on; so we esteem his plan to be good, his measures to be prudently and well concerted, his endowments peculiar, his zeal fervent, his endeavors indefatigable, for the accomplishing this design, and we know no man, like minded, who will naturally care for their state. May God prolong his life, and make him extensively useful in the kingdom of Christ. We have also, some of us, at his desire examined his accounts, and we find that, besides giving in all his own labour and trouble in the affair, he has charged for the support, schooling, etc., of the youth, at the lowest rate it could be done for, as the price of things have been and still are among us; and we apprehend the generous donations already made have been and we are confident will be laid out in the most prudent manner, and with the best advice for the furtherance of the important design: and we pray God abundantly to reward the liberality of many upon this occasion. And we hope the generosity, especially of persons of distinction and note, will be a happy lead and inducement to still greater liberalities, and that in consequence thereof the wide-extended wilderness of America will blossom as the rose, habitations of cruelty become dwelling places of righteousness and the blessing of thousands ready to perish come upon all those whose love to Christ and charity to them has been shown upon this occasion. Which[20] is the hearty prayer of your most sincere friends and humble servants:

Ebenezer Rosetter Pastor of ye 1st Chh: in Stonington.
Joseph Fish Pastor of ye 2d Chh: in Stonington.
Nathl Whitaker Pastor of ye Chh: in Chelsea in Norwich.
Benja Pomeroy Pastor of ye 1st Chh: in Hebron.
Elijah Lothrop Pastor of ye Chh: of Gilead in Hebron.
Nathl Eells Pastor of a Chh: in Stonington.
Mather Byles Pastor of ye First Chh: in New London.
Jona. Barber Pastor of a Chh: in Groton.
Matt. Graves Missionary in New London.
Peter Powers Pastor of the Chh: at Newent in Norwich.
Daniel Kirtland Former Pastor of ye Chh: in Newent Norwich.
Asher Rosetter Pastor of ye 1st Chh: in Preston.
Jabez Wight Pastor of ye 4 Chh: in Norwich.
David Jewett Pastor of a Chh: in New London.
Benja Throop Pastor of a Chh: in Norwich.
Saml Moseley Pastor of a Chh: in Windham.
Stephen White Pastor of a Chh: in Windham.
Richard Salter Pastor of a Chh: in Mansfield.
Timothy Allen Pastor of ye Chh: in Ashford.
Ephraim Little Pastor of ye 1st Chh: in Colchester.
Hobart Estabrook Pastor of a Chh: in East Haddam.
Joseph Fowler Pastor of a Chh: in East Haddam.
Benja Boardman Pastor of a Chh: in Middletown.
John Norton Pastor of a Chh: of Christ in Middletown.
Benja Dunning Pastor of a Chh: of Christ in Marlborough."

"Voted, the Rev. Messrs. Moody, Langdon, Haven, and Foster be a Committee of this Convention to consider and report on the above. Said committee laid the following draft before the Convention, which was unanimously voted and signed by the moderator:

"We, a Convention of Congregational Ministers assembled at Portsmouth, September 28, 1762, having read and considered the foregoing attestation from a number of reverend gentlemen in Connecticut, taking into consideration the many obligations the Supreme Ruler has laid upon Christian churches to promote his cause and enlarge the borders of his[21] kingdom in this land, the signal victories he has granted to our troops, the entire reduction of all Canada, so that a way is now open for the spreading of the light and purity of the gospel among distant savage tribes, and a large field, white unto the harvest, is presented before us; considering the infinite worth of the souls of men, the importance of the gospel to their present and everlasting happiness, and the hopeful prospect that the aboriginal natives will now listen to Christian instruction; considering also the great expense which must unavoidably attend the prosecution of this great design, think ourselves obliged to recommend, in the warmest manner, this subject to the serious consideration of our Christian brethren and the public. It is with gratitude to the Great Head of the Church, who has the hearts of all in his hands, that we observe some hopeful steps taken by the societies founded for the gospelizing the Indians, and the hearts of such numbers, both at home and in this land, have been disposed to bestow their liberalities to enable such useful societies to effect the great ends for which they are founded. But as we wish to see every probable method taken to forward so benevolent and Christian a design, we, therefore, rejoice to find that the Rev. Mr. Wheelock has such a number of Indian youths under his care and tuition; and in that abundant testimony which his brethren in the ministry have borne to his abilities for, and zeal and faithfulness in, this important undertaking. And we do hereby declare our hearty approbation of it, as far as we are capable of judging of an affair carried on at such a distance; and think it our duty to encourage and exhort all Christians to lend a helping hand towards so great and generous an undertaking. We would not, indeed, absolutely dictate this, or any other particular scheme, for civilizing and spreading the gospel among the Indians; but we are persuaded that God demands of the inhabitants of these colonies some returns of gratitude, in this way, for the remarkable success of our arms against Canada, and that peace and security which he has now given us; we must, therefore, rely on the wisdom and prudence of the civil authority to think of it as a matter in which our political interests as well as the glory of God are deeply concerned; and we refer to our churches and[22] all private Christians as peculiarly called to promote the Redeemer's kingdom everywhere, to determine what will be the most effectual methods of forwarding so noble and pious a design, and to contribute, to the utmost of their power, either towards the execution of the plan which the Rev. Mr. Wheelock is pursuing, or that of the corporation erected in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, or any other which may be thought of here or elsewhere, for the same laudable purpose.

John Rogers, Moderator."

The first Legislative action in New Hampshire relative to Mr. Wheelock's work is also worthy of notice. The following is from the Journal of the House of Representatives:

"June 17, 1762, Voted, that the Hon. Henry Sherburne and Mishech Weare, Esquires, Peter Gilman, Clement March, Esq., Capt. Thomas W. Waldron, and Capt. John Wentworth be a committee to consider of the subject-matter of Rev. Mr. Eleazar Wheelock's memorial for aid for his school." This committee made a favorable report, saying: "We think it incumbent on this province to do something towards promoting so good an undertaking," and recommending a grant of fifty pounds sterling per annum for five years. The action of the Legislature was in accordance with this report. Later records, however, indicate that the grant was not continued after the first, or possibly the second, year. Gov. Benning Wentworth, after careful investigation, gave his official sanction to the action of his associates, in aid of Mr. Wheelock.

[23]

## CHAPTER IV.

A COLLEGE CONTEMPLATED BY MR. WHEELOCK.—LORD DARTMOUTH.—OCCOM AND WHITAKER IN GREAT BRITAIN.

Mr. Wheelock held relations more or less intimate with the leading educational institutions of the country. But his favorite college was at Princeton, New Jersey, far removed from his own residence. A warm friendship subsisted between him and many of its officers, and thither he sent most of his students for a considerable period. The inconvenience of doing this, may have suggested the idea of a college in connection with his school. However this may have been, nothing short of a college could satisfy him. The following letter, written in April, 1763, needs no further preface:

"TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL JEFFREY AMHERST, BARONET.

"May it please your Excellency,—The narrative herewith inclosed, gives your Excellency some short account of the success of my feeble endeavors, through the blessing of God upon them, in the affair there related.

"Your Excellency will easily see, that if the number of youth in this school continues to increase, as it has done, and as our prospects are that it will do, we shall soon be obliged to build to accommodate them and accordingly to determine upon the place where to fix it, and I would humbly submit to your Excellency's consideration the following proposal, viz.: That a tract of land, about fifteen or twenty miles square, or so much as shall be sufficient for four townships, on the west side of Susquehannah river, or in some other place more convenient in the heart of the Indian country, be granted in favor of this school: That said townships be peopled with a chosen number of inhabitants of known honesty, integrity, and such as love and will be kind to, and honest in their dealings with Indians. That a thousand acres of, and within said grant, be given to[24] this school, and that the school be an academy for all parts of useful learning; part of it to be a college for the education of missionaries, interpreters, schoolmasters, etc.; and part of it a school to teach reading, writing, etc., and that there be manufactures for the instruction both of males and females, in whatever shall be necessary in life, and proper tutors, masters, and mistresses be provided for the same. That those towns be furnished with ministers of the best characters, and such as are of ability, when incorporated with a number of the most understanding of the inhabitants, to conduct the affairs of the school, and of such missions as they shall have occasion and ability for, from time to time. That there be a sufficient number of laborers upon the lands belonging to the school; and that the students be obliged to labor with them, and under their direction and conduct, so much as shall be necessary for their health, and to give them an understanding of husbandry; and those who are designed for farmers, after they have got a sufficient degree of school learning, to labor constantly, and the school to have all the benefit of their labor, and they the benefit of being instructed therein, till they are of an age and understanding sufficient to set up for themselves, and introduce husbandry among their respective tribes; and that there be a moderate tax upon all the granted lands, after the first ten or fifteen years, and also some duty upon mills, etc., which shall not be burdensome to the inhabitants, for the support of the school, or missionaries among the Indians, etc. By this means much expense, and many inconveniences occasioned by our great distance from them, would be prevented, our missionaries be much better supported and provided for, especially in case of sickness, etc. Parents and children would be more contented, being nearer to one another, and likely many would be persuaded to send their children for an education, who are now dissuaded from it only on account of the great distance of the school from them.

"The bearer, Mr. C. J. S.,[13] is able, if your Excellency desires it, to give you a more full and particular account of the present state of this school, having been for some time the master and instructor of it, and is now designed, with the leave of Providence, the ensuing summer, to make an excursion[25] as a missionary among the Indians, with an interpreter from this school.

"And by him your Excellency may favor me with your thoughts on what I have proposed.

"I am, with sincerest duty and esteem, may it please your Excellency, your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,

Eleazar Wheelock."

[13] Charles J. Smith.

In 1764, the Scotch Society, already referred to, manifested increasing interest in Mr. Wheelock's work, by appointing a Board of Correspondents, selected from gentlemen of high standing, in Connecticut, to coöperate with him.

We here insert entire, Mr. Wheelock's first letter to Lord Dartmouth:

"TO THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.

"Lebanon, Connecticut, New England, March 1, 1764.

"May it please your Lordship,—

"It must be counted amongst the greatest favors of God to a wretched world, and that which gives abundant joy to the friends of Zion, that among earthly dignities there are those who cheerfully espouse the sinking cause of the great Redeemer, and whose hearts and hands are open to minister supplies for the support and enlargement of His kingdom in the world.

"As your Lordship has been frequently mentioned with pleasure by the lovers of Christ in this wilderness, and having fresh assurance of the truth of that fame of yours, by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, from his own acquaintance with your person and character, and being encouraged and moved thereto by him, I am now emboldened, without any other apology for myself than that which the nature of the case itself carries in its very front, to solicit your Lordship's favorable notice of, and friendship towards, a feeble attempt to save the swarms of Indian natives in this land from final and eternal ruin, which must unavoidably be the issue of those poor, miserable creatures, unless God shall mercifully interpose with His blessing upon endeavors to prevent it.

"The Indian Charity School, under my care (a narrative of which, herewith transmitted, humbly begs your Lordship's[26] acceptance), has met with such approbation and encouragement from gentlemen of character and ability, at home and abroad, and such has been the success of endeavors hitherto used therein, as persuade us more and more that it is of God, and a device and plan which, under his blessing, has a greater probability of success than any that has yet been attempted. By the blessing and continual care of heaven, it has lived, and does still live and flourish, without any other fund appropriated to its support than that great one, in the hands of Him, whose the earth is, and the fullness thereof.

"And I trust there is no need to mention any other considerations to prove your Lordship's compassions, or invite your liberality on this occasion, than those which their piteous and perishing case does of itself suggest, when once your Lordship shall be well satisfied of a proper and probable way to manifest and express the same with success. Which I do with the utmost cheerfulness submit to your Lordship, believing your determination therein to be under the direction of Him who does all things well. And, if the nature and importance of the case be not esteemed sufficient excuse for the freedom and boldness I have assumed, I must rely upon your Lordship's innate goodness to pardon him who is, with the greatest duty and esteem, my lord,

"Your Lordship's most obedient,
"And most humble servant,

"Eleazar Wheelock."

It is interesting to observe here the agency of Mr. Wheelock's old and intimate friend, Whitefield. As early as 1760, after alluding to efforts in his behalf in Great Britain, he wrote to Mr. Wheelock:

"Had I a converted Indian scholar, that could preach and pray in English, something might be done to purpose."

After much deliberation, Mr. Wheelock determined to send Mr. Occom and Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker of Norwich, who was deeply interested in his work, to solicit the charities of British Christians, with a purpose of more extended operations.

They left this country late in 1765, carrying testimonials from a large number of eminent civilians and divines.[27]

The following letter indicates that they were cordially welcomed in England:

"London, February 2, 1766.

My dear Mr. Wheelock,—This day three weeks I had the pleasure of seeing Mr. Whitaker and Mr. Occom. On their account, I have deferred my intended journey into the country all next week. They have been introduced to, and dined with the Daniel of the age, viz., the truly noble Lord Dartmouth. Mr. Occom is also to be introduced by him to his Majesty, who intends to favor their design with his bounty. A short memorial for the public is drawn, which is to be followed with a small pamphlet. All denominations are to be applied to, and therefore no mention is made of any particular commissioners or corresponding committees whatsoever. It would damp the thing entirely. Cashiers are to be named, and the moneys collected are to be deposited with them till drawn for by yourself. Mr. Occom hath preached for me with acceptance, and also Mr. Whitaker. They are to go round the other denominations in a proper rotation. As yet everything looks with a promising aspect. I have procured them suitable lodgings. I shall continue to do everything that lies in my power. Mr. S.[14] is providentially here,—a fast friend to your plan and his dear country.

"I wish you joy of the long wished for, long prayed for repeal, and am, my dear Mr. Wheelock,

"Yours, etc., in our glorious Head,

"George Whitefield."

[14] Mr. John Smith, of Boston.

We are now introduced to Mr. Wheelock's most valuable coadjutor, the son of Mark Hunking Wentworth,—another active and earnest friend:

"Bristol, [England,] 16th Dec., 1766.

"The Rev. Mr. Whitaker having requested my testimony of an institution forming in America, under the name of an Indian School, for which purpose many persons on that continent and in Europe have liberally contributed, and he is now soliciting the further aid of all denominations of people in this kingdom to complete the proposed plan, I do therefore[28] certify, whomsoever it may concern, that the said Indian School appears to me to be formed upon principles of extensive benevolence and unfeigned piety; that the moneys already collected have been justly applied to this and no other use. From repeated information of many principal gentlemen in America, and from my own particular knowledge of local circumstances, I am well convinced that the charitable contributions afforded to this design will be honestly and successfully applied to civilize and recover the savages of America from their present barbarous paganism.

"J. Wentworth,
"Governor of New Hampshire."

The annals of philanthropy unfold few things bolder or more romantic in conception, or grander in execution, or sublimer in results than this most memorable, most successful pilgrimage. The unique, but magnetic, marvelous eloquence of this regenerated son of the forest, as he passed from town to town, and city to city, over England and Scotland, engaged the attention and opened the hearts of all classes—the clergy, the nobility, and the peasantry. The names of the men and women and children, who gave of their abundance or their poverty, primarily and apparently to civilize and evangelize their wild and savage brethren across the sea, but ultimately and really to found one of the most solid and beautiful temples of Christian and secular learning, in the Western hemisphere, deserve affectionate and perpetual remembrance, along with those of their kindred, who in a preceding century dedicated their whole treasure upon Plymouth Rock.

With sincere regret that we have not the name of every donor, yet with devout gratitude for the preservation of so full a record, we append the original list of donors in England, as prepared and published at the time, by Lord Dartmouth and his associates.[15]

[15] See Appendix.

Never was more timely aid given to a worthy cause. When Mr. Wheelock's agents went abroad he had a school of about thirty, and an empty treasury. These funds gave him present comfort, and enabled him to effect the long-desired removal.

[29]

## CHAPTER V.

SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON.—EXPLORATIONS FOR A LOCATION. ADVICE OF ENGLISH TRUSTEES.

Mr. Wheelock was in friendly correspondence, for several years, with Sir William Johnson, the distinguished Indian agent and superintendent, who resided in the province of New York, near the Six Nations. Through his agency, the famous Mohawk, Joseph Brant, was sent to Mr. Wheelock's school. After enjoying some opportunities for an estimate of his abilities and character, Mr. Wheelock speaks of him in highly complimentary terms, as a gentleman, "whose understanding and influence in Indian affairs, is, I suppose, greater than any other man's, and to whose indefatigable and successful labors to settle and secure a peace with the several tribes, who have been at war with us, our land and nation are under God chiefly indebted."

In September, 1762, Mr. Wheelock writes to Sir William: "I understand that some of our people are about to settle on a new purchase on Susquehannah river. It may be a door may open for my design on that purchase." He also intimates that he desires to set up the school in his neighborhood. This plan does not meet Sir William's approval, but in January, 1763, Mr. Wheelock addresses him again, saying: "Gov. Wentworth has offered a tract of land in the western part of the province of New Hampshire which he is now settling, for the use of the school if we will fix it there, and there has been some talk of fixing it in one of the new townships in the province of the Massachusetts which lie upon New York line near Albany. I much want to consult your Honor in the affair." Mr. Wheelock's confidence in his friend having been strengthened by the receipt of several cordial letters,[30] and other circumstances, he writes to him, July 4, 1766: "I apprehend you are able above any man in this land to serve the grand design in view," desiring to "act in every step" agreeable to his mind, and informing him that he has sent his son, with Dr. Pomeroy, to confer with him about a location for the school. He also refers to "arguments offered to carry it into the Southern governments." But Mr. Johnson did not see fit to invite the settlement of the school in the neighborhood of the Six Nations, deeming it unwise, apparently, to encourage a movement which might be regarded by them as an invasion of their territory, especially if they were asked to give lands to the school. This decision virtually determined the location. If Mr. Wheelock could not follow his old neighbors and friends to the westward, and plant himself beside the great Indian Confederacy, he must turn his attention to the northward, where other neighbors and friends were settling within easy reach of the far-extended Indian tribes of Canada. Other localities, as we shall see hereafter, presented some inducements, but they were all of minor importance. Hence, when his agents returned from Great Britain placing the long-desired funds for the accomplishment of his purposes in his hands, we may well imagine that Mr. Wheelock gladly turned toward that worthy magistrate, who had already shown "a willing heart," for more aid.

In the meantime, Mr. Wheelock was giving the matter of a location his most earnest and careful attention. In a letter to Mr. Whitefield, dated September 4, 1766, he says: "We cannot get land enough on Hudson river." Nor has he any more hope of success on the Mohawk. "Large offers have been made in the new settlements on Connecticut river. It is likely that near twenty thousand acres would be given in their several towns." After stating that "Col. Willard" has made generous offers of lands, "on Sugar river," he says: "that location would be the most inviting of any part of that country. Samuel Stevens, Esq., offers two thousand acres to have it at No. 4. Col. Chandler offers two thousand acres in the centre of the town of Chester, opposite to No. 4, nine miles from the River. The situation of Wyoming, on Susquehannah river, is very convenient."[16] A few months later,[31] General Schuyler earnestly advocated the claims of Albany as a favorable location.

[16] See Appendix.

But Mr. Wheelock's friends were very unwilling that he should leave Connecticut. Windham and Hebron[17] made earnest efforts to obtain the school. We quote from Lebanon parish records:

[17] See Appendix.

"At a legal and full meeting of the Inhabitants, legal voters of the second society in Lebanon [now Columbia], in Connecticut, held in said society on the 29th day of June, Anno Domini 1767, We made choice of Mr. James Pinneo to be moderator of said meeting, and passed the following votes, nemine contradicente:

"1. That we desire the Indian Charity School now under the care of the Rev. Mr. Eleazar Wheelock, may be fixed to continue in this society: provided it may consist with the interest and prosperity of said School.

"2. That as we have a large and convenient house for public and divine Worship, we will accommodate the members of said school with such convenient seats in said house as we shall be able.

"3. That the following letter be presented to the Rev. Mr. Eleazar Wheelock, by Messrs. Israel Woodward, James Pinneo, and Asahel Clark, Jun., in the name and behalf of this society; and that they desire him to transmit a copy of the same, with the votes foregoing, to the Right Honorable the Earl of Dartmouth, and the rest of those Honorable and Worthy Gentlemen in England who have condescended to patronize said school; and to whom the establishment of the same is committed.

"The Inhabitants of the Second Society in Lebanon in Connecticut to the Rev. Mr. Eleazar Wheelock, Pastor of said Society.

"Rev. and ever dear Pastor,—As you are witness to our past care and concern for the success of your most pious and charitable undertaking in favor of the poor perishing Indians on this continent, we are confident you will not be displeased at our addressing you on this occasion; but that you would rather think it strange if we should altogether hold our peace[32] at such a time as this; when we understand it is still in doubt both with yourself and friends where to fix your school; whether at Albany or more remote among the Indian tribes, in this society where it was first planted, or in some other part of this colony proposed for its accommodation.

"We have some of us heard most of the arguments offered for its removal, and however plausible they appear we are not at all convinced of their force, or that it is expedient, everything considered, it should be removed, nor do we think we have great reason to fear the event, only we would not be wanting as to our duty in giving such hints in favor of its continuance here as naturally and easily occur to our minds, for we have that confidence in you and the friends of the design, that you will not be easily carried away with appearances: but will critically observe the secret springs of those generous offers, made in one place and another, (some of which are beyond what we can pretend to,) whether some prospect of private emolument be not at the bottom; or whether they will finally prove more kind to your pious institution as such considered, (whatever their pretenses may be,) than they have been or at present appear to be to the Redeemer's Kingdom in general. We trust this institution, so well calculated to the advancement of its interest, will flourish best among the Redeemer's friends; and although with respect to ourselves we have little to boast as to friendship to our divine Redeemer or his interest, yet this we are sure of, that he has been very kind to us, in times past, and we trust has made you the instrument of much good to us, and to lay a foundation for it to succeeding generations; we humbly hope God has been preparing an habitation for himself here, and has said of it, this is my resting place, here will I dwell forever, (not because they deserved it,) but because I have desired it, and where God is pleased to dwell, under his influence your institution (which we trust is of Him) may expect to live and thrive. We desire it may be considered that this is its birth place, here it was kindly received, and nourished when no other door was set open to it—here it found friends when almost friendless, yea when despised and contemned abroad—its friends are now increased here as well as elsewhere, and[33] although by reason of our poverty and the hardness of the times, our subscriptions are small compared with what some others may boast, being at present but about £810 lawful money, yet there are here some other privileges which we think very valuable and serviceable to the design, viz. 400 acres of very fertile and good land, about forty acres of which are under improvement, and the remainder well set with choice timber and fuel, and is suitably proportioned for the various branches of Husbandry which will much accommodate the design as said land is situated within about half a mile of our Meeting House, and may be purchased for fifty shillings lawful money per acre. There is also several other small parcels of land suitably situate for building places for the use of the school to be sold at a reasonable rate. We have also a beautiful building place for said school within a few rods of said meeting house, adjacent to which is a large and pleasant Green: and we are confident that wood, provisions, and clothing, etc., which will be necessary for the school, may be had here not only now, but in future years, at as low a rate as in any place in the colony, or in any other place where it has been proposed to settle your school. These privileges, we think, are valuable and worthy your consideration, and also of those honourable and worthy gentlemen in England to whom you have committed the decision of the affair, and from the friendly disposition which has so many years past and does still reign in our breasts towards it, we think it may be presumed we shall from time to time be ready to minister to its support as occasion shall require and our circumstances permit. We take the liberty further to observe that such has hitherto been the peace and good order (greatly through your instrumentality), obtaining among us that the members of your school have all along been as free from temptations to any vicious courses or danger of fatal error as perhaps might be expected they would be on any spot of this universally polluted globe.

"Here, dear sir, your school has flourished remarkably. It has grown apace; from small beginnings how very considerable has it become; an evidence that the soil and climate suit the institution—if you transplant it you run a risk of stinting[34] its growth, perhaps of destroying its very life, or at least of changing its nature and missing the pious aim you have all along had in view; a danger which scarce needs to be hinted, as you are sensible it has been the common fate of institutions of this kind that charitable donations have been misapplied and perverted to serve purposes very far from or contrary to those the pious donors had in view; such is the subtilty of the old serpent that he will turn all our weapons against ourselves if possible. Aware of this, you have all along appeared to decline and even detest all such alliances and proposals as were calculated for, or seemed to promise any private emolument to your self or your friends. This, we trust, is still your prevailing temper, and rejoice to hear that your friends and those who are intrusted with the affair in England are exactly in the same sentiments, happy presage not only of the continuance of the institution itself but we hope of its immutability as to place. One thing more we beg leave to mention (not to tire your patience with the many that occur), viz. if you remove the school from us, you, at the same time, take away our Minister, the light of our eyes and joy of our hearts, under whose ministrations we have sat with great delight; whose labors have been so acceptable, and we trust profitable, for a long time; must, then, our dear and worthy Pastor and his pious institution go from us together? Alas, shall we be deprived of both in one day? We are sensible that we have abused such privileges and have forfeited them; and at God's bar we plead guilty—we pray Him to give us repentance and reformation, and to lengthen out our happy state; we own the justice of God in so heavy losses, if they must be inflicted; and even in the removal of our Candlestick out of its place, but we can't bear the thought that you our Dear Pastor and the dear friends to your pious institution should become the executioners of such a vengeance. However, we leave the matter with you, and are with much duty and filial regard, dear sir, Your very humble servants or rather obedient children.

"By order of said Society,

Israel Woodward,
James Pinneo,
Asahel Clark, Jr."

"June 29, 1767."

[35]This interesting document bears the same date with Mr. Wheelock's Doctorate in Divinity, from the University of Edinburgh.

Dr. Wheelock, appreciating the importance of a better knowledge of the comparative advantages of the various proposed locations, finally determined to commission trustworthy agents, to make thorough explorations. We give his language, in substance:

"Lebanon, Connecticut, July 20, 1768.

"Whereas the number in my Indian Charity School is now, by the blessing of God, become so large as that it is necessary the place where to fix it should be speedily determined, and so many and generous have been the offers made for that purpose by gentlemen of character and distinction in several neighboring governments, I do, therefore, hereby authorize and appoint the Rev. Mr. Ebenezer Cleaveland, of Gloucester, in the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and my son, Ralph Wheelock (while the Rev. Dr. Whitaker is performing the like part in Pennsylvania) in my name and stead, to wait upon his Excellency John Wentworth, Esq., Governor of New Hampshire, and his associates in office, to know what countenance and encouragement they will give to accommodate and endow said school, in case it should be fixed in the western part of that province."

Deep interest in Dr. Wheelock's work being manifested by Rev. Thomas Allen and others, at Pittsfield; Timothy Woodbridge and others, at Stockbridge;[18] and Abraham J. Lansing, the founder of Lansingburg,[19] and many others in that Province, they were also instructed to extend their explorations to Western Massachusetts and to New York.

[18] See Appendix.

[19] See Appendix.

The following is the material portion of Mr. Cleaveland's report:

"I waited upon his Excellency John Wentworth, Esq., Governor of New Hampshire. He appeared very friendly to the design—promised to grant a township, six miles square, to the use of the school, provided it should be fixed in that[36] Province, and that he would use his influence that his Majesty should give the quit-rents to the school, to be free from charge of fees except for surveying. Esquire Whiting, the Deputy Surveyor, being present, offered his assistance to look out the township and survey it, and give the service to the school. His Excellency the Governor recommended him to me for that purpose (since which, we found Landaff, a good township, to have forfeited the charter, of which we advised the Governor, and were informed [that] he promised to reserve it for the school). After spending a few days on our way with gentlemen of the lower towns, who appeared universally desirous that the school should come into that Province, and were generous in their offers to encourage the same, but proposed their donations, generally, where their interests in land lay we proceeded to Plymouth, Romney, and Compton, where Mr. Whiting left me. Five thousand acres of land were proposed to be given, on condition the school be fixed in either of these towns. Seventy-five pounds sterling and twenty thousand feet of boards (besides land) are offered on condition it should be fixed in Compton. The arguments used for fixing the school here are—'t is the centre of that province; good and easy portage by land and water to Portsmouth and Newbury; but twenty-seven miles further than Connecticut river from the Indians.

"From thence I travelled to Cohos, on Connecticut river; the inhabitants of that new country were universally much engaged to have the school fixed there, both from a respect to Dr. Wheelock's person and a regard to the general design; it would be too lengthy to mention the particular offers that were generously made. Besides what has been already mentioned, upwards of sixteen thousand acres are already subscribed, chiefly by gentlemen of the most noted and public characters in the Province of New Hampshire; and more is subscribing to have it fixed in the country of Cohos. Besides which, large subscriptions have been made and are still making which centre in particular towns, the principal of which and those where I was advised, and thought proper to take the most particular view, were Haverhill and Orford. These places are about equally distant from Portsmouth, ninety-two miles,[37] thirty of which is good water carriage, the rest may be made a good wagon road. In this new country there are more than two hundred towns chartered, settled, and about to settle, and generally of a religious people, which do, and soon will, want ministers; and they have no college or public seminary of learning for that purpose in that Province, which want they apprehend may be supplied by this school without any disadvantage to, or interfering in the least, with the general design of it. These places are situate about forty miles nearer to the Six Nations than the place where the school now is; they are about one hundred miles from Mount Royal and about sixty from Crown Point; and, perhaps, about sixty from the Indians at St. Francis, to whom there is water portage by Connecticut and St. Francis Rivers, except a mile or two; there is also water carriage from hence by the Lakes and St. Lawrence River, etc., by the Six Nations and the tribes many hundred miles west, except very small land carriages. Population in this new country is very rapid, and will doubtless be much more so if the Doctor should remove there with his school, and their lands will soon bear a great price. From hence I went with Mr. John Wright (whom the Doctor sent to accompany me in my further inquiry) to Hatfield, in the Province of the Massachusetts; and found gentlemen there universally desirous to have the school fixed in Berkshire County in the western part of that Province."

This region was visited by them, as well as New York. During the autumn of 1768, by commission of Dr. Wheelock, Mr. Cleaveland, in company with Mr. Allen Mather, also attended a large "Congress" of several Indian tribes, at Fort Stanwix. In his report, after referring to friendly conference with other chiefs, he says: "I also saw one from Caghnawaga near Montreal, who desired to know if he could get his son into Dr. Wheelock's school, and manifested a great desire to send him. I told him there was talk of the school's going to Cohos. He said if it should be fixed there, he believed that many of that tribe would send their children to it."[20] This Canadian chief's statement was considered, most carefully, by Dr. Wheelock. The proper documents were forwarded[38] with the least practicable delay to the English Trustees, and elicited the following response:

[20] See Appendix.

"London, 3d April, 1769.

"Reverend Sir:—Last week we received your letters of the 22d and 23d December, 1768, and 10th of January, 1769; and being convinced how necessary it is for the prosperity of your pious institution, as well as for the peace of your own mind, that a place should be fixed upon for the future establishment of your school as soon as possible, we have attentively considered the report of Mr. Ebenezer Cleaveland, whom you employed to take a view of the several spots proposed for that purpose, together with the other papers which have now and heretofore been transmitted to us relative to that matter; and, upon weighing the several generous offers and proposals that have been made to you by gentlemen of different governments for the benevolent purpose of promoting the important design of your institution, and the reasons that have been offered or have occurred to us in support of each, we are unanimously of opinion that the most advantageous situation for carrying on the great purposes of your school, will be in one of the townships belonging to the District of Cowas, in the Government of New Hampshire, agreeable to the proposal of Governor Wentworth and the gentlemen who have generously expressed their intention of contributing to that design; but whether Haverhill or Orford may be the most eligible for this purpose, we must leave to your judgment to determine. According to the best information we can procure of the state of those towns, we think you may possibly give the preference to the former, especially if the farm which you mention as very convenient for an immediate supply of provisions, can be procured upon reasonable terms.

"We found our opinion, principally, upon this reason, that it appears to us that Cowas is the most central of the situations that have been proposed between the Indians of the Six Nations, on the one hand, and those of St. Francis and of the other tribes to the eastward, on the other; and that it is not inferior to any of the rest in other respects. For this reason,[39] we cannot but recommend to you to accept the offers of Governor Wentworth and the Gentlemen in New Hampshire. And we heartily pray that the same good Providence which has so remarkably blessed your undertaking hitherto, may continue to protect and prosper it in its farther progress, and may prolong your life, that you may have the satisfaction to see it fixed upon such a plan as may afford a reasonable hope of answering all the good purposes you have in view.

"We are, Reverend Sir,
"Your most obedient servants,

Dartmouth,
S. S. Smythe,
Samuel Roffey,
John Thornton,
Daniel West,
Charles Hardy,
Samuel Savage,
Jos. Robarts,
Robert Keen."

"Received August 10, 1769."

[40]

## CHAPTER VI.

A COLLEGE CHARTER.

The long-protracted efforts of Mr. Wheelock,[21] to provide legal safeguards for donations in aid of his great work, now demand careful attention.

[21] It will be observed that the appropriate title, at the period under consideration, is given to the founder of the college here as elsewhere in this work.

The deed of Mr. Joshua More, conveying two acres of land with buildings attached, was dated July 17, 1755, a short time previous to his death. Mr. Wheelock now placed himself in confidential relations with two eminent lawyers in New York, William Smith, and his son William Smith, Jr., the latter of whom, perhaps, may be said to have left his impress upon the Constitution of the United States, through his distinguished pupil, Gouverneur Morris. The correspondence, at first, seems to have been chiefly with Mr. Smith, Senior. August 6, 1755, he writes to Mr. Wheelock: "The means for the accomplishment of so charitable a design seem at present very imperfect." He suggests, that there is "no incorporation" of Mr. Wheelock and the other gentlemen to whom Mr. More conveyed the property; that the deed contains "no consideration;" and that the estate is at most only "for life." He advises Mr. Wheelock, at least, to procure a better deed, which was afterwards executed by Mrs. More. The death of Mr. Wheelock's most influential and valuable associate trustee, ex-President Williams, only a few days after the conveyance by Mr. More, was a severe loss, and a temporary embarrassment to his associates. But Mr. Wheelock determined to proceed in his efforts for an incorporation, relying mainly upon the dictates of his own judgment for direction. After the lapse of some five years, in February, 1760, he[41] gives the results to Mr. Smith, in language of which the following is the substance: "We sent home some years ago for the royal favor of a Charter. Lord Halifax approved the design, but [to save expense] advised, instead of a Charter, the establishment of the school by a law of Connecticut Colony, and promised that when sent there it should be ratified in Council, which he supposed would be as sufficient as any act there. Hereupon I attended our Assembly, in May, 1758, with a memorial, the prayer of which was granted by the House of Representatives; the Governor and Council negatived it, upon the ground that their action would not be valid, if ratified in England, beyond this Colony, and that a corporation within a corporation might be troublesome, as Yale College had sometimes been. I am since informed that the Earl of Dartmouth has promised, if the matter shall be put into a proper channel, to undertake and go through with it at his own expense."

Thus it appears that Lord Dartmouth was desirous of aiding Mr. Wheelock by his influence, and otherwise, long before being asked by him for pecuniary aid. In explanation of the governor's objections, it should be stated, that Mr. Wheelock desired such an incorporation as would enable him to locate his school in any of the American Colonies, and that there was just at that period an earnest contest between the corporation of Yale College, led by President Clap, and the Colonial government, in regard to the control of that institution.

Nothing having been accomplished in the meantime, Mr. Wheelock writes in July, 1763, to his friend, Dr. Erskine, as follows: "Governor Fitch privately proposes my removing my prayer for an incorporation from this government [Connecticut]. It is likely we shall delay, it till we see the success of our suit for the Royal favor." In September following, he writes to his friend, Mr. De Berdt, in London, that he has sent to him "materials, by General Lyman[22] and Colonel Dyer,"[23] to enable him to "make application for an incorporation." Unsuccessful as before in England, for reasons which will become more apparent hereafter, in May, 1764, we find[42] Mr. Wheelock petitioning the Connecticut Assembly "to incorporate" six gentlemen of the Colony, including George Wyllis, of Hartford, and himself, as legal guardians of his school. But he did not procure the long-desired incorporation.

[22] The distinguished Gen. Phineas Lyman.

[23] Hon. Eliphalet Dyer, of Windham.

In 1765, being about to send solicitors of charity on a larger scale to England, Mr. Wheelock decided to make yet one more effort there for an act of incorporation. A letter from Mr. Smith, written evidently about this time, no date being attached, contains advice to Mr. Wheelock in which we trace one of the most prominent features of the Charter. He proposes, in substance: "an application to the King for a short Charter incorporating. First, A sett of gentlemen in the Colonies near Mr. Wheelock, who shall have all the power of a corporation, as to managing estates, supplying vacancies, etc. Second, Another sett in England and elsewhere in Europe, who, shall be correspondents of the first sett, and only have the general power of securing donations to be transferred to them."

Lord Dartmouth and the other gentlemen in England who were constituted, by Mr. Wheelock, a Board of Trust for the moneys collected in that country, by Messrs. Occom and Whitaker, seem to have thought this private incorporation amply sufficient for the security of these funds. In writing to Mr. Keen, in November, 1767, Mr. (now Dr.) Wheelock alludes to the fact that this gentleman had expressed an opinion that his successor should be "in all respects accountable to the present Trust." Although dissenting from this opinion, Dr. Wheelock seems to have been prudent and conciliatory in his intercourse with his worthy benefactors, wisely deeming it an object of primary importance to raise the requisite funds for his operations.

Messrs. Occom and Whitaker having fulfilled their mission abroad, and generous promises of aid having been made by Governor Wentworth, we find Dr. Wheelock, in October, 1768, writing to him as follows: "As soon as the place to fix the school shall have been determined to be in your Province, I will appoint your Excellency, or the Governor for the time being, to be a Trustee on this side the water till a legal incorporation may be obtained." This shows that Dr.[43] Wheelock was not averse to a judicious admixture of the clerical and lay elements in the Board of Trust, although the Trustees named in his will, the germ of the charter, were clergymen.

The suggestion seems to have been most kindly received by Governor Wentworth. Dr. Wheelock now determined to avail himself of the aid of his firm and valuable friend, Rev. Dr. Langdon, of Portsmouth. A letter from him to this gentleman is as follows:

"Lebanon, April 7, 1769.

"Reverend and dear Sir,—Yours by Captain Cushman is safe arrived, and I have considered the contents. And for several reasons I am of opinion that it will be best that the Trustees be the same for the present, as I have already appointed in my will, which I have made at the desire of the Trust in England, whose names were, with the will, some time ago transmitted to them. The affair is very delicate, and as such must be conducted, or it will disgust those worthy gentlemen, and overset all. Their sentiments of an incorporation have been differing from mine. They have insisted that I should conduct the whole affair without one, and that my successor should be nominated and appointed by my will. Experience, they think, has fully taught them that, by means of an incorporation, such designs become jobs, and are soon ruined thereby. They choose to hold the moneys collected there in their own hands for this purpose, and accordingly have publicly declared their Trust of the same under their hands and seals, and have disposed of it, as their wisdom directed, for the benefit of the school. I have, therefore, after much study and consultation in the affair, appointed two setts of Trustees, namely, those in England who have voluntarily condescended to make themselves so, to take care of whatever concerns the object in view on that side the water; and a sett in this vicinity, to take care of and perform whatever shall concern it on this side. I have appointed a successor, to take care of the school, etc., only till he shall be approved and confirmed by the concurrence of both setts of Trustees, or till they all agree in another, nominated by either and approved by both, each sett to have power to supply vacancies[44] in their Trust, made by death or resignation, by the major vote of the survivors; something like this I conceive will be most agreeable to the Right Honorable, Honorable, and generous benefactors who have accepted the Trust in England, and I apprehend it will make the design popular and respectable.

"The Trustees here will hold and have the disposal of lands given in America for this use; and I apprehend it will be proper for his Majesty's Governor of the Province for the time being to be a Trustee, but at present I have not light enough to determine a propriety in making his Majesty himself one on this side the water.

"I have several reasons, which appear to me weighty, for having the body of the Trustees first incorporated in this vicinity.

"1. They will be at hand to conduct the affairs of the school, missionaries, schoolmasters, etc., till I can get settled in the wilderness, which will be impracticable, if they are at the distance of Portsmouth.

"2. Several of the Trustees talk of removing with me to settle in that vicinity; and if so, they may for a time act as a committee, till a sufficient number suitable for that Trust shall be settled (as you will observe will be expedient) near to the school.

"3. Till this be done, my connections will likely be such as will oblige me to make frequent visits to these parts, where we may have a full meeting of the Board without any expense.

"4. Gentlemen here have been so much concerned in Indian affairs, that I suppose it not to be immodest to say ceteris paribus, they are at present better qualified to act therein than those who will have to encounter a thousand dangers and difficulties before unthought of.

"5. By having the body corporate here, I can claim a valuable subscription of £400 or £500 for the use and support of the school, payable as soon as it becomes a body corporate, besides a tenement in this place, given for the same purpose.

"If the school should once be settled in those parts, it is likely population will proceed with much greater rapidity than ever, and the whole will be soon effected.

"I design to consult some gentlemen of the law relative to[45] an incorporation, and get a rough draught made, with a view to save time if the School should be fixed in your Province. Please to discourse his Excellency of thoughts I have here suggested, and transmit such remarks as he shall please to make thereon. Please to commend my respects suitably to him, and accept the same yourself from, reverend and dear sir,

Your Friend and Brother, etc.,
"Eleazar Wheelock."

"Colonel Wyllis and Esquire Ledyard," of Hartford, were among Dr. Wheelock's legal advisers in 1768, and probably at this period.

June 7, 1769, we find Dr. Wheelock addressing Governor Wentworth as follows:

"I have been making some attempt to form a Charter, in which some proper respect may be shown to those generous benefactors in England who have condescended to patronize this school, and I want to be informed whether you think it consistent to make the Trust in England a distinct corporation, with power to hold real estate, etc., for the uses and purposes of this school."

But the impress of Governor Wentworth does not appear till a somewhat later period. August 22, 1769, Dr. Wheelock informs him that he is about to present him a "rough draught" of a Charter, for an "Academy," adding this somewhat significant postscript: "Sir, if you think proper to use the word College instead of Academy in the Charter, I shall be well pleased with it."

Dr. Wheelock's son-in-law, Mr. Alexander Phelps, and Rev. Dr. Whitaker seem to have been the principal agents to confer with Governor Wentworth in regard to the Charter.

October 18, 1769, he gives his views at length, in a letter to Dr. Wheelock, advising some amendments. Proposing some additions to the Board of Trust, he says: "The nomination of the Provincial officers I strongly recommend, though I do not insist upon. It was indeed resolved on my side that the Governor should be one" of the Board. "That I did not mention any other than the Governor can by no means be preclusive. Neither did I so intend it. The three Provincial[46] officers will be a natural defense, honor and security to the institution."

The following letter indicates that Governor Wentworth had eminent legal counsel:

"Rev. Sir: I have had an opportunity of conferring with Colonel Phelps on the affair of the College proposed to be erected here. You'll find some alterations in the scheme and draft of the Charter; they are supposed to be amendments, and I think they, to say the least, will not be impediments. I cannot stay to enumerate them; the Charter will show them and the Colonel will be able to explain the grounds and reasons of them. I have spent some considerable time with the Governor to form the plan in such a manner as will make it most beneficial, and to prevail on him to make such concessions as would suit the gentlemen with you. I am apt to think the plan will be more serviceable as it now stands than as it was before.

I shall be glad to serve the cause, and have persuaded Colonel Phelps to communicate it before the finishing stroke, though it will cost him another journey. I have only to add that I am, with great esteem,

"Your most obedient humble servant,

"William Parker.

"Portsmouth, October 28, 1769."

Six Connecticut clergymen, selected by Dr. Wheelock, with one member of the Connecticut Colonial government, Governor Wentworth, with three of his Council, and the Speaker of the New Hampshire House of Representatives, were constituted the first Board of Trust. This arrangement, the result of friendly negotiation, appears to have been satisfactory to both parties.

October 25, 1769, Dr. Wheelock writes to Governor Wentworth, expressing much satisfaction with his "catholic views," and warm friendship, as indicated by his letter of the 18th, and says: "If your Excellency shall see fit in your wisdom and goodness to complete the Charter desired, and it will be the least satisfaction to you to christen the House to be built after your own name, it will be exceedingly grateful to me,[47] and I believe to all concerned." He deems it important that the public should understand, "that the benevolent charities are not designed to be applied merely and exclusively to the advancement of sectaries, with a fixed view to discourage the Established Church of England." It should here be remarked that three of the original Trustees of the College were nominally Episcopalians, and the remaining nine were, most or all, nominally Congregationalists, although some had Presbyterian tendencies.

In writing to Lord Dartmouth, March 12, 1770, after referring to the "enclosed copy of incorporation," which was dated December 13, 1769, President Wheelock says: "Governor Wentworth thought best to reject that clause in my draught of the Charter which gave the Honorable Trust in England equal power with the Trustees here to nominate and appoint the president, from time to time, apprehending it would make the body too unwieldy, but he cheerfully consented that I should express my gratitude and duty to your Lordship, by christening after your name; and as there seemed to be danger of many embarrassments, in many ways, in the present ruffled and distempered state of the kingdom, I thought prudent to embrace the first opportunity to accomplish it." The letter indicates that Dr. Wheelock determined what should be the name of the institution without conferring with his distinguished benefactor on that point.

That the English Trustees were somewhat dissatisfied, temporarily, with the measure of responsibility assumed by Dr. Wheelock, there is no doubt. But nearly perfect harmony was restored, by the prudence of that excellent diplomatist. In writing to these gentlemen, June 20, 1771; he says: "I am confident that, had you been upon the spot, you would have approved every step I have taken, unless it was my attempt to effect so great an affair as settling in this wilderness in so short a time, which the event has fully justified, although my trials have been very great." He also expresses the opinion, that, if they will compare his plan proposed in his former letters with his procedure since, they will find that he has "invariably kept the same object in view." Later records indicate that President Wheelock still numbered Lord[48] Dartmouth and others of the English Board among his faithful friends. Although not officially connected with the college, they evidently cherished an abiding interest in its welfare.

The Charter, so remarkable in its history, is a valuable and an enduring monument to the genius, skill, and learning of its distinguished framers.[24] Like the Charters of Harvard and Yale, it indicates that the clergy were regarded, generally, as the best depositaries of educational trusts. In the former case, the "teaching elders" of the "six next adjoining towns" were ex-officio, "Overseers;" in the latter, the original Trustees were all clergymen. It may safely be asserted that, of the large number of eminent gentlemen, who, as Trustees, have administered the affairs of Dartmouth College, none have been more eminent for their wisdom or fidelity than the reverend clergy.

[24] See Appendix.

[49]

## CHAPTER VII.

PRESIDENT WHEELOCK'S PERSONAL EXPLORATIONS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.—LOCATION AT HANOVER.

In his "Narrative" for 1771, President Wheelock tells the story of Dartmouth's location in the Granite State so plainly and satisfactorily, that we can do no better than to give his own recapitulation and condensation of the leading facts.

"The smiles of heaven upon this school were such that it appeared quite necessary to build to accommodate it; and the plan which I laid for this purpose was to secure a sufficient tract of good land for the only use and benefit of the school, and that the English charity scholars should be led to turn their exercises for the relaxation of their minds from their studies, and for the preservation of health, from such exercises as have been frequently used by students for these purposes, to such manual labor as might be subservient to the support of the school, thereby effectually removing the deep prejudices, so universal in the minds of the Indians, against going into the business of husbandry."

"The necessity of building, and also that I proposed to fix it at any distance where the design might be best served by it, became publicly known, whereupon great numbers in Connecticut and in neighboring Provinces made generous offers to invite the settlement of it in their respective places. In which affair I employed proper agents to view the several situations proposed, and hear the several arguments and reasons that might be offered by the solicitors for it, and make a faithful report of the same.

"The magistracy of the city of Albany offered an interest estimated at £2,300 sterling, besides private donations, which it was supposed would be large, to fix it in that city. Several other generous offers were made to fix it in that vicinity. His Excellency, Sir Francis Bernard, Governor of the Province[50] of the Massachusetts Bay, in company with two others, offered 2,000 acres of good land in a central town[25] in the county of Berkshire in said Province. To which were added several other donations, amounting in the whole to 2,800 acres of land, and a subscription said to be about £800 sterling. Also generous offers were made to it in Stockbridge and other towns in that Province. Several generous offers were made by particular towns and parishes in the Colony of Connecticut, and particularly to continue it where it had its rise. But the country being so filled up with inhabitants, it was not practicable to get so large a tract of lands as was thought to be most convenient and useful for it in those old settlements. The Honorable Trust in England gave the preference to the western part of the Province of New Hampshire, on Connecticut river, as the site of the school."

[25] Pittsfield.

Before this period he "began to be convinced by many weighty reasons that a greater proportion of English youth must be prepared for missionaries to take entirely the lead of the affairs in the wilderness." He also was deeply impressed with the want of ministers in a large number of towns, nearly two hundred in all, just then newly settling in the Connecticut valley. In view of all the circumstances, and especially the fact that there was a disposition on the part of many young men who had the ministry in view to seek preparation for it elsewhere, than at Yale or Harvard, he felt it his duty to adhere to his plan of extension.

"As neither the Honorable Trust in England nor the Charter had fixed upon the particular town or spot on which the buildings should be erected, wherefore to complete the matter, as soon as the ways and streams would allow, I took the Rev. Mr. Pomeroy, and Esq. [Samuel] Gilbert (a gentleman of known ability for such a purpose) with me to examine thoroughly, and compare the several places proposed, within the limits prescribed for fifty or sixty miles on or near said River; and to hear all the reasons and arguments that could be offered in favor of each of them, in which service we faithfully spent eight weeks. And in consequence of our report and representation of facts, the Trustees unanimously agreed that the southwesterly corner of Hanover adjoining upon Lebanon[51] was the place above any to fix it in; and that for many reasons, namely, it is most central on the River, and most convenient for transportation up and down the River; as near as any to the Indians; convenient for communication with Crown Point on Lake Champlain, and with Canada. The situation is on a beautiful plain, the soil fertile and easy of cultivation. The tract on which the college is fixed, lying mostly in one body, and convenient for improvement, in the towns of Hanover and Lebanon, contains upwards of 3,000 acres."

We quote from official records:

"Portsmouth, New Hampshire, July 5, 1770.

"We, the subscribers nominated Trustees of Dartmouth College, in the Charter of said college, and being duly qualified as directed by said Charter, have taken into consideration the places whereon said college might be situated; and do hereby certify that it is our advice, opinion and vote that said Dartmouth College be situated and erected upon lands in the township of Hanover upon Connecticut river in the Province aforesaid, provided the lands, moneys, and other aids subscribed for the use of said Dartmouth College, if placed in Hanover aforesaid, be firmly and securely conveyed to the Trustees of and for the use of said College. And also that the said town of Hanover, and Lebanon, previously consent and petition to the Legislature that a contiguous parish of at least three miles square, in and adjoining to these aforesaid towns of Hanover and Lebanon, be set off and incorporated into a separate and distinct parish under the immediate jurisdiction of the aforesaid Dartmouth College.

"In witness whereof we have hereunto signed this instrument for placing buildings and establishing the said college in Hanover aforesaid, upon the aforesaid conditions.

"J. Wentworth.
"Theodore Atkinson.
"Eleazar Wheelock.
"George Jaffrey.
"D. Pierce.
"P. Gilman.
"Benj. Pomeroy."

[52]

"Hartford, 17th July, 1770.

"We, the subscribers, being nominated Trustees of Dartmouth College, and being duly qualified according to the Charter of such college, do hereby agree to the situation of said college as determined by the Trustees as above signed; provided (in addition to the conditions they have specified), that Dr. Wheelock may be accommodated with a suitable farm, at or near the college; apprehending that his past labors and expenses, and his present connection with said institution, justly merit such consideration.

"Wm. Pitkin,
"James Lockwood,
"Timothy Pitkin,
"John Smalley."

The "Coos" region now demands our more careful attention.

While southern New England was largely occupied by emigrants from the Mother Country, and their descendants, in the seventeenth century, much of its northern portions, and especially the rich valley of the upper Connecticut, was still covered with the virgin forests. As early as 1752, Theodore Atkinson (whose name will become more familiar to us) and others in Eastern New Hampshire, had formed a plan for acquiring and colonizing the best portion of this unoccupied, but fertile and inviting, basin. But the proud and lordly Indian disputed their right to invade this ancient and charming hunting-ground, whose meadows almost spontaneously produced the choicest corn, and they desisted from their purpose.

The immediate occasion of the settlement of this part of the Connecticut valley was the French war. In the progress of that war, the New England troops had cut a road from the older settlements in the south part of the Province through Charlestown, then called No. 4, to Crown Point. The soldiers in passing through this valley became acquainted with its fertility and value.

The soil of Eastern Connecticut being exhausted in some measure, her hardy and enterprising yeomanry now gladly[53] turned toward a region where honest industry would find a surer and better reward. Many of them knew the value of religion by a vital experience, and all knew the value of sound learning by experience or close observation.

The leading founders of Hanover were of the highly respectable Freeman family, of Mansfield, Conn. The early history of this family in America connects it with the Bradford and Prince families. The pioneer settler at Hanover was Edmund Freeman. Of this worthy and enterprising man, sincere Christian, earnest patriot, and valuable coadjutor of President Wheelock, it is said: "Of distinguished uprightness and integrity, he commanded universal respect and esteem." Hon. Jonathan Freeman was his brother.

Another family to whom Hanover is largely indebted for its solid foundations bears the no less distinguished name of Storrs, also of Mansfield, the old ancestral home of all, or nearly all, of that name, who in various ways have been conspicuous in giving "strength and beauty" to American institutions. Of Joseph Storrs, an early donor to Dartmouth, it is said: "He was the younger son of Samuel Storrs the second, and grandson of Samuel Storrs the elder, from whom all of the name in America are descended, excepting one family near Richmond, Va. He was a member of the first board of selectmen of the town of Hanover."

The town contained about twenty families at the period of which we are writing. The relations of some other early settlers with President Wheelock deserve equally careful notice. John Wright, from Lebanon, Conn., was a man of marked ability and decided religious character. He was deeply interested in the new college, and as pioneer explorer and artisan rendered its founder invaluable aid. His name also heads the list of the Hanover donors of lands.

David Woodward, formerly a parishioner of President Wheelock, and afterward widely known for his strong mind, his public spirit, and patriotism, also coöperated earnestly with him while he was laying foundations. His house appears to have furnished the venerable president his first headquarters, while planning future operations.

Nathaniel Wright, from Coventry, Conn., was a relation of[54] John Wright. His descendants have honored the college, as some of them still honor the memory of an ancestor, whose name is inseparably and prominently connected with the civil and religious history of the town. His heart and hand were with President Wheelock, and his log cabin was a welcome resting-place.

James Murch, one of the more enterprising among the early settlers, was also from Connecticut, where he had formed some acquaintance with President Wheelock and his plans. Upon him it seems to have devolved, in some measure at least, to set forth in homely but vigorous language the leading attractions of this locality.

Reverting to the "Narrative," we give President Wheelock's own graphic account of labor and privation, which, in view of all the circumstances, has few parallels in history:

"After I had finished this tour [of exploration] and made a short stay at home, to settle some affairs, I returned again into the wilderness, to make provision for the removal and settlement of my family and school there before winter. I arrived in August [1770], and found matters in such a situation as at once convinced me of the necessity of being myself upon the spot. And as there was no house conveniently near, I made a hutt of logs about eighteen feet square, without stone, brick, glass, or nail, and with thirty, forty, and sometimes fifty laborers appointed to their respective departments, I betook myself to a campaign. I set some to build a house for myself and family, of forty by thirty-two feet, and one story high, and others to build a house for my students of eighty by thirty-two, and two stories high."

His family and about twenty or thirty students arriving before the completion of his house, difficulty in locating having arisen, he says: "I housed my stuff with my wife and the females of my family in my hutt. My sons and students made booths and beds of hemlock boughs, and in this situation we continued about a month, till the 29th day of October, when I removed with my family to my house."

A few last words to one who for a long period had regarded his work with more than fraternal interest, and himself with more than fraternal affection, fitly portray the state of President[55] Wheelock's mind and heart in those days of toil and trial and hope:

"From my Hutt in Hanover Woods in the Province of New Hampshire,
August 27, 1770.

"My dear Sir:—I long to see you and spend one day with you on the affairs of the Redeemer's kingdom. It would be vain to attempt to tell you of the many and great affairs I am at present involved in, in all which I have had much of the loving-kindness, faithfulness, and goodness of God. I am this day sending for my family and expect the house will be made comfortable for their reception by the time they arrive. My prospects are, by the goodness of God, vastly encouraging. A series of merciful occurrences has persuaded me that God designs great good to his church among English as well as Indians by this institution. I was informed at Boston, in my late journey, that the Commissioners have plenty of their constituents' money which lies useless for want of missionaries, and for many weighty reasons I have thought that the Redeemer's cause might be much served by Mr. Kirtland's[26] going to their pay. This was an important point I wished to consult you in. Likely your own thoughts may suggest some reasons and such as you shall think sufficient without my disclosing many that are not public. If you think favorably of it, please to propose it to them, as you will likely have an opportunity for before you leave the continent. I have a number fitted and fitting for missions more than the fund already collected will support, and if that may be saved, and at the same time uniformity and good agreement between the Boards is promoted, it will be well. I wrote you from Dedham on my late journey from Boston. I rejoice to hear that your bow yet abides in strength; that God has once more made you useful in America. I am chained here; there is no probability that the buildings will be seasonably and well accomplished if I should leave them. I don't expect to see you till we meet in the general convention on the other shore. Please to favor me with a line, and your thoughts on the question proposed. You may send from Boston by the Northfield[56] post, directed to me at Hanover in this Province. Oh, how glad should I be to see you in this wilderness!

[26] The modern orthography is Kirkland.

"My dear sir, farewell.
"I am yours in the dear Jesus.

"Eleazar Wheelock.

"Rev. George Whitefield."

There appears to have been no subsequent meeting, on earth, of these eminent coadjutors in all good works. The one was called to his reward above, just as the other was beginning to enjoy the fruition of his labors on earth. Few names deserve more honor, in connection with the founding of Dartmouth College, than that of

George Whitefield.[27]

[27] Many things, which cannot be specified, illustrating the history of this period and others, are necessarily placed in the Appendix.

GROUND PLAN OF THE FIRST COLLEGE EDIFICE:
Erected in 1770, near what is now the Southeast corner of the Common.

Text in image:
This room in the second story was appropriated solely to the library.
This room on the lower floor was devoted to the Academy and when necessary both these rooms were thrown into one.

[57]

## CHAPTER VIII.

COMMENCEMENT OF OPERATIONS.—COURSE OF STUDY.—POLICY OF ADMINISTRATION.

Instruction at Dartmouth appears to have commenced in December following the removal, with four classes in attendance.

In writing to Dr. Erskine, December 7, 1770, President Wheelock says: "I am now removed into the wilderness with my family, and about thirty students, English and Indians, who are all designed for the Indian service." After referring to the erection of a house for his family, and "another" for his students, he says: "I have also built a school-house, which is convenient. My nearest neighbor in the town is two and one half miles from me. I can see nothing but the lofty pines about me. My family and students are in good health, and well pleased with a solitude so favorable to their studies."

In President Wheelock's account-book, David Huntington, Thomas Kendall, Ebenezer Gurley, Augustine Hibbard, James Dean, and Joseph Grover, are charged with tuition from various dates, ranging from December 7th to December 14th. The rate is 1s. 4d. per week, "deducting abscences." In Connecticut, the tuition, for classical instruction in the school, had been 1s. 6d. per week.

The following, from President Wheelock to a distant correspondent, indicates sufficient patronage of the new institution:

"Hanover, December 3, 1770.

"Dear Sir,—Your son, with companion, are safely arrived. I've sent back part of my students to Connecticut. I've just got studies fitted, and made provision for the support of the rest of them. The great difficulty in taking your[58] son is the want of provisions in this starved country. I send to Northfield and Montague for my bread, and expect supply chiefly from thence."

The facilities for acquiring classical and scientific education appear to have been substantially the same at Dartmouth, at the outset, as in other American colleges of that period.

The discoveries of Newton and Franklin had a marked, if not controlling, influence upon the thought of the eighteenth century.

No American college, perhaps, felt this influence more than President Wheelock's Alma Mater, in which Franklin took a deep interest.

At the period of the founding of Dartmouth, we find that, in Yale College, the Faculty consisted of Dr. Daggett, who was President, and Professor of Divinity; Rev. Nehemiah Strong, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, and two or three tutors.

President Wheelock doubtless had his Alma Mater especially in mind, in planning the curriculum of Dartmouth. He was himself Professor of Divinity, as well as President. His first associate in instruction, who acted in the capacity of tutor, was Mr. Bezaleel Woodward, who had graduated at Yale College in 1764, during the presidency of Rev. Thomas Clap, of whom his associate in the Faculty, the future President Stiles, says: "In Mathematics and Natural Philosophy I have reason to think he was not equaled by more than one man in America." The fact that Mr. Woodward was subsequently, for many years, a highly esteemed professor of Mathematics in the college, indicates that he was a worthy pupil of his distinguished teacher.

There can be no doubt that the college was highly favored, in its beginnings, in having a president who had been, while at college, distinguished as a classical scholar, and in later life as an able and a learned divine, aided by a younger teacher, whose scientific attainments well qualified him for the duties of his position.

The first preceptor of the Charity School, at Hanover, was David McClure, who had recently graduated at Yale College. He was an able and a successful teacher. The various relations[59] of the school and college were so intimate at this period, that it is nearly impossible to dissociate them. The word "school," as used by President Wheelock, frequently includes the college.

Three of Dartmouth's first class were prepared for college at the "Indian Charity School" in Lebanon, and passed their first three years at Yale.

The following letter from an eminent teacher, referred to in a previous chapter, addressed to President Wheelock, introduces their only new classmate:

"Lebanon, August 10, 1770.

"Rev. Sir: The bearer, Samuel Gray, entered my school about two years ago, and in that time has been about four months absent. He was well fitted for college when he was first under my care, and having applied himself with proper diligence to his studies, and being favored with a genius somewhat better than common, has made a progress in his learning answerable to his industry. He will be found upon examination to be pretty well acquainted with Virgil, Tully, and Horace. He is likewise able to construe any part of the Greek Testament. He parses and makes Latin rather better than common. He has been through the twelve first books of Homer, but, as 't is more than a year since he recited that author, am afraid he has lost the greater part of what he then understood pretty well. In Arithmetic, vulgar and decimal, he is well versed. I have likewise taught him Trigonometry, Altimetry, Longimetry, Navigation, Surveying, Dialing, and Gauging. He has been through Martin's 'Philosophical Grammar' twice,—the greater part of which he understands very well. He has likewise studied Whiston's 'Astronomy,' all except the calculations, which he doth not understand. He is likewise pretty well acquainted with Geography and the use of the globes. He went through Watts' 'Logic' last winter, but having no taste for that study, or rather an aversion to it, he is not so well skilled in that as in some other parts of learning. About a year ago he went through so much of rhetoric as is contained in the 'Preceptor,' but suppose he has forgot the most of it. Upon the whole, though he may[60] not, perhaps, be so well versed in some parts of learning as the class which he proposes to enter, yet if he applies himself to his studies with proper diligence, he will be rather an honor than a disgrace to any college where he shall be graduated. I ought in justice to him to add, that he is an orderly, well-behaved youth, and has conducted so well in my school ever since he has been with me that I have never had the least difference with him on any account whatever.

"I am, reverend sir, with much esteem,
"Your most humble servant,

"Nathan Tisdale.

"P. S. I have another pupil whom I shall offer for admission into your college at the end of the vacancy [vacation], if I can fit him by that time."

A portion of a letter from a somewhat distinguished clergyman and teacher, Rev. Simeon Williams, of Windham, N. H., introducing several prominent members of the class of 1774, is worthy of notice here, although written in 1772. In connection with the reply, it throws additional light upon the first prescribed course of study at Dartmouth. After expressions indicating confidence that President Wheelock will attend, faithfully, to the welfare of the young men, the language is as follows:

"When they first came to my school they had read enough of Virgil and the lower Latin classics, together with a sufficient knowledge of the Greek Testament, to enable them to pass into any of the colleges as Freshmen. But when their fathers informed me that they intended their residence only for two years, and that they expected, if they were under my care, I would qualify them in all the parts of the Freshman and Sophomore years, so as they might with honor and ability enter the Junior class, with mature deliberation, I undertook the arduous task. The first year I confined their studies to Virgil, Cicero's 'Orations,' together with their improvement in Geography, Rhetoric, and occasional declamations, etc. This second year they have been reading Homer and Horace, Cicero de Oratore, and a part of Xenophon. I have also carefully instructed them in all the four parts of Logic from Doctor Finlay's[61] 'Latin Compend,' expounding the same by familiar lectures, for the most part extracted from Mr. Locke and Doctor Watts. There is one kind of study which this last year they have been much employed in,—I mean double translation,—their improvement therein will appear to you by casting your eye on their various manuscripts. I would observe to you that I have not introduced them to the knowledge of mathematical learning, knowing it is most usual in colleges to put them to those studies in the Junior year."

In reply President Wheelock says: "We have examined the youth you sent, and find them deficient in several parts of learning which the [Junior] class have made some proficiency in, viz., Mathematics, Geography, and parsing Greek. They have studied Tullie de Oratore, and Xenophon, and some in Homer, more than that class have done. On the whole I have concluded to take them into that class, only with this condition, that they recite those things in which they are deficient with the Sophomore class while their own class recite other parts in which they exceed them." The studies of the Senior year do not appear to have differed materially from those of other colleges, of that period. Jonathan Edwards was a favorite author in metaphysics and theology.

President Wheelock in his "Narrative," for 1771, gives the following lucid statement of the policy and aims of the school and college: "It is earnestly recommended to the students both in college and school,

"1. That all the English students in the college and school treat the Indian children with care, tenderness and kindness, as younger brethren, and as may be most conducive to the great ends proposed.

"2. That they turn the course of their diversions and exercises for their health to the practice of some manual arts, or cultivation of gardens, and other lands, at the proper hours of leisure and intermission from study and vacancies in the college and school.

"3. That no English scholar, whether supported by charity or otherwise, shall, at any time, speak diminutively of the practice of labor, or by any means cast contempt upon it, or by word or action endeavor to discredit or discourage the[62] same, on penalty of his being obliged, at the discretion of the president or tutor, to perform the same or the equivalent to that which he attempted to discredit; or else (if he be not a charity scholar) to hire the same done by others, or, in case of refusal and obstinacy in this offense, that he be dismissed from college, and denied all the privileges and honors of it.

"4. That no scholar shall be employed in labor in the hours of study, or so as to interrupt him in his studies, unless upon special emergencies, and with liberty from the president or a tutor.

"5. That accounts be faithfully kept of all the labor so done by them, either for the procuring provisions for the support of the college and school, or that which shall be for real and lasting advantage to this institution; and such accounts shall be properly audited, and a record kept of the same for the benefit of such scholars, if they should be called by the providence of God to withdraw from their purpose of serving as missionaries in the wilderness, or to leave the service before they have reasonably compensated the expense of their education.

"6. That such as are not charity scholars, but pay for their education, may have liberty to labor for the benefit of the institution at such times as are assigned to charity scholars, and the just value of their labor be accounted towards the expense of their support.

"7. That no Freshman shall be taken off, or prevented labor, by any errand for an under-graduate, without liberty obtained from the president or a tutor.

"N. B. Occasional errands and services for the college and school are not designed to be accounted, nor their procuring fuel for their fires, and things equivalent for their own and their chamber's use in particular, nor anything which shall not be of real or lasting benefit for the whole, unless in cases where they are incapacitated for labor, and yet are able to perform such errands for or in the room of those who can and do labor in their stead.

"Lastly. That this Indian Charity School, connected with Dartmouth College, be constantly hereafter and forever called and known by the name of 'Moor's School.'

"Moreover poor youth, who shall seek an education here,[63] at their own expense, may not only have the advantage of paying any part of that by turning their necessary diversions to manual labor, but also, as all that will be paid by such as support themselves will be disposed of for the support of the Indian, or other charity scholars, therefore, whatever clothing or provisions shall be necessary for the school will be good pay at a reasonable price.

"His Excellency Governor Wentworth, among many other expressions of his care and zeal to preserve the purity and secure the well-being of this seminary against such evils as have been the ruin of, or at least have a very threatening aspect upon others which have come within his knowledge, has insisted upon it as a condition of location, to which all the trustees have cheerfully subscribed, that wherever it should be fixed, there should be a society of at least three miles square, which should be under the jurisdiction of the college, that thereby unwholesome inhabitants may be prevented settling, and all hurtful or dangerous connections with them, or practices among them may be seasonably discovered and prevented in a legal way.[28]

[28] The town of Hanover, at three different times within the next twenty-five years, by their vote sanctioned this incorporation of the "College District." But the plan was never favorably regarded, apparently, by the New Hampshire Legislature.

"As this institution is primarily designed to christianize the heathen, that is, to form the minds and manners of their children to the rules of religion and virtue; and to educate pious youth of the English to bear the Redeemer's name among them in the wilderness; and secondarily to educate meet persons for the sacred work of the ministry, in the churches of Christ among the English; so it is of the last and very special importance, that all who shall be admitted here in any capacity, and especially for an education, be of sober, blameless and religious behavior, that neither Indian children nor others may be in danger of infection by examples which are not suitable for their imitation. And accordingly I think it proper to let the world know there is no encouragement given that such as are vain, idle, trifling, flesh-pleasing, or such as are on any account vicious or immoral, will be admitted here; or, if such should by disguising themselves obtain admittance,[64] that they will not be allowed to continue members after they are known to be such; nor will it be well taken, if, on any pretense whatever, any shall attempt to introduce or impose any youth upon this seminary, whose character shall be incongruous to, and militates against, the highest, chiefest, and dearest interests of the first objects of it.

"And it is my purpose, by the grace of God, to leave nothing undone, within my power, which is suitable to be done, that this school of the prophets may be and long continue to be a pure fountain.

"And I do with all my heart will this my purpose to all my successors in the presidency of this seminary, to the latest posterity; and it is my last will never to be revoked, and to God I commit it, and my only hope and confidence for the execution of it is in Him alone, who has already done great things for it and does still own it as his cause; and blessed be his name that every present member of it, as well as great numbers abroad, I trust, do join their hearty Amen with me."

[65]

## CHAPTER IX.

PROGRESS TO THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT WHEELOCK.—PROMINENT FEATURES OF HIS CHARACTER.

The foundations being completed, the superstructure now claims our attention. We give somewhat full details of affairs during the opening years. The following is an extract from a letter from Mr. M'Clare to his early friend, General Knox, dated at Hanover, March 20, 1771:

"The winter has been very moderate and the heavens clear and serene. The situation is much more agreeable than I imagined it would be last fall, before I set out from Connecticut. The number of the students in the college and school is about thirty. I have at present the care of the Grammar School, and I find no small pleasure in 'teaching the young idea how to shoot.' Heaven has remarkably smiled upon the generous and pious design of the Reverend Doctor, and supported it amidst numberless difficulties and embarrassments, and it affords a prospect of being in time a great and extensive blessing to this part of the world and to the tawny inhabitants of our continent."

The first Commencement, in August, 1771, attracted a large audience, including many from a distance, among them Governor Wentworth. Dr. Langdon had previously manifested his deep interest in the college by a personal visit.

In his "Narrative," for the period from May, 1771, to September, 1772, President Wheelock says:

"I have now finished (so far as to render comfortable and decent) the building to accommodate my students, of eighty by thirty-two feet, and have done it in the plainest and cheapest manner, which furnishes sixteen comfortable rooms, besides a kitchen, hall, and store-room. I have also built a saw-mill[66] and grist-mill, which appear to be well done, and are the property of the school, and will likely afford a pretty annual income to it. I have also built two barns, one of twenty-eight by thirty-two feet, the other of fifty-five by forty, and fifteen feet post. I have also raised, and expect to finish, within a few days, a malt-house of thirty feet square, and several other lesser buildings which were found necessary. I have cleared, and in a good measure fitted for improvement, about seventy or eighty acres of land, and seeded with English grain about twenty acres, from which I have taken at the late harvest, what was esteemed a good crop, considering the land was so lately laid open to the sun. I have cut what is judged to be equal to fourteen or fifteen tons of good hay, which I stacked, by which the expense of supporting a team and cows the ensuing winter may be considerably lessened. I have also about eighteen acres of Indian corn now on the ground, which promises a good crop. My laborers are preparing more lands for improvement; some to sow with English grain this fall, and others for pasturing, which sad experience has taught me the necessity of, as I have suffered much by being disappointed of this benefit, through the negligence of a number, who subscribed labor to encourage the settlement of the school in this place, and, in excuse for their not being as punctual in performing as they appeared liberal in subscribing, plead their poverty and the necessities of their families in their new beginnings in this wilderness.

"I hope through the blessing of God, even the ensuing year, we shall find that near sufficient has been raised on these lands to supply the school with bread, which will be a great relief not only as to the expense, but as to care and fatigue in procuring it; as the greatest and cheapest part of the support of my family has been transported above an hundred, and much of it near two hundred miles through new and bad roads; which has made the expense of some articles equal to the first cost, and many of them much more. The cheapest fodder I had the last winter to support my team and a few cows was brought forty miles on sleds by oxen.

"It is not easy for one who is not acquainted with the affair of building and settling in such a wilderness to conceive of[67] the many difficulties, fatigues, and extraordinary expenses attending it; nor does it make the burden at all less, if there are numbers settling within a few miles, who are poor and needy, and so far from having ability to contribute their assistance to others, as to stand in constant need of help themselves.

"The number of my students belonging to the college and school has been from forty to fifty, of which from five to nine have been Indians. The English youth on charity are all fitting for missionaries, if God in his providence shall open a door for their serving him in that capacity, and they have been about twenty.

"My students have been universally well engaged in their studies, and a number of independent as well as charity scholars, have only by turning a necessary diversion to agreeable manual labor, done much to lessen the expense of their education the last year."

In an appendix to this "Narrative," dated September 26, 1772, after referring to a prospect of obtaining sons of some of the Caghnawaga chiefs, President Wheelock says: "One was a descendant from the Rev. Mr. Williams, who was captivated from Deerfield in 1704. Another was a descendant from Mr. Tarbell, who was captivated from Groton [in 1707], who is now a hearty and active man, and the eldest chief, and chief speaker of the tribe. The other was son to Mr. Stacey, who was captivated from Ipswich, and is a good interpreter for that tribe."

In view of all the facts within our knowledge, it seems more than possible that the influence of these and other captives, now venerable with age, upon their red brethren, on the one hand, and dim but precious memories of their own childhood, on the other, had aided materially in determining the location of the college. The patronage of the Canadian tribes was President Wheelock's main reliance for Indian students after his removal to Hanover.

In regard to the missionaries sent out by President Wheelock at this period, his biographer says: "Some went into the Mohawk and Oneida country, others to the Indians upon the Muskingum, and several to the tribes within the bounds[68] of Canada. They found the Indians, the Oneidas excepted, universally opposed to them."[29]

[29] Memoirs of Wheelock, p. 63.

Perhaps it will be safe to make a slight abatement from the somewhat sweeping statement which closes this quotation.

In his "Narrative" for the period between September, 1772, and September, 1773, President Wheelock says: "My crops were considerably shortened the last year, by an uncommon rain at the beginning of harvest, and by an untimely frost, yet the benefit of that which is saved is very sensible. I have this year cut about double the quantity of hay which I cut last year, namely, about thirty tons. I have reaped about twenty acres of English grain, which crop appeared to be very heavy before harvest, and proved too much so, as a considerable part of it fell down of its own weight before maturity; however, though it be much less than the prospect was, it is a very considerable relief. I have about twenty acres of Indian corn on the ground, which, considering the newness and imperfect tillage of the land, promises a considerable crop.

"I have cleared sufficient for pasturing, i. e. have cut and girdled all the growth upon five hundred acres, and a part of it have sowed with hay-seed; the rest I expect will be ready to receive the seed as soon as it shall be dry enough to burn the trash upon it in the spring. The soil is generally good, and I hope the school will experience the benefit of it in due time. I have inclosed with a fence about two thousand acres of this wilderness, that I might be able to restrain oxen, cows, horses, etc., from rambling beyond my reach.

"I have seven yoke of oxen and about twenty cows, all the property and employed in the service of the school. The number of my laborers for six months past has generally been from thirty to forty, besides those employed at the mills, in the kitchen, wash-house, etc. The number of my students, dependent and independent, the last year was about eighty. A little more than three years ago there was nothing to be seen here but a horrid wilderness; now there are eleven comfortable dwelling-houses (beside the large one I built for my students), built by tradesmen and such as have settled in[69] some connection with, and have been admitted for the benefit of, this school, and all within sixty rods of the college. By this means the necessities of this school have been relieved in part as to room for my students. Yet the present necessity of another and larger building appears to be such that the growth of this seminary must necessarily be stinted without it.

"When I think of the great weight of present expense for the support of sixteen or seventeen Indian boys, which has been my number all the last year, and as many English youth on charity, eight in the wilderness who depend upon their support wholly from this quarter, which has been the case a considerable part of this year, such a number of laborers, and under necessity to build a house for myself (as the house I have lived in was planned for a store-house, and must be used for that purpose) and expense for three and sometimes four tutors, which has been the least number that would suffice for well instructing my students, I have sometimes found faintness of heart. But I have always made it my practice not to exceed what my own private interest [property] will pay, in case I should be brought to that necessity to do my creditors justice."

In his "Narrative" for the period between September, 1773, and February, 1775, President Wheelock says: "The number of Indians in this school since my last 'Narrative,' has been from sixteen to twenty-one, and the whole number of charity or dependent scholars about thirty." The whole number of students was now about one hundred.

"The progress of husbandry on this farm, the last year, has not been equal in every respect to my hope, the season proving so wet as not to favor some branches of it. However, the progress of it and the benefit by it, have been very considerable. I have raised and reaped upon the school land, the last year, about three hundred bushels of choice wheat, but the crop of Indian corn fell much short of my expectations, being but about two hundred and fifty bushels. I have cut sixty tons of hay the last season, and have a prospect of a very considerable addition to that quantity the next, if Providence shall favor it.[70]

"I have begun to prepare and have a prospect that I shall be able to fit about sixty acres of new land to sow with wheat the next season. I have improved about twelve or fourteen oxen, and about twenty cows, the property of the school, and have a prospect of plenty for their support for summer and winter, and I find already the great benefit of having wherewith to do it this winter without the fatigue and expense of going forty miles for it, as I have been forced to do till this year."

He also refers to important agricultural operations, and the erection of buildings at Landaff—Governor Wentworth's first choice as a location for the college—and preparations for a new college edifice.

To Messrs. Savage and Keen, he writes, October 24, 1775: "The progress of the great design under my hand has been as rapid since resources from your side the water have been suspended as ever. Every day turns out some new wonder of Divine favor towards it. I have this day been out to see my laborers who have near finished sowing one hundred and ten acres of wheat and rye, but mostly of wheat, one hundred acres of it on new land. No providences, however calamitous to others, not even our present public distresses, but seem as though they were calculated to favor this design. God gives me all I ask for, and He is a prayer-hearing God."

We are indebted to the present librarian of the college[30] for the following interesting facts relating to this period:

[30] Professor C. W. Scott.

"The library of Dartmouth College may be considered as older than the college itself, as it had its origin in the 'Indian Charity School,' and existed as a handful of books before the granting of the college Charter. These books are found principally among the theological works, in folio volumes, with Latin texts or notes, and uninviting type. Received as they were more than a hundred years ago, they were then publications of the preceding century; and they would hardly find their way into the library to-day, if admitted upon the demand of readers, yet in their bindings and worn leaves they show that by some one they were thoroughly used. A copy of 'Lightfoot's Harmony of the New Testament,' under date of June, 1764, has written across a leaf: 'Received from the[71] Rev. Dr. Gifford, of London, sundry second-hand books given by poor persons to the Indian Charity School in Lebanon, of which this is one.' Marks on other volumes show that Dr. Gifford was a contributor as well as a collector. Edinburgh, too [through Dr. Erskine], sent its offering of books, and as the struggling school came to be better known in England, through the commissioners sent to solicit aid, and through other sources, such gifts probably became not infrequent. The early history and intentions of the college were such as to particularly interest clergymen, and in proportion to their means they were doubtless the most generous givers of books. Their names written across fly-leaves show that many volumes, in different parts of New England, did service in their studies before finding a place in the college library. One of the most noteworthy of such benefactors was Rev. Diodate Johnson, of Millington, Conn., who, besides other gifts, in 1773 bestowed his entire library."

Nearly at the same period with Mr. Johnson's donation, Hon. John Phillips, of Exeter, made a handsome donation, for a philosophical apparatus. The subsequent appropriation of the money, for another purpose, compelled the college to dispense with this useful furniture for a considerable period.

The commencement of the Revolutionary struggle soon proved a serious embarrassment to President Wheelock: "The din of war drowned the feeble voice of science; men turned away from this 'school of the prophets' to hear tidings from the camp." But the heroic founder stood manfully at his post, faithfully performing his duty, with only brief interruptions, until, in the midst of that great conflict which made us a nation, he was called to his reward. He died, after a lingering illness, at Hanover, on the 24th of April, 1779. His first wife, Mrs. Sarah (Davenport) Maltby Wheelock, of the distinguished John Davenport family, died in Connecticut. His second wife, Mrs. Mary (Brinsmead) Wheelock, was spared to minister to the last earthly wants of her revered companion.

President Wheelock lived to see his earnest efforts to promote sound learning crowned with a good measure of success.

The graduates of this period attained such eminence, in[72] nearly all the paths of professional usefulness, as to indicate most plainly that they had laid good foundations in college. They were honored as teachers, as divines, and as legislators. The condition of the college and the country gave them abundant opportunities for appreciating the inscription on the armor of the Dartmouth family: "Gaudet tentamine virtus."

Instead of burning the "midnight oil" of the modern student, they kept the midnight watch against savage foes, at least at certain periods. To us, this all looks like romance. To them, it was stern reality.

In a fitting tribute to President Wheelock,[31] Rev. Dr. Allen says:

[31] Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit.

"If it should be asked what success attended the efforts of Dr. Wheelock to communicate the gospel to the Indian nations, it may be replied that he accomplished something for their benefit, and that great and insuperable obstacles in the providence of God prevented him from accomplishing more. It was soon after he sent out missionaries into the wilderness, that the controversy with Great Britain blighted his fair and encouraging prospects. During the last four years of his life there was actual war, in which many of the Indian tribes acted with the enemy. Yet the Oneidas, to whom Mr. Kirkland was sent as a missionary, kept the hatchet buried during the whole Revolutionary struggle, and by means of this mission, probably, were a multitude of frontier settlements saved from the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. But even if nothing had been accomplished for the benefit of the Indians, yet the zeal which chiefly sought their good, reared up a venerable institution of science, in which many strong minds have been disciplined and made to grow stronger, and nerved for professional toils and public labors, and in which hundreds of ministers have been nurtured for the church of Christ.

"For enlarged views and indomitable energy, and persevering and most arduous toils, and for the great results of his labors in the cause of religion and learning, Dr. Wheelock must ever be held in high honor. He early placed one great object before him, and that object held his undivided attention for nearly half a century. It is not easy to describe the[73] variety of his cares and the extent of his toils. When he removed to Hanover his labors were doubled. The two institutions—the school and the college—were ever kept distinct; in both he was a teacher; of both he was the chief governor. He was also the preacher of the college and village. In the government of his school and college, Dr. Wheelock combined great patience and kindness with the energy of proper and indispensable discipline. He was of a cheerful and pleasant temper and manifested much urbanity in his deportment."

This clear and forcible language has additional weight when we consider, that, during nearly the whole period of his administration, he had only the aid of tutors, with no other professor.

President Wheelock's usefulness in the great field of education was not confined to the sons of the forest, during his residence in Connecticut. He sought out John Smalley, the son of one of his parishioners, in his humble home, prepared him for college, and thereby gave him the primary impulse and aid, without which one of New England's ablest theologians, and the teacher of others of widely extended influence, might have remained in life-long retirement. He took Samuel Kirkland, the son of a worthy but indigent brother in the ministry, and, to use his own language, "carried him" in his arms, till he had completed a thorough preparation for the ministry, and finally furnished him a wife from his own kindred and his own household. His distinguished beneficiary, beside all his other labors, laid the foundation of Hamilton College, and gave to Harvard the president of its "Augustan age," his son, John Thornton Kirkland. He left the impress of his intellectual and religious character upon his pupil, Benjamin Trumbull, the records of whose life give him a conspicuous place among the earnest preachers and careful historians of his day. The valuable influence of others of his early pupils will be felt in ever extending circles, down to "the last syllable of recorded time."

There was no need that Eleazar Wheelock should found a college at that advanced period of life when men naturally seek a measure of repose, in order to secure for his name an honorable position in the long and brilliant catalogue of American[74] educators. The crowning act of his life, in the mellowed maturity of age, was scarcely more or less than the logical, inevitable result of what preceded it.

The scope of our work does not permit any extended eulogy of President Wheelock, nor any thorough analysis of his character. With a brief reference to some leading points, we must close the record.

He was eminent as a scholar. The constantly recurring and ever pressing duties of earnest and varied professional life, left him little leisure for indulging in the luxuries of mere æsthetic culture; but his active mind ranged widely through the realms of ancient and modern thought, and freely appropriated of the richest of their treasures.

He was eminent as an orator. His eloquence was not graced with the well-rounded periods of a Burke, or a Webster; but in many a village and hamlet, the burning words which fell from his lips stirred the hearts of men to their profoundest depths.

He was eminent as a teacher. Through life he gladly embraced every opportunity of opening the treasuries of knowledge to his fellow-men; and many who sat under his instruction were thereby laid under large obligations, although, in the rude halls of the infant college, he was always more or less embarrassed by the cares of business and the infirmities of advancing years.

He was eminent in affairs. He raised funds; procured corporate franchises and safeguards; leveled forests, and reared edifices in the face of apathy, opposition, and rivalry, with a fertility of resources in planning, and an energy in executing, which won the admiration of contemporaries in both hemispheres.

He was eminent as a patriot. When his faithful friend, the last Royal Governor of New Hampshire, upon whom through years of toil and trial he had leaned as upon a strong staff, abandoned his office, and resolutely adhered to his Sovereign, and many others to whom he was strongly attached, arrayed themselves on the same side, he as resolutely espoused the cause of American Independence, and labored to the extent of his ability for its accomplishment.[75]

But neither the scholar, nor the orator, nor the teacher, nor the man of affairs, nor the patriot, nor all combined, would have secured to any man that conspicuous position upon the page of history which the leading founder of Dartmouth College will occupy, so long as solid worth and successful achievement shall command the attention of the discriminating, thoughtful reader.

Religion was the mainspring of his entire life, the real source of all his success. Without it, he might have been honored of men; with it, he was honored of God. Encircling all the separate parts of his character, like a golden chain, it bound them in one grand, beautiful, harmonious whole.

In the hallowed seclusion of that thrice-honored valley, where Jonathan Edwards was born and Thomas Hooker died,—on the western verge of that modest plain, where his long and fruitful life bore its latest, richest fruit,—his precious dust will slumber "till the heavens be no more," and not till then will the Christian scholar, who lingers among the hills of central New England, cease to pay his devotions at the grave of

Eleazar Wheelock.

[76]

## CHAPTER X.

PROGRESS DURING THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE SECOND PRESIDENT, JOHN WHEELOCK.

The first President of the College, availing himself of a provision in the Charter, named three persons in his will, some one of whom he desired should be his successor in the office. These were his son, Mr. John Wheelock, Rev. Joseph Huntington, of Coventry, Conn., and Prof. Sylvanus Ripley. Mr. Wheelock, although a young man, in response to the somewhat earnest solicitation of the Trustees, after mature deliberation decided to accept the position. His son-in-law, Rev. Dr. Allen, gives the leading points in his earlier life in the following language:

"He was born [a son by the father's second marriage] at Lebanon, Conn., January 28, 1754, and graduated in Dartmouth's first class, in 1771. In 1772, he was appointed a tutor, and was devoted to the business of instruction until the beginning of the Revolution. In 1775, he was a member of the [N. H.] Assembly. In the spring of 1777, he was appointed a Major in the service of New York, and in November, a Lieutenant-colonel in the Continental army under Colonel Bedel. In 1778 he marched a detachment from Coos to Albany. By direction of Stark he conducted an expedition into the Indian country. At the request of General Gates, he entered his family, and continued with him, until he was recalled to Hanover by the death of his father, in 1779."

The following pages, extracted from the "Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College and Moor's Charity School," prepared and published under President Wheelock's sanction, are deemed worthy of insertion in this connection.

"The founder and first president spent nine years in planting[77] and raising up a new society, in converting forests into fields,—supporting many youths on charity. Persevering through difficulties, without any stipend for his labors, the seminary grew in vital strength;—but destitute of patronage in America, its resources in Europe mostly expended, and the residue wholly obstructed, beset with calamities by the troubles and disasters of the Revolutionary War, it was reduced, in childhood, to nakedness and want, in the year 1779. Soon after the treasurer, making an estimate of the demands upon it, pronounced that all the property of the corporation, if sold at vendue, would not be sufficient to cancel its debts. Under these clouds, the successor of the founder came into office, with a humble sense of his duty, and a belief that God, who had protected and sustained the seminary in floods of trouble, would relieve and build it up. He solicited benefactions abroad for support of the charity youths of the school in 1780, 1781, and 1782.

"In the latter part of that year Dr. Wheelock, the president, set off for Europe. The Institution and his design were known, and sanctioned by very ample recommendations, unnecessary to be inserted here, issuing from the highest sources in America—from the President and a great majority of the members of Congress, in their official characters;—it ought to be recorded—from the Father of his Country, George Washington, who well knew Dr. Wheelock, while an officer in the Revolutionary War, and honored him with his particular notice and friendship; from many of the most celebrated generals of the army, and Governors of the different states, with introductory letters from the Chevalier de Luzerne, minister plenipotentiary from the court of Versailles, to Count de Vergennes, prime minister of France, from the Secretary of the United States, and other eminent characters to different parts of Europe.

"After some weeks spent in France, Dr. Wheelock, receiving introductory and friendly letters to Mr. Dumas, the American Chargé d'Affaires, and others in Holland, from Dr. Franklin, and John Adams, proceeded to the Netherlands. A considerable sum was obtained in the Netherlands; but we omit a particular account of the respectful treatment and generous[78] benefactions he received from the Prince of Orange and others high in office.

"Thence he embarked for Great Britain, partly with a view, much lessened by the public feelings from the Revolution in America, to obtain some new aids; but chiefly to reclaim and negotiate for the fund in Scotland, belonging to the school. It had been barred from before the death of his predecessor, whose bills were protested, and still lay with their charges unredeemed, besides large accounts for the support of Indian youths, without the means of payment, unless by exhausting the residue of the property of the college. He traveled from Poole to London, where he paid his first and grateful respects to the Earl of Dartmouth, Mr. John Thornton and others, who, being formerly of the Board of Trust, had been in friendly relations with the founder, and patronized and cherished the seminary, in the jeopardies of its infancy. With his eyes invariably on the object, by an introductory letter from Dr. Macclion, to Ralph Griffith, Esq., LL. D., he obtained friendly access to Mr. Straghn, member of parliament and the king's printer, and became acquainted with his son-in-law, Mr. Spotswood. This respected gentleman, largely connected, and concerned in the agencies of Scotland, took a benevolent and decisive part in consulting, and adopting measures to restore the fund, at Edinburgh, in the care of the Society, to its primitive channel. Communications were opened—the bills were paid; and the way prepared for future negotiations, till the Society were convinced of the justice of the claim. The money has since been applied to the support of the school in its original design; and arrearages of interest remitted to the president to cancel the debts overwhelming the seminary. He, also, while in England, as on the continent, procured some coins and articles appreciated by the virtuosi. By the benevolence of Paul Wentworth, Esq., Doctor Rose, and other friends to the college, some valuable philosophical instruments were obtained, and others promised, the making of which the two former kindly engaged to superintend, and forward the whole, so soon as completed, to America. A way, besides, was preparing to provide natural curiosities for a museum. Those instruments, with their additions, well constructed,[79] forming an apparatus sufficient for all the more important experiments and observations in Natural Philosophy, afterwards arrived; and at the same time a curious and valuable collection of stones and fossils from India, and different parts of Europe, for the museums from the beneficent Mr. Forsythe, keeper of the king's gardens, at Kensington. All these with costs of transportation, were gifts received at the college, by the Trustees. Only a word more; a large and elegant gold medal was presented by Mr. Clyde of London, to Dr. Wheelock, in his official character. It is wholly irrelevant to our purpose, and needless to speak of the personal civilities and friendly notices of Lord Rawden, by whose goodness he was introduced at the House of Lords, of Sir John Wentworth, Sir J. Blois, Dr. Price, and others, besides those before mentioned.

"Within three months after the President's return (in 1784) the Board of Trustees convened and resolved, if sufficient means could be obtained, to erect an edifice of about one hundred and fifty by fifty feet, three stories in height, for the college, with convenient accommodations for the members. The president, professors, and some of the Trustees in the vicinity, were requested by the Board to solicit subscriptions for the purpose. They depended on Dr. Wheelock's exertions, he cheerfully undertook. By his arrangement and exertions, in that and the following year 1785, and by his agents, near fifteen thousand dollars were given but mostly subscribed to be paid, and chiefly by responsible men in different places. The subscriptions and payments were all put into the hands of the contractor. He commenced and carried on the building. But in 1786 he was unable to procure supplies and nothing but an immediate cessation of the business appeared. Dr. Wheelock afforded relief, by furnishing the joiners, about twenty in number, with sustenance through the season, and aiding in the collection of materials. In the succeeding years, the subscriptions and means in the hands of the contractor being exhausted, he procured by bills on Mrs. Wheelock's agent in the West Indies, and by a residue remitted from Holland and in other ways by his friends abroad, and his own donation of $333.00, all the glass, the nails, the[80] vane and spire and other articles and some pay towards the labor. A bell he had by solicitation obtained before. By the seventh year from the beginning of its foundation, the edifice [Dartmouth Hall] was finished, and well prepared for the reception of the students. We will now return to trace another chain of operation.

"Dr. Wheelock, though not at the particular request of the Board, attended the Legislature of Vermont, June 14, 1785. He solicited; and they made a grant of a township [Wheelock], 23,040 acres, one half to the college and the other half to the school, to be free from all public taxes forever. As soon as practical he procured a survey, obtained a charter, and made calculations for its settlement. Families rapidly moved in, till near the number of one hundred. He disposed of a large part of the tract in small portions on long leases. A few years rent free, the annual product has been to the college and school, each, six hundred dollars.

"We now turn to the State of New Hampshire. Dr. Wheelock had applied, by the desire of the Board, to the General Court for a lottery, and obtained it; but from unexpected events not answering the purpose, they requested him in 1787 to present a memorial to the Legislature for another lottery under different modifications. Professor Woodward attended as agent—the design was effected, and the avails received by the Board.

"The pressure of demands on the college induced him to apply and attend the Legislature, in the month of January, 1739, for the charter of a tract of land on Connecticut river and near the northern confine of the State. A committee was appointed; occasional discussions arose for several days; the matter was finally brought before the House. The Senate and House of Representatives passed an act granting to the Trustees of Dartmouth College a valuable tract of eight miles square, about 42,000 acres adjoining north of Stewarts town. [Ebenezer Webster was the chairman of the Legislative committee recommending this grant.] The forcible and energetic eloquence of General Sullivan, that eminent commander in the Revolutionary War, in the debate on this subject cannot be forgotten. It drew him from his bed,[81] amidst the first attacks of fatal disease—and it was the last speech which he ever made in public. This interesting grant scattered the clouds just bursting on the institution. It was now harrassed with heavy debts of an early standing in its losses at Landaff, which amounted to $30,000.

"At the time of obtaining the above grant, Dr. Wheelock also negotiated to recover the donation of $583, made by Dr. John Phillips, in 1772 [for a philosophical apparatus], to the college, and deposited in the hands of Governor Wentworth, which, after he left the country was considered, from his circumstances, as wholly lost. But Dr. Wheelock adopted measures and secured an account of the same and interest out of confiscated property $1,203, in notes and certificates, which he received of the Treasurer of the State, for the Trustees. He also received, about that period, $125, committed to his agency by the same great benefactor, in a particular conference to transact with the Board, said sum to be given in his name to them; only on the express condition, that they would agree to sequester with it his gift of about 4,000 acres of land by deed to them in 1781, as an accumulating fund for the express purpose of supporting a professor of Theology. They accepted the gift and sequestered the property on the terms of the donor.

"The president had taken into his own hands, at the desire of the Board, the management of the finances and external interest of the college, and continued to conduct, and regulate them, for five years, through its difficult and trying scenes. Having, besides what has been mentioned, among other arrangements, leased a number of lots permanently productive, secured the appropriation of several valuable tracts, in the vicinity of the college, to the use of professorships, and provided relief by obtaining the means to free the seminary from its weight of debts, he resigned to the Board, in August following, the particular charge of the finances, except retaining in trust the disposal of the college moiety of the township in Vermont till a few years after, when he had completed the proposed object of settling and leasing the same.

"The next year, 1790, there being no proper place for the public religious and literary exercises of the members of the[82] seminary, the apartment of the old building falling into decay and ruin, he undertook, made arrangements, provided the means, and erected by contract, in five months, a chapel, near the new college edifice. It is fifty feet by thirty-six, of two stories height, arched within and completely finished, and painted without—convenient, and well adapted to the objects proposed.

"He caused a new building [for Moor's School] to be erected and finished, with a yard, in 1791—two stories high, the lower apartment convenient to accommodate near a hundred youths. The school was improved in the order and regulation of its members under the distinguished talents and fidelity of their instructor Mr. [Josiah] Dunham, the present Secretary of Vermont. At the request of the Society three years after it was visited by a committee of their Boston commissioners charged with the solution of a number of queries in regard to its state, relations, and property. Their favorable report was transmitted to Scotland.

"Of the large debts accumulated for the support of the school, in the latter years of the first president, to discharge the most pressing part, the Trustees had consented to the disposal of lands and property in their hands, hoping that the amount would be replaced. The advances, thus made, the president considered himself as holden in justice to refund; and accordingly paid them for the college, in the year 1793, $4,000, besides some items of small amount before. [Lands also appear to have been sold to aid in building Dartmouth Hall.]

"The Rev. Israel Evans [of Concord] at that time was a member of the Board. He had expressed more than once, in intimate conversation to Dr. Wheelock, their friendship having been long cemented in scenes of war and peace, his desire to do something for the good of mankind and the institution. He finally remarked, that he had made up his mind to sequester a portion of his property as the foundation for a professorship of eloquence; which he knew would also be agreeable to Mrs. Evans. Confined by sickness the succeeding year, at his earnest request, by a special message, the Doctor paid him a visit. The latter expressed in his family, his views and design;[83] and receiving from the former an assent to his wishes to insert his name as one of the executors, proceeded in the full exercise of his mental faculties, to complete his will. Besides his bequests otherwise, he gave of money in the funds, and real estate, the amount of about $7,000, or upwards, in reversion to the Trustees of Dartmouth College, after the death of his wife, as a permanent fund for a professor of eloquence.

"About the same time, Dr. Wheelock attended the General Court, to open the way for their favorable attention to the important objects of the institution. Matters were in suspense till the next session in June 1807, when he again personally appeared before the Legislature. His memorial was considered, committed, and after report an act was made, granting to the Trustees of the college a township of the contents of six miles square, to be laid out on the border of the District of Maine, to the approbation of the Governor and Council. The land was surveyed: mostly an excellent tract, watered by a branch of the river Androscoggin running central through the whole, and near the northern turnpike road—he waited on them with the plan, and obtained their ratification in 1808."

The grant of Landaff to the college had great weight with President Wheelock, in deciding upon a location. But after he had expended several thousand dollars in improvements there, the title was found to be defective, and prior grantees secured the whole. In view of this loss, the State with commendable liberality made the above grants.

There seems to have been no material change in the policy of the college, or the course of study, in the earlier years of this administration.

The following items from the official records of the Trustees are worthy of notice, the first bearing date, August, 1794:

"Voted that those Freshmen who wish to be excused from going errands for other students be not obliged to go, and that those who do not go such errands have not afterwards the privilege of sending Freshmen.

"Adjourned Meeting, February, 1796. No person shall be admitted into the Freshman class unless he be versed in Virgil,[84] Cicero's Select Orations, the Greek Testament, be able accurately to translate English into Latin, and also understands the fundamental rules of Arithmetic."[32]

[32] Memoirs of Wheelock.

The following statement was published in 1811:

"The immediate instruction and government of the students is with the president, who is also professor of civil and Ecclesiastical History, a professor of the Latin, Greek, Hebrew and Oriental Languages, a professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, a professor of Divinity, and two tutors. The qualifications for admission into the Freshman class are, a good moral character, a good acquaintance with Virgil, Cicero's Select Orations, the Greek Testament, knowledge to translate English into Latin, and an acquaintance with the fundamental rules of Arithmetic. The members of the classes, in rotation, declaim before the officers in the chapel every Wednesday, at two o'clock, p. m.

"The Senior, Junior, and Sophomore classes, successively pronounce such orations and other compositions, written by themselves, as the president and professors shall direct, on the last Wednesday of November, the second Wednesday of March, and the third Wednesday of May. Tragedies, plays, and all irreligious expressions and sentiments are sacredly prohibited.

"The Languages, the Arts, and Sciences are studied in the following order: the Freshman Class study the Latin and Greek classics, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Rhetoric. The Sophomore Class study the Latin and Greek classics, Logic, Geography, Arithmetic, Geometry, Trigonometry, Algebra, Conic Sections, Surveying, Belles-lettres and Criticism. The Junior Class study the Latin and Greek classics, Geometry, Natural and Moral Philosophy, and Astronomy. The Senior Class read Metaphysics, Theology, and Natural and Political Law." Chemistry was introduced at about this period. "The study of the Hebrew and the other Oriental Languages, as also the French Language, is recommended to the students. Every week some part of the classes exhibits composition according to the direction of the authority. All the classes are publicly examined at stated periods; those[85] who are found deficient lose their standing in the class. It is a fixed rule that the idle and vicious shall not receive the honors of college.

"The punishments inflicted on offenders are admonition, suspension and expulsion. The president attends morning and evening prayers with the students in the chapel, and often delivers lectures to them on ecclesiastical history, on the doctrines of the Christian religion, or other important subjects. He hears the recitations of the Senior class; his fund of general science renders this an interesting part of collegiate life."

The librarian continues his statements as follows:

"While the library of the college was slowly increasing in numbers and more slowly in value as measured by the wants of the students, there were begun two other libraries, designed in the beginning as supplements, but by their rapid increase and utility soon taking the leading place. In 1783, was formed the society of under-graduates known under the title of 'Social Friends' and the collection of a library was begun. Three years later, by the secession of a part of the members, the rival society of the 'United Fraternity' came into existence. The aim of the societies was to furnish literary culture, and their exercises and constitutions differed but little, while each attempted to obtain more and better men, and collect a larger library, than the other. It was provided in the constitution of the last formed society, that each member should advance for the use of the library twelve shillings lawful money.

"At a meeting during the next year the society voted to register its books, which consisted of twenty-three volumes of magazines and thirty-four other books, making with a few presented at the meeting a library of sixty-three volumes. In 1790, the two societies subscribed to what they termed 'articles of confederation,' in which it was agreed that a case should be procured to contain their books, and that each society should aid in the increase of the common library. For this purpose each society was to advance from one to two dollars for every member, the sum being largest for the lowest class and least for the Senior class, and a committee was constituted[86] with power to settle all differences. But however strong the agreement between the two parties it could not eliminate jealousy; neither were the societies entirely free from internal dissensions. The records contain accounts of 'conspiracies,' and attempts to destroy the societies, accompanied by reports of committees, treating the subject with the dignity of a danger to the State. One of these 'conspiracies' in 1793, terminated in the destruction of nearly all the records of the 'Social Friends' and almost caused the dissolution of the society. Much of the strife between the societies was caused by the mode of securing members, and though there were amendments intended to lessen this, nothing like a settlement was made until 1815, when an order from the officers of the college limited the membership of each society to one half of the number in the different classes. It was probably this question of membership that caused, in 1799, the division of the 'federal library'; the 'United Fraternity' that year demanding a separation, and the 'Social Friends' replying that they cheerfully concurred. With the strong rivalry existing, the libraries could but increase more rapidly under separate management, especially as the students for many years taxed themselves severely, and contributed generously by subscriptions and donations to fill up their few shelves. Nearly all the books were contributed by under-graduates, and the value placed upon them forms a marked contrast with the present use of library books. It was upon these libraries that the students more generally depended, and while their additions were larger they also had larger losses and suffered more from the wear of usage. They obtained from time to time the books that were needed, the college library such as were given, and that was doubtless true during all of the time which was said of it fifty years later: 'The library contains some rare and valuable works, but is deficient in new books.' The society libraries from the beginning had regular and frequent hours for drawing books, while the college library during a great part of its history has been from various reasons hardly accessible, or open only at long intervals. In 1793, the college began the yearly assessment of eight shillings on each student, one fourth for the[87] salary of the librarian, and the remainder for the purchase of new books.

"The first printed catalogue of any of the libraries was of that of the college, and was merely a list printed in 1810. It mentioned 2,900 volumes, but as there were many duplicates the number of books of any practical value was less than 2,000. The number of books in each of the society libraries at this time may be estimated as slightly over 1,000, so that the number of volumes to which access could be had was not much over 4,000." We quote an item worthy of notice from official records on this subject:

"Annual Meeting of Trustees, September, a. d. 1783. This Board being informed that Mr. Daniel Oliver, a student in the Junior class at this College, has made a donation to Library of the following books [43 volumes; 33 different works], Voted, that the Vice-president be requested to return him the thanks of this Board and request his acceptance of the use of the college library free of charge during the term he shall continue a student at this college."

[88]

## CHAPTER XI.

LACK OF HARMONY BETWEEN PRESIDENT WHEELOCK AND OTHER TRUSTEES.—REMOVAL OF THE PRESIDENT FROM OFFICE.—ESTIMATE OF HIS CHARACTER.

The administration of President John Wheelock is remarkable for two things; its great length, and its unhappy close.

The great "Dartmouth Controversy" is one of the most impressive chapters in the annals of American colleges.

In discussing this subject it is necessary to consider some of the influences which had aided in moulding President Wheelock's character. His residence at Yale College was at an important period in the history of that institution, commencing soon after the resignation of President Clap, who had been driven from his position, virtually, for opposing any interference in the affairs of the college, by the Legislature. The friends of education were divided in sentiment, as to the wisdom of his course, and the institution was in some sense under a cloud till the accession of President Stiles—a friend of the Wheelock family—who effected an arrangement by which the State was admitted to a share in the management of the college. The following letter from a prominent Trustee of Dartmouth to the president, written just at this period, shows that the animated contest in Connecticut was only the natural and logical precursor of one more animated and much more important, in New Hampshire.

"Charlestown, November 17, 1791.

"Hon. Sir: I have set my name to the petition, etc., although, I confess not without some hesitation and reluctance. I like the plan well in general,—but there is one exception. I cannot form any idea of what is intended by the proposal, That the Council, or Senate, or both, be admitted to some cern in the government of the university [college].[89]

"This appears to me to be a proposal of too much or nothing at all, and of something not in the power of this Board to confer, who I think cannot admit any foreign jurisdiction, any man, or number of men to any share in government of the university, properly so termed, otherwise than what the Constitution specifies.

"I have, however, subscribed under the influence of this consideration: That in the event it may subject us to no other inconvenience, but the imputation of inconsistence in conduct in hereafter rejecting a compliance with our own proposal, if we shall find that more is performed by others than was intended, or can be admitted by us, though fairly enough proffered.

"I think some precautionary injunctions to the Agent in this matter would be wise and prudent.

"In haste—

"I am, sir, with much esteem and sincere affection,
"Your sincere friend and humble servant,

"Bulkley Olcott."

"President Wheelock."

Mr. Wheelock's experiences also as a legislator and military commander, in early life, doubtless gave him a larger confidence in his own abilities on the one hand, and on the other a more profound conviction that everything in the State should, be subordinate to the State.

The religious aspects of President Wheelock's character, are worthy of special notice. He was the dutiful, in some sense the favorite son of an honored father. The former president, although sound in the faith, had more catholic views and broader sympathies than many of the leading divines of his day. The son was no less liberal than the father. This liberality was doubtless the real cause of difference between the second president and his associates in office. His first decided opponent was Nathaniel Niles, who entered the Board in 1793, a man of rare ability, and in early life a pupil of Dr. Bellamy, whose religious views on some points were materially different from those of his contemporary and neighbor, the first president.

The first important point gained by Mr. Niles was the election of his friend, Mr. Shurtleff, to the chair of Divinity, in 1804.[90]

For ten years the breach was constantly widening between the president and his opponents. We now find the following official records:

"At a meeting of the Trustees, November 11, 1814, the following preamble and resolutions, introduced by Charles Marsh, Esq., were adopted.

"Whereas, the duties of the president of this university have become very multiplied and arduous; and, whereas, it is necessary that he should continue to attend to the concerns of this institution, and the various officers and departments thereof, and should have time to prepare and lay before this Board the business to which its attention should be directed; therefore, resolved, that, in order to relieve the president from some portion of the burdens which unavoidably devolve on him, he be excused in future from hearing the recitations of the Senior Class, in Locke, Edwards, and Stewart.

"Resolved, that the Professors, Shurtleff and Moore, jointly supply the pulpit, in such manner as may be agreed between them. That Professor Shurtleff hear the recitation of the Senior class in Edwards on the Will; that Professor Adams hear the recitation of the Senior class in Locke on the Human Understanding, and that Professor Moore hear the recitation of the Senior class in Stewart's Philosophy of the Mind, and that he hear them in both volumes of that work."

This action of the Board was followed by the publication of the "Sketches," and, in June, 1815, the presentation of the following Petition to the New Hampshire Legislature:

"Honorable Legislators,—The citizens of New Hampshire enjoy security and peace under your wise laws; prosperity in productive labors by means which you have adopted; and, by your counsels, increasing knowledge in the establishment of literature through the State. But, for none of these, can so much be ascribed to your attention as for Dartmouth College. By your patronage and munificence it was flourishing in former years; and so it still would have continued had the management of its concerns been adapted to answer the designs of your wisdom, and the hopes of its most enlightened and virtuous friends.[91]

"To your Honorable body, whose guardian care encircles the institutions of the State, it becomes incumbent on the citizens to make known any change in their condition and relations interesting to the public good. To you alone, whose power extends to correcting or reforming their abuses, ought he to apply when they cease to promote the end of their establishment, the social order and happiness.

"Gladly would the offerer of this humble address, avoiding to trouble your counsels, have locked up his voice in perpetual silence, while the evils are rolling on and accumulating, were he not otherwise compelled by a sense of duty to your Legislature, and to the best interests of mankind, in the present and future times.

"Will you permit him to suggest there is reason to fear that those who hold in trust the concerns of this seminary have forsaken its original principles and left the path of their predecessors. It is unnecessary to relate how the evil commenced in its embryo state; by what means and practices, they, thus deviating, have in recent years, with the same object in view, increased their number to a majority controlling the measures of the Board; but more important is it to lay before you that there are serious grounds to excite apprehensions of the great impropriety and dangerous tendency of their proceedings; reasons to believe that they have applied property to purposes wholly alien from the intentions of the donors, and under peculiar circumstances to excite regret; that they have in the series of their movements, to promote party views, transformed the moral and religions order of the institution, by depriving many of their innocent enjoyment of rights and privileges for which they had confided in their faith; that they have broken down the barriers and violated the Charter, by prostrating the rights with which it expressly invests the presidential office; that, to subserve their purposes, they have adopted improper methods in their appointments of executive officers, naturally tending to embarrass and obstruct the harmonious government and instruction of the seminary; that they have extended their powers, which the Charter confines to the college, to form connection with an academy[33] in exclusion of the other academies in the State,[92] cementing an alliance with its overseers, and furnishing aid from the college treasury for its students; that they have perverted the power, which by the incorporation they ought to exercise over a branch of Moor's Charity School, and have obstructed the application of its fund according to the nature of the establishment and the design of the donors; and that their measures have been oppressive to your memorialist in the discharge of his office.

[33] Kimball Union Academy.

"Such are the impressions as now related, arising from the acts and operations of those who have of late commanded the decisions of the Board.

"Your memorialist does not pretend to exhibit their motives, whether they have been actuated by erroneous conceptions, or mistaken zeal, or some other cause, in attending to the concerns of the institution. But with great deference he submits the question, unless men in trust preserve inviolable faith, whether pledged by words, or action, or usage, to individuals, unless they continuously keep within the limits assigned to them by law; if they do not sacredly apply the fruits of benevolence committed to their charge, to the destined purpose; if the public affairs in their trust are not conducted with openness, impartiality, and candor, instead of designed and secret management; if they become pointedly hostile to those who discern their course, and honestly oppose their measures which are esteemed destructive; if they bear down their inoffensive servants, who are faithful to the cause of truth, how can an establishment under these circumstances, be profitable to mankind? How can there be a gleam of prospective joy to any except to those who are converting its interest into their own channel, to serve a favorite design? What motive, then, will remain to benefactors to lay foundations, or to bestow their charities on such an object?

"There is also ground for increasing, fearful apprehension, by adding to the immediate, what may be the ultimate effect of the measures which have been described. In a collective view they appear to the best acquainted and discerning to be, in all their adaptations, tending to one end, to complete the destruction of the original principles of the college and school, and to establish a new modified system, to strengthen the interests[93] of a party or sect, which, by extending its influence under the fairest professions, will eventually affect the political independence of the people, and move the springs of their government.

"To you, revered legislators! the writer submits the foregoing important considerations. He beholds, in your Honorable body, the sovereign of the State, holding, by the Constitution, and the very nature of sovereignty in all countries, the sacred right, with your duty and responsibility to God, to visit and oversee the literary establishments, where the manners and feelings of the young are formed, and grow up in the citizen in after life; to restrain from injustice, and rectify abuses in their management, and, if necessary, to reduce them to their primitive principles, or so modify their powers as to make them subservient to the public welfare. To your protection, and wise arrangements, he submits whatever he holds in official rights by the Charter of the seminary; and to you his invaluable rights as a subject and citizen.

"He entreats your honorable body to take into consideration the state and concerns of the college and school, as laid before you.

"And as the Legislature have never before found occasion to provide, by any tribunal, against the evils of the foregoing nature, and their ultimate dangers, he prays that you would please, by a committee invested with competent powers, or otherwise, to look into the affairs and management of the institution, internal and external, already referred to, and, if judged expedient in your wisdom, that you would make such organic improvements and model reforms in its system and movements, as, under Divine Providence, will guard against the disorders and their apprehended consequences.

"He begs only to add the contemplated joys of the friends of man and virtue, in the result of your great wisdom and goodness, which may secure this seat of science, so that it may become an increasing source of blessings to the State, and to mankind of the present and succeeding ages, instead of a theatre for the purpose of a few, terminating in public calamity.

"Whatever disposal your Honorable body may please to[94] make of the subject now presented, the subscriber will never cease to maintain the most humble deference and dutiful respect.

John Wheelock."

It would not be profitable, at the present time, to re-open the discussion of the subject matter of the various charges contained in the above document, which were so fully elaborated in the "Sketches," and so carefully considered in the subsequent "Vindication" by the Trustees.

The prayer of the Memorial was granted by the Legislature, by the appointment of a committee of investigation. The following letter is worthy of careful attention in this connection:

"Exeter, August 15, 1815.

"My dear Sir,—In common with many others I have felt considerable anxiety for the issue of the matter so much in public discussion relative to Dartmouth College. I do not feel either inclined or competent to give any opinion as to the course which ought finally to be adopted by the Board of Trustees for the benefit of that institution. I am entirely willing to leave that to the determination of those much better informed on the subject and better able to judge. From certain intimations which I have lately had, I am led to believe an intention is entertained by some members of the Board of ending all difficulty with the president by removing him from office. I greatly fear such a measure adopted under present circumstances, and at the present time, would have a very unhappy effect on the public mind. An inquiry is now pending, instituted after considerable discussion, by the Legislature of this State, apparently for the purpose of granting relief for the subject matter of complaint. The Trustees acquiesce in this inquiry; whether they appear before the committee appointed to make it formally as a body, or informally as individuals, the public will not deem of much importance. The Legislature, I think, for certain purposes, have a right to inquire into an alleged mismanagement of such an institution, a visitorial power rests in the State, and I do not deem it important for my present view to determine in what department or how to be exercised. The Legislature may, on proper occasion,[95] call it into operation. I have never seen the president's memorial to the Legislature, but am told it is an abstract from the 'Pamphlet of Sketches.' From the statements in that I take the burthen of his complaint to be, that the Trustees have not given him a due and proper share of power and influence in the concerns of the college, and that they have improperly used their own power and influence in patronizing and propagating in the college particular theological opinions. The alleged misapplication of funds [paid for preaching] is stated as an instance of such misconduct. These opinions, it would seem, are particularly disagreeable to the president. The whole dispute is made to have a bearing on the president personally. Should the Trustees, during the pendency of the inquiry in a cause in which they are supposed to be a party, take the judgment into their own hands, and summarily end the dispute by destroying the other party, they will offend and irritate at least all those who were in favor of making the inquiry. Such will not be satisfied with the answer that the Trustees have the power and feel it to be their duty to exercise it. It will be said that the reasons which justify a removal (if there be any) have existed for a long time. A removal after so long forbearance, at the present time, will be attributed to recent irritations.

"That part of the president's complaint which relates to his religious grievances, addresses itself pretty strongly to the prejudices and feelings of all those opposed to the sect called Orthodox. This comprises all the professed friends of liberal religion, most of the Baptists and Methodist, and all the nothingarians. The Democrats will be against you, of course. All these combined would compose in this State a numerous and powerful body. Any measure adopted by the Trustees with the appearance of anger, or haste, will be eagerly seized on. If the statements of the president are as incorrect as I have heard it confidently asserted, an exposure of that incorrectness will put the public opinion right. It may require time, but the result must be certain. If it can be shown that his complaints are nothing but defamatory clamor, he will be reduced to that low condition that it will be the interest of no sect or party to attempt to hold him up. I see no danger in delay, but fear much in too great haste. Perhaps there is no occasion at[96] present to determine how long the Trustees should delay adopting their final course. Circumstances may render that expedient at a future time which is not now. I feel much confidence that a very decisive course against the president by the Trustees at the present time would create an unpleasant sensation in the public mind, and would, I fear, be attended with unpleasant consequences.

"I am sensible I have expressed my opinion very strongly on a subject in which I have only a common interest. I frankly confess I have been somewhat influenced by fears that some of the Trustees will find it difficult to free themselves entirely from the effects of the severe irritation they must have lately experienced.

"I am, dear sir, with esteem,
"Sincerely yours.

"Jeremiah Mason."

"C. Marsh, Esq."

President Wheelock was removed from office on the 26th of August, 1815, by the vote of a decided majority of the Board, upon grounds of which the following is the substance:

"1st. He has had an agency in publishing and circulating a certain anonymous pamphlet, entitled 'Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College and Moor's Charity School,' and espoused the charges therein contained before a committee of the Legislature. The Trustees consider this publication a libel on the institution.

"2d. He claims a right to exercise the whole executive authority of the college, which the Charter has expressly committed to the Trustees, with the president, professors, and tutors by them appointed. He also claims a right to control the Corporation in the appointment of executive officers.

"3d. He has caused an impression to be made on the minds of students under censure for transgression of the laws of the institution, that if he could have had his will they would not have suffered disgrace or punishment.

"4th. He has taken a youth who was not an Indian, but adopted by an Indian tribe, and supported him in Moor's School, on the Scotch fund, which is granted for the sole purpose of instructing and civilizing Indians.[97]

"5th. He has, without sufficient ground for such a course, reported that the real cause of the dissatisfaction of the Trustees with him was a diversity of religious opinions between him and them."

In taking leave of the second president, we have only to remark, as we introduce his eulogist, Mr. Samuel Clesson Allen, that both parties to the contest apparently overrated their grievances.

"President Wheelock was distinguished for the extent and variety of his learning. With a lively curiosity he pushed his inquiries into every department of knowledge, and made himself conversant with the various branches of science. But of all the subjects which presented themselves to his inquisitive mind those which relate to man in his intellectual constitution and social relations engaged and fixed his attention. His favorite branches were Intellectual Philosophy, Ethics, and Politics. Possessing in an eminent degree the spirit of his station, he fulfilled with singular felicity the offices of instructor and governor in the college. Animated and ardent himself, he could transfuse the same holy ardor into the minds of his pupils. What youth ever visited him in his study, but returned to his pursuits with a renovated spirit, and a loftier sentiment of glory?

"He had formed the noblest conceptions of the powers of the human mind, and of its ultimate progress in knowledge and refinement. This sentiment called forth the energies of his mind, and gave direction and character to his inquiries. It pervaded all his instructions, and imparted to science and to letters their just preëminence among the objects of human pursuit.

"He never sought to preoccupy the minds of his pupils with his own peculiar notions, or to impose upon them any favorite system of opinions. He endeavored to make them proficients in science, and not the proselytes of a sect.

"In government he commanded more by example than by authority, and the admiration of his talents ensured a better obedience than the force of laws. His elevation of mind placed him above personal prejudices and resentments, and jealousies of wounded dignity. He practiced no espionage[98] upon his pupils, but reposed for the maintenance of order on their sense of propriety, and his own powers of command. He conciliated their attachment while he inspired their reverence; and he secured their attention to the stated exercises and reconciled them to the severest studies by the example he exhibited, and the enthusiasm he inspired. He knew how to adapt his discipline to the various dispositions and characters, and could discriminate between the accidental impulse of a youthful emotion and deliberate acts of intentional vice.

"He was an interesting and powerful speaker. His erect attitude and dignified action inspired reverence, and commanded attention. But the wonderful force of his eloquence arose from the strength and sublimity of his conceptions. Such were his originality of thought, and rich variety of expression, that he could present the most common subjects in new and interesting lights. His public discourses evinced the strength of the reasoning faculty, the powers of the imagination, and the resources of genius.

"He would sometimes conduct the mind with painful subtility through the multiplied steps of a long demonstration. At other times he would glance upon the main topics of his argument, and seize on his conclusion by a sort of intuitive penetration. He frequently embellished his subject with the higher ornaments of style, and diffused around the severer sciences the graces and elegancies of taste. For force of expression he might be compared to Chatham, and in splendid imagery he sometimes rivaled Burke. He would, at pleasure, spread a sudden blaze around his subject or diffuse about it a milder radiance.

"To the interpretation of the Scriptures he carried all the lights which geography, history, and criticism could supply, and poured their full effulgence upon the sacred page. His daily prayers always presenting new views of the works and perfections of the Deity, exhibited whatever was vast in conception, glowing in expression and devout in feeling.

"He was probably formed not less for the higher offices of active life than for the speculations of science. Distinguished for the boldness of his enterprise and the decisive energy of his character, he set no limits to what individual exertion[99] and effort could accomplish. He attempted great things with means which other men would have esteemed wholly inadequate, and the vigor of his mind increased in proportion to the difficulties he met in the execution of his enterprises. He was disheartened by no difficulties, he was intimidated by no dangers, he was shaken by no sufferings. The glory which he sought was not the temporary applause of this party or that sect, but it was the glory which results from unwearied efforts for the improvement and happiness of man. He was not less distinguished by the object and character of his enterprises than by the great qualities he exhibited in their accomplishment. His was a high and holy ambition, which, while it preserved its vigor, identified its objects with those of the purest charity."

Dartmouth conferred the degree of LL. D. upon President Wheelock in 1789. He died at Hanover, April 4, 1817, his wife, Mrs. Maria (Suhm) Wheelock, daughter of Governor Christian Suhm, of St. Thomas, W. I., surviving him.

[100]

## CHAPTER XII.

ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT BROWN.—CONTEST BETWEEN THE COLLEGE AND THE STATE.—TRIUMPH OF THE COLLEGE.

Rev. Francis Brown of North Yarmouth, Maine, was elected the successor of President Wheelock. His character will be the subject of a later chapter. He was inaugurated in September, 1815, and entered at once with vigor and earnestness upon the performance of his official duties.

The Committee of the New Hampshire Legislature of 1815, Rev. Ephraim P. Bradford, Nathaniel A. Haven, and Daniel A. White, appointed to investigate the affairs of the college, reported in substance, that there was no ground for interference by the State.

The deep interest in the college question produced a political revolution in the State. In his message to the Legislature at the opening of the session in June, 1816, Governor Plumer says:

"Permit me to invite your consideration to the state and condition of Dartmouth College, the head of our learned institutions. As the State has contributed liberally to the establishment of its funds, and as our constituents have a deep interest in its prosperity, it has a strong claim to our attention. The charter of that college was granted December 13th, 1769, by John Wentworth, who was then Governor of New Hampshire, under the authority of the British king. As it emanated from royalty, it contained, as was natural it should, principles congenial to monarchy; among others, it established Trustees, made seven a quorum, and authorized a majority of those present to remove any of its members which they might consider unfit or incapable, and the survivors to perpetuate the Board by themselves, electing others to supply vacancies.[101] This last principle is hostile to the spirit and genius of a free government. Sound policy therefore requires that the mode of election should be changed, and that Trusties, in future, should be elected by some other body of men.

"The college was founded for the public good, not for the benefit or emolument of its Trustees; and the right to amend and improve acts of incorporation of this nature has been exercised by all governments, both monarchical and republican. In the Charter of Dartmouth College it is expressly provided that the president, trustees, professors, tutors and other officers, shall take the oath of allegiance to the British king; but if the laws of the United States, as well as those of New Hampshire, abolished by implication that part of the Charter, much more might they have done it directly and by express words. These facts show the authority of the Legislature to interfere upon this subject."

Governor Plumer communicated this message to Jefferson, who replied in his letter of July 21, 1816: "It is replete with sound principles, and truly republican. Some articles, too, are worthy of notice. The idea that institutions established for the use of the nation cannot be touched nor modified, even to make them answer their end, because of rights gratuitously supposed in those employed to manage them in trust for the public, may, perhaps, be a salutary provision against the abuses of a monarch, but it is most absurd against the nation itself. Yet our lawyers and priests generally inculcate this doctrine, and suppose that preceding generations held the earth more freely than we do; had a right to impose laws on us, unalterable by ourselves; and that we, in like manner, can make laws and impose burdens on future generations, which they will have no right to alter; in fine, that the earth belongs to the dead, and not to the living."

The following action shows the result:

"The undersigned, three of the members of the Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College, having this morning seen a printed copy of a bill before the Honorable House [of the New Hampshire Legislature], the provisions of which, should they go into effect would set aside the Charter of the college, and wholly change the administration of its concerns,[102] beg leave respectfully to remonstrate against its passage. The provisions of the bill referred to change the name of the corporation; enlarge the number of Trustees; alter the number to constitute a quorum; render persons living out of the State, who are now eligible, hereafter ineligible; vacate the seats of those members who are not inhabitants of the State; deprive the Trustees of the right of electing members to supply vacancies; and give to the new Board of Trustees an arbitrary power of annulling everything heretofore transacted by the Trustees; and this last without the concurrence of the proposed Board of Overseers. The consent of the present Board of Trustees is in no instance contemplated as necessary to give validity to the new act of incorporation.

"In the opinion of the undersigned, these changes, modifications, and alterations effectually destroy the present Charter of the college and constitute a new one.

"Should the bill become a law, it will be obvious to our fellow citizens that the Trustees of Dartmouth College will have been deprived of their Charter rights without having been summoned or notified of any such proceeding against them. It will be equally obvious to our fellow citizens that the facts reported by the committee of investigation [of the last Legislature] did not form the ground and basis of the new act of incorporation; and that no evidence of facts of any sort, relating to the official conduct of the Trustees, other than the report of the committee of investigation, was submitted to your Honorable Bodies.

"To deprive a Board of Trustees of their Charter rights, after they have been accused of gross misconduct in office, without requiring any proof whatever of such misconduct, appears to your remonstrants unjust, and not conformable to the spirit of the free and happy government under which we live. If the property has been misapplied, if there has been any abuse of power upon the part of the Trustees, they are fully sensible of their high responsibility; but they have always believed, and still believe, that a sound construction of the powers granted to the Legislature, gives them, in this case, only the right to order, for good cause, a prosecution in the judicial courts.[103]

"A different course effectually blends judicial and legislative powers, and constitutes the Legislature a judicial tribunal.

"The undersigned also beg leave to remonstrate against the passage of the bill, on the ground of inexpediency. A corporation is a creature of the law, to which certain powers, rights, and privileges are granted; and amongst others that of holding property. Destroy this creature, this body politic, and all its property immediately reverts to its former owners. This doctrine has long been recognized and established in all governments of law. Any material alteration of the corporation, without its consent, and certainly such essential alterations as the bill under consideration is intended to make, will be followed with the same effect. The funds belonging to the college, although not great, are highly important to the institution; and a considerable proportion of them were granted by, and lie in, the State of Vermont. The undersigned most earnestly entreat the Honorable Legislature not to put the funds of the college in jeopardy; not to put at hazard substantial income, under expectations which may or may not be realized."

After alluding to lack of precedent for the proposed action, and the necessary increase of expenditures which would result from its consummation, they proceed to say: "If the provisions of this bill should take effect, we greatly fear that the concerns of the college will be drawn into the vortex of political controversy. We refer particularly to that section of the bill which gives the appointment of Trustees and Overseers to the Governor and Council. The whole history of the United States for the last twenty years teaches us a lesson which ought not to be kept out of view. Our literary institutions hitherto have been preserved from the influence of party. The tendency of this bill, unless we greatly mistake, is to convert the peaceful retreat of our college into a field for party warfare.

"Whilst the undersigned deem it their indispensable duty to remonstrate in the most respectful terms against the passage of the bill referred to, they have no objection, and they have no reason to believe their fellow Trustees have any objection, to the passage of a law connecting the government of the[104] State with that of the college, and creating every salutary check and restraint upon the official conduct of the Trustees and their successors that can be reasonably required, and with respectful deference they would propose the following outlines of a plan for that purpose.

"The Councillors and Senators of New Hampshire together with the Speaker of the House of Representatives for the time being, shall constitute a Board of Overseers of Dartmouth College, any ten of whom shall be a quorum for transacting business. The Overseers shall meet annually at the college, on the day preceding Commencement. They shall have an independent right to organize their own body, and to form their own rules; but as soon as they shall have organized themselves they shall give information thereof to the Trustees. Whenever any vote shall have been passed by the Trustees it shall be communicated to the Overseers, and shall not have effect until it shall have the concurrence of the Overseers. Provided, nevertheless, that if at any meeting a quorum of the Overseers shall not be formed, the Trustees shall have full power to confer degrees, in the same manner as though there were no Overseers; and also to appoint Trustees or other officers (not a president or professor), and to enact such laws as the interests of the institution shall indispensably require; but no law passed by the Trustees shall in such case have force longer than until the next annual meeting of the Boards, unless it shall then be approved by the Overseers. Neither of the Boards shall adjourn, except from day to day, without the consent of the other. It shall be the duty of the president of the college, whenever in his opinion the interests of the institution shall require it, or whenever requested thereto by three Trustees, or three Overseers, to call special meetings of both Boards, causing notice to be given in writing to each Trustee and Overseer, of the time and place; but no meeting of one Board shall ever be called except at the same time and place with the other. It shall be the duty of the president of the college annually, in the month of May, to transmit to his Excellency, the Governor, a full and particular account of the state of the funds, the number of students and their progress, and generally the state and condition of the college.[105]

"If the plan above suggested should meet the approbation of the Honorable Legislature, and good men of all parties give it their sanction, we may all anticipate, with high satisfaction, the future prosperity of the college, and its incalculable usefulness to the State; but if a union of the friends of literature and science, of all parties and sects, cannot be attained; if the triumph of one party over the other be absolutely indispensable; fearful apprehensions must fill the mind of every considerate man, every dispassionate friend of Dartmouth College.

Thos. W. Thompson,
Elijah Paine,
Asa M'Farland.

"June 19, 1816."

The effect of this proposed compromise was a modification of the bill in some of its important features. Against the amended bill, which was passed a few days afterward, there was a farther protest, from which we make brief extracts.

"The undersigned would not trouble the Honorable Legislature with any remarks in addition to those contained in their remonstrance of the 19th inst. did they not believe it was a duty not to be omitted."

Referring to the amended bill, they continue:

"They have not been able to obtain a sight of it, but have heard it contains provisions for an increase of the Board of Trustees to the number of twenty-one, a majority of whom to constitute a quorum, and that the additional number are to be appointed by His Excellency the Governor and the Honorable the Council. To many of the topics of argument, suggested in their former remonstrance (which are equally applicable against the passage of the bill in its present shape) they respectfully ask leave to add, that the bill in its present shape destroys the identity of the corporation, known in the law by the name of the Trustees of Dartmouth College, without the consent of the corporation, and consequently the corporation to be created by the present bill must and will be deemed by courts of law altogether diverse and distinct from the corporation to which all the grants of property have hitherto been made; and therefore the new corporation cannot hold the property granted to the corporation created by the charter of 1769.[106]

"By the Charter of Dartmouth College a contract was made by the then supreme power of the State with the twelve persons therein named, by which, when accepted by the persons therein named, certain rights and privileges were vested in them and their successors, for the guarantee of which the faith of government was pledged by necessary implication. In the same instrument the faith of government was pledged that the corporation should consist of twelve persons and no more. The change in the government of the State, since taken place, does not in the least possible degree impair the validity of this contract,—otherwise nearly all the titles to real estate, held by our fellow citizens, must be deemed invalid.

"The passage of the bill now before the Honorable House will, in the deliberate opinion of the undersigned, violate the plighted faith of the government. If the undersigned are correct in considering the Charter of 1769 in the nature of a contract, and if the bill, in its present shape, becomes a law, we think it necessarily follows that it will also violate an important clause in the 10th section of the 1st article in the Constitution of the United States, which provides, that no State shall pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts.

"The Honorable Legislature will permit us to add, that as it is well known that the Trustees have, as a Board, been divided on certain important subjects, although the minority has been very small, should the Legislature now provide for nine new Trustees, to be appointed by His Excellency the Governor and the Honorable the Council, and that without any facts being proved to the Legislature, or any Legislative report having been made, showing that the state of things at the college rendered the measure necessary, it must be seen by our fellow citizens that the majority of the Trustees have been by the Legislature, for some unacknowledged cause, condemned unheard.

Thomas W. Thompson,
Asa M'Farland.

"June 24, 1816."

The recommendations of the Governor in substance, became a law; the name of the college was changed to "University;"[107] the number of the Trustees was increased to twenty-one; a Board of Overseers was created, to be appointed by the Governor and Council; the president and professors of the university were required to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and of the State of New Hampshire; and the act provided that "perfect freedom of religious opinion should be enjoyed by all the students and officers of the university." The committee to whom the message, etc., relating to this subject, were referred, it should be remarked, did not undertake to decide in favor of either party to the controversy, but alleged that the troubles arose from certain defects in the Charter, and that they would recur again in some form, unless those defects were remedied.

The debates upon the historical and constitutional questions involved were able. The minority were ably led, both inside and outside the Legislature, but parliamentary tactics availed them nothing. Many of them joined in a written protest against the passage of the bill, the substance of which has already appeared in the action of the Trustees.

Directly after the passage of this bill Mr. Marsh prepared an elaborate argument, never published, setting forth the essence of the leading points of the case, as viewed by the majority of the old Trustees.

The following letter, addressed to Mr. Timothy Bigelow, Boston, is worthy of notice in this connection:

"Concord, July 27, 1816.

"Dear Sir: Dr. McFarland will do himself the pleasure to hand you this. In him you will recognize an old acquaintance. We wish to get the opinions of as many legal friends as we can upon the question of legitimate power in the New Hampshire Legislature, to pass the act relating to Dartmouth College, and with regard to the course the old Trustees ought to pursue. It is an interest, we think, common to all well wishers to New England.

"The old Trustees, I am confident, are willing to take just that course that their wisest and best friends recommend.

"Very cordially yours,

Thomas W. Thompson."

[108]August 28, 1816, a majority of the old Trustees formally refused to accept the provisions of the act.

A meeting of the Trustees of the university, under the act of June 27, 1816, was called, but through the illness of a single member, failed for want of a quorum. The judges of the Superior Court, on December 5, 1816, in answer to the Governor and Council, gave their opinion that the executive department had no authority to fill the vacancies which had occurred. To remedy this, the Legislature, on December 18, 1816, passed an additional act providing for filling the vacancies, the calling of meetings and fixing a quorum; and on December 26, 1816, passed another act imposing the penalty of five hundred dollars upon any person who should assume any office in the university except by virtue of the preceding acts.

In view of this action President Brown writes to Mr. Timothy Farrar, of Portsmouth, January 3, 1817:

"Now, what shall we do? One of these four courses must be taken. We must either keep possession and go on to teach as usual, without any regard to the law, or, withdrawing from the college edifice and all the college property, continue to instruct as the officers of Dartmouth College; or, relinquishing this name for the present, collect as many students as will join us, and instruct them as private but associated individuals; or else we must give all up and disperse. Will you give us your opinion, what may be duty or what expedient, as soon as convenient? Particularly, will you give us your opinion whether, supposing this oppressive act to be judged constitutional, we should be liable to the fine, if we instruct as the officers of Dartmouth College, relinquishing, however, the college buildings, the library, apparatus, etc."

The Faculty of the college issued the following:

"ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE TO THE PUBLIC.

"As the undersigned, after the most serious and mature consideration, have determined to retain the offices which they received by the appointment of the Trustees of Dartmouth College, and not voluntarily to surrender, at present,[109] any property committed to them, nor to relinquish any privileges pertaining to their offices, they believe it to be a duty, which they owe to the public no less than to themselves, to make an explicit declaration of the principles by which they are governed.

"They begin by stating the two following positions, as maxims of political morality, which they deem incontrovertible:

"1. It is wrong, under any form of government, for a citizen or subject to refuse compliance with the will of the sovereign power, when that will is fully expressed, except in cases where the rights of conscience are invaded, or where oppression is practiced to such an extreme degree that the great ends of civil government are defeated or highly endangered.

"2. Under a free government, where the sovereignty is exercised by several distinct branches, whose respective powers are created and defined by written constitutions, cases may arise in which it will be the duty of the citizen to delay conforming to the ordinances of one branch until the other branches shall have had opportunity to act. If, for example, the legislative branch should transcend its legitimate power, and assume to perform certain acts which the Constitution had assigned to the province of the judicial branch, a citizen, injuriously affected by those acts, might be bound, not indeed forcibly to resist them, but, in the manner pointed out by law, to make an appeal to the judiciary and to await its decision.

"The undersigned deem it unnecessary, in this place, to detail the provisions of the acts of the Honorable Legislature, passed in June and December, a. d. 1816, relating to this institution. Those acts are before the public and are generally understood.

"The Board of Trustees, as constituted by the Charter of 1769, at their annual meeting in August last, took into consideration the act of June, and adopted a resolution, 'not to accept its provisions.' In the preamble to this resolution, we find a paragraph in the words following: 'They (the Trustees) find the law fully settled and recognized in almost every case which has arisen, wherein a corporation or any member[110] or officer is a party, that no man or body of men is bound to accept, or act under, any grant or gift of corporate powers and privileges; and that no existing corporation is bound to accept, but may decline or refuse to accept any act or grant conferring additional powers or privileges, or making any restriction or limitation of those they already possess; and in case a grant is made to individuals or to a corporation without application, it is to be regarded not as an act obligatory or binding upon them, but as an offer or proposition to confer such powers and privileges, or the expression of a desire to have them accept such restrictions, which they are at liberty to accept or reject.'

"If the doctrine contained in this paragraph be correct, and of its correctness the undersigned, after ascertaining the opinion of eminent jurists in most of the New England States, entertain no doubt, the act of June, and of course the acts of December, have become inoperative, in consequence of the nonacceptance of them by the Charter Trustees, and the provisions of these acts are not binding upon the corporation or its officers. We take the liberty to add, that, in our opinion, the reasons assigned by the Trustees in the preamble before mentioned for not accepting the act of June, are very important and amply sufficient. Indeed, it has ever appeared to us, that the changes proposed to be introduced into the charter by the acts in question, would have proved highly inauspicious to the welfare of this institution, and ultimately injurious to the interests of literature throughout our country.

"The Trustees appointed agreeably to the provisions of the act of June have, however, thought proper to organize, without the concurrence of the Charter Trustees, and to perform numerous decisive acts.

"At a meeting in Concord on the fourth instant, they brought several specifications of charges against the undersigned; and at an adjourned meeting, holden on the twenty-second instant, they proceeded to displace, discharge, and remove them from their respective offices in Dartmouth University. A similar procedure was adopted against four of the Trustees acting under the Charter.

"Unless we greatly mistake, in the view already expressed[111] of the act of June, the votes of the university Trustees, removing us from office, are wholly unauthorized and destitute of any legal effect; and we are still, as we have uniformly claimed to be, officers of Dartmouth College under the charter of 1769.

"The Charter Trustees having resolved to assert their corporate rights, and having, for this purpose, recently commenced a suit against their late Secretary and Treasurer, in the issue of which it is expected the question between them and their competitors will be finally settled, the undersigned, being united with them in opinion, in principle, and in feeling, cannot consent to abandon them, or to perform any act which may prejudice their claims, while this suit is pending. They must therefore proceed, as officers of Dartmouth College, to discharge their prescribed duties. They are sensible of their obligation to render submission to the laws, and their first inquiry, in the case before them, has been, What is law? The result is a full conviction in their own minds, that the course they have concluded to adopt is strictly legal, and that no other course would be consistent with their duty. If they err, their error will shortly be corrected by the decision of our highest judicial tribunals; and with this decision they will readily comply. In the meantime, while the appeal is made to the laws of their country, and to the constitutions of this State and of the United States, which are the supreme law, they trust that none of their fellow-citizens will have the unkindness to charge them with a want of respect to the government under which they live. As soon as the will of the government shall be fairly expressed, they will render to it a prompt obedience.

"The undersigned are placed in a situation singularly difficult and highly responsible. To them it seems to be allotted in Divine Providence, to perform a part which, in its consequences, may deeply affect the interests not only of this institution, but of all similar institutions in this country. And although they are fully conscious of their own inability to perform this part in a manner worthy of its importance, yet they are firmly resolved, relying on divine assistance, not to shrink from any duty, or any danger, which it may involve.[112]

"The penal act of December they cannot but regard as unnecessarily severe; nor do they see what purpose it was calculated to answer, except to influence them, by the prospect of embarrassing suits, to an abandonment of their trust. They are aware that men may be found disposed to multiply prosecutions against them, and to despoil them of the little property they possess; but they believe themselves called in Providence not to shun this hazard, as they cannot reconcile it with their obligation to the institution under their care, to relinquish the places they occupy, until it shall be ascertained that they cannot rightfully retain them.

"As the university Trustees have expressed a great regard for the laws, the undersigned have a right to expect that neither they, or any agents appointed by them, will resort to illegal measures to seize on the college buildings and property. Should such measures unhappily be adopted, the undersigned will make no forcible resistance, it not being a part of their policy to repel violence by violence. They will quietly withdraw where they cannot peaceably retain possession, and, with the best accommodations they can procure, will continue to instruct the classes committed to them, until the prevalence of other counsels shall procure a repeal of the injurious acts, or until the decision of the law shall convince them of their error, or restore them to their rights.

"Francis Brown,
"Ebenezer Adams,
"Roswell Shurtleff.

"February 28, 1817."

The above gentlemen constituted the permanent Faculty at this period. In view of all the circumstances they determined to surrender the college buildings and library to their opponents, and the Trustees determined to test their rights before the courts, the action being brought against the former Treasurer, who adhered to the "University" party.

"The action: 'The Trustees of Dartmouth College v. William H. Woodward,' was commenced in the Court of Common Pleas, Grafton County, State of New Hampshire, February Term, 1817. The declaration was trover for the books of record, original charter, common seal, and other corporate[113] property of the college. The conversion was alleged to have been made on the 7th day of October, 1816. The proper pleas were filed, and by consent the cause was carried directly to the Superior Court of New Hampshire, by appeal, and entered at the May Term, 1817. The general issue was pleaded by the defendant, and joined by the plaintiffs. The facts in the case were then agreed upon by the parties, and drawn up in the form of a special verdict, reciting the Charter of the college and the acts of the Legislature of the State, passed June and December, 1816, by which the said corporation of Dartmouth College was enlarged and improved, and the said Charter amended.

"The question made in the case was, whether those acts of the Legislature were valid and binding upon the corporation, without their acceptance or assent, and not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States. If so, the verdict found for the defendants; otherwise it found for the plaintiffs.

"The cause was continued to the September Term of the court in Rockingham County, where it was argued; and at the November term of the same year, in Grafton County, the opinion of the court was delivered by Chief Justice Richardson, sustaining the validity and constitutionality of the acts of the Legislature; and judgment was accordingly entered for the defendant on the special verdict.

"Thereupon a writ of error was sued out by the original plaintiffs, to remove the cause to the Supreme Court of the United States, where it was entered at the term of the court holden at Washington on the first Monday of February, 1818.

"The cause came on for argument on the 10th day of March 1818, before all the judges. It was argued by Mr. Webster and Mr. Hopkinson, for the plaintiffs in error, and by Mr. Holmes and the Attorney-general (Wirt), for the defendant in error.

"At the term of the court holden in February, 1819, the opinion of the judges was delivered by Chief Justice Marshall, declaring the acts of the Legislature unconstitutional and invalid, and reversing the judgment of the State court. The[114] court, with the exception of Mr. Justice Duvall, were unanimous."

The arguments in the New Hampshire court by Messrs. Mason, Smith, and Webster for the college, and Messrs. Sullivan and Bartlett for Mr. Woodward; the decision of that court, and the cause in the Supreme Court of the United States, are an important part of our country's judicial history. The result was logically based upon prior decisions of the Supreme Court. We invite special attention to one point in Mr. Webster's argument. If, in the lapse of time, under the strong light of careful research or elaborate criticism, all the other brilliant colors of this remarkable fabric shall fade or vanish, this central figure will remain forever, to illustrate the relations of the college to the State.

"The State of Vermont is a principal donor to Dartmouth College. The lands given lie in that State. This appears in the special verdict. Is Vermont to be considered as having intended a gift to the State of New Hampshire in this case, as, it has been said, is to be the reasonable construction of all donations to the college? The Legislature of New Hampshire affects to represent the public, and therefore claims a right to control all property destined to public use. What hinders Vermont from considering herself equally the representative of the public, and from resuming her grants, at her own pleasure? Her right to do so is less doubtful than the power of New Hampshire to pass the laws in question."

Thus closed one of the most important contests in the history of American jurisprudence.

Law, politics, literature, and religion combined to make it a subject of national concern. The decision gave to a large class of chartered institutions a security never enjoyed before. The lapse of more than half a century enables us to consider the question calmly and candidly, uninfluenced by interest, prejudice, or passion.

The case was attended with serious embarrassments. Neither counsel nor court had thorough knowledge of the history of the school and the college, and the relations of each to the other. Had they possessed this knowledge, the line of argument in some respects would have been very different,[115] although perhaps with the same general results. More than this, there were no precedents. Indeed, at that early day questions of constitutional law had occupied very little of the attention of the American courts.

There would have been embarrassment had the British Parliament, before our Revolution, assumed the right to alter materially the Charter of the college. Changes in chartered institutions in America, especially, by that body, although within the scope of its power, were usually met with the sternest protests. After the Revolution, there were wide differences of opinion as to who had power over charters granted antecedent to that event. In the case of Dartmouth's Charter any one of several opinions might have found plausible support. To determine whether it was a fit matter for State or national legislation, or judicial control, we must revert to the history of the Charter. There we find that it was the unvarying purpose of the founder, adhered to through a long period of severe and persistent effort, to obtain a Charter which would enable him to locate his school or schools in any of the American colonies. He was determined to be as free as possible from local obligations and local control. There can be no doubt that in securing the Charter of the college he believed that he had accomplished a similar purpose. The Charter appointed as a majority of the first Board of Trustees residents in Connecticut,—making it for the time being, by design of the founder, for good and sufficient reasons, in a sense, a Connecticut institution,—with a provision that after the lapse of a brief period a majority of the Board should be residents in New Hampshire. In writing upon this subject to a business correspondent, in June, 1777, President Wheelock says, referring to a third party: "Let him see how amply this incorporation is endowed, and how independent it is made of this government or any other incorporation," and adds that "a matter of controversy" relating to the township granted by the king to the college nearly at the same time with the Charter, "can be decided by no judicatory but supreme, or one equal to that which incorporated it, i. e., the Continental Congress."

The views of no one person will be received by all, as conclusive[116] on a subject of so much importance. But certainly, Eleazar Wheelock had a right to construe the provisions of an instrument which in almost every line bore his impress, never possessed by any other individual.

Had John Wheelock presented his grievances to the National Legislature,—only in a limited sense, it is true, if at all, the successor of that king, whose grant of Landaff, in addition to the College Charter, made him, in a sense, according to Coke, the founder of the college,—he might, in all probability, have obtained what he desired in a peaceful manner, although an important judicial decision might never have occupied its present place in American law.

[117]

## CHAPTER XIII.

CHARACTER OF PRESIDENT BROWN.—TRIBUTES BY PROFESSOR HADDOCK AND RUFUS CHOATE.

In Sprague's "Annals of the American Pulpit," we find, in substance, the following notice of President Brown:

Francis Brown was the son of Benjamin and Prudence (Kelley) Brown, and was born at Chester, Rockingham County, N. H., January 11, 1784. His father was a merchant, and had a highly respectable standing in society. His mother was a person of superior intellect and heart, and, though she died when he had only reached his tenth year, she had impressed upon him some of the most striking of her own characteristics; particularly her uncommon love of order and propriety, even in the most minute concerns, and her uncompromising adherence to her own convictions of truth and right. In his early boyhood he evinced the utmost eagerness in the pursuit of knowledge, and never suffered any opportunity for intellectual improvement to escape him. At the age of fourteen, he ventured to ask his father to furnish him with the means of a collegiate education; but, in consideration of his somewhat straitened circumstances, he felt constrained to deny the request. By a subsequent marriage, however, his circumstances were improved; and the new mother of young Brown, with most commendable generosity, assumed the pecuniary responsibility of his going to college. He always cherished the most grateful recollection of her kindness; and, but a few days before his death, he said to her with the deepest filial sensibility, "My dear mother, whatever good I have done in the world, and whatever honor I have received, I owe it all to you."

In his sixteenth year he became a member of Atkinson Academy, then under the care of the Hon. John Vose, and[118] among the most respectable institutions of the kind in New England. His instructor has rendered the following testimony concerning him at that period: "Though he made no pretensions to piety during his residence at the academy, he was exceedingly amiable in his affections and moral in his deportment. It is very rare we find an individual in whom so many excellencies centre. To a sweet disposition was united a strong mind; to an accuracy which examined the minutiæ of everything a depth of investigation which penetrated the most profound. I recollect that when I wrote recommending him to college, I informed Dr. Wheelock I had sent him an Addison."

Of the formation of his religious character little more is known than that it was of silent, yet steady growth. It was not till the year that he became a tutor in college that he made a public profession of his faith, by connecting himself with the church in his native place.

In the spring of 1802 he joined the Freshman class of Dartmouth College, and, during the whole period of his collegiate course, was a model of persevering diligence, of gentle and winning manners, and pure and elevated morality. From college he carried with him the respect and love of both teachers and students. Having spent the year succeeding his graduation as a private tutor in the family of the venerable Judge Paine, of Williamstown, Vt., he was appointed to a tutorship in the college at which he had graduated. This office he accepted, and for three years discharged its duties with great ability and fidelity, while, at the same time, he was pursuing theological studies with reference to his future profession.

Having received license to preach from the Grafton Association, he resigned his tutorship at the Commencement in 1809, with a view to give himself solely to the work of the ministry. After declining several flattering applications for his services, he accepted an invitation from the Congregational Church in North Yarmouth, Me., to become their pastor; and he was accordingly ordained there on his birthday, January 11, 1810. Within a few months from this time, he was chosen Professor of Languages at Dartmouth College;[119] but this appointment he was pleased, greatly to the joy of his parishioners, to decline. For the succeeding five years he labored with great zeal and success among his people, while his influence was sensibly felt in sustaining and advancing the interests of learning and religion throughout the State. He was the intimate friend of the lamented President Appleton; and no one, perhaps, coöperated with the president more vigrously than he, in increasing the resources and extending the influence of Bowdoin College.

He was inaugurated President of Dartmouth College, on the 27th of September, 1815.

During the period when the college controversy was at its height, and it seemed difficult to predict its issue, Mr. Brown was invited to the presidency of Hamilton College,—a respectable and flourishing institution in the State of New York. He did not, however, feel at liberty to accept the invitation, considering himself so identified with the college with which he was then connected that he must share either its sinking or rising fortunes.

President Brown's labors were too severe for his constitution. He was not only almost constantly engaged during the week in the instruction and general supervision of the college, but most of his Sabbaths were spent in preaching to destitute congregations in the neighborhood; and, during his vacations, he was generally traveling with a view to increase the college funds. Soon after the Commencement in 1818, he began to show some symptoms of pulmonary disease, and these symptoms continued, and assumed a more aggravated form, under the best medical prescriptions. His last effort in the pulpit was at Thetford, Vt., October 6, 1818. In the hope of recovering from his disease, he traveled into the western part of New York, but no substantial relief was obtained. In the fall of 1819, with a view to try the effect of a milder climate, he journeyed as far south as South Carolina and Georgia, where he spent the following winter and spring. He returned in the month of June, and, though he was greeted by his friends and pupils with the most affectionate welcome, they all saw, from his pallid countenance and emaciated form, that he had only come home to die. As he was[120] unable to appear in public, he invited the Senior class, who were about to leave college at the commencement of their last vacation, to visit him in his chamber; and there he addressed to them, with the solemnity of a spirit just ready to take its flight, the most pertinent and affectionate farewell counsels, which they received with every expression of gratitude, veneration, and love. In his last days and hours he evinced the most humble, trusting, child-like spirit, willing to live as long as God was pleased to detain him, but evidently considering it far better to depart and be with Christ. His last words were, "Glorious Redeemer, take my spirit." He died July 27, 1820.

His wife Elisabeth, daughter of the Rev. Tristram Gilman, a lady whose fine intellectual, moral, and Christian qualities adorned every station in which she was placed, survived him many years, and died on the 5th of September, 1851. They had three children, one of whom, Samuel Gilman [now President Brown], is a professor in Dartmouth College.

The degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred upon President Brown by both Hamilton and Williams Colleges, in 1819.

The following is a list of President Brown's published works: "An Address on Music," delivered before the Handel Society of Dartmouth College, 1809. "The Faithful Steward:" A Sermon delivered at the ordination of Allen Greeley, 1810. "A Sermon delivered before the Maine Missionary Society, 1814." "Calvin and Calvinism;" defended against certain injurious representations contained in a pamphlet entitled "A Sketch of the Life and Doctrine of the Celebrated John Calvin;" of which Rev. Martin Ruter claims to be the author, 1815. "A Reply to the Rev. Martin Ruter's Letter relating to Calvin and Calvinism, 1815." "A Sermon delivered at Concord before the Convention of Congregational and Presbyterian Ministers of New Hampshire, 1818."

The following is from Prof. Charles B. Haddock, D.D.: "My acquaintance with the President was, for the most part, that of a pupil with his teacher; an undergraduate with the head of the college. And yet it was somewhat more than this; for it was my happiness, during my Senior year, to have[121] lodgings in the same house with him, and to eat at the same table, in the family of one of the professors, and as one of a small circle, all connected with college, and a good deal remarkable for the freedom and vivacity of their conversation. After graduating, I saw him only occasionally, until the last few months of his life, which he passed here, near the close of my first year's residence at the college as a teacher,—months in which the greatness of his character was still more signally manifest than in any other circumstances in which I had seen him.

"In recording my youthful impressions of so uncommon a personage, I may, therefore, hope to be thought to speak not altogether without knowledge, though it should be with enthusiasm.

"Dr. Brown came to preside over the college at the age of less than thirty-two, and in circumstances to attract unusual attention to his administration. It was during a violent contest of opposing parties for the control of its affairs, and immediately after the removal of his predecessor from office. His qualifications and his official acts were, of course, exposed to severe scrutiny, and could command the respect of the community at large only by approving themselves to the candid judgment even of the adverse party. And I suppose it would be admitted, even in New Hampshire, that no man ever commended himself to general favor, I may say to general admiration, by a wiser, more prudent, or more honorable bearing, amid the greatest and most trying difficulties. Indeed, such was his conduct of affairs, and such the nobleness of his whole character, as displayed in his intercourse with the government of the State, with a rival institution under the public authority, and with all classes of men, that not a few who began with zeal for the college over which he presided, came at last to act even more from zeal for the man who presided over it.

"The mind of Dr. Brown was of the very highest order,—profound, comprehensive, and discriminating. Its action was deliberate, circumspect, and sure. He made no mistakes; he left nothing in doubt where certainty was possible; he never conjectured where there were means of knowledge; he had[122] no obscure glimpses among his ideas of truth and duty. Always sound and always luminous, his opinions were never uttered without being understood, and never understood without being regarded. There was a dignity and weight in his judgments which seem to me not unlike what constitutes the patriarchal authority of Washington and Marshall.

"If not already a man of learning, in the larger sense of that term, it was only because the duties of the pastoral relation had so long attracted his attention to the objects of more particular interest in his profession. Had his life been spared, however, he would have been learned in the highest and rarest sense. His habits of study were liberal, patient, and eminently philosophical; and within the sphere which his inquiries covered, his knowledge was accurate and choice, and his taste faultless. The entire form of his literary character was beautiful—strong without being dogmatic; delicate without being fastidious.

"His heart was large. Great objects alone could fill it; and it was full of great objects. There was no littleness of thought, or purpose, or ambition, in him—nothing little. The range of his literary sympathies was as wide as the world of mind; his benevolence as universal as the wants of man.

"His person was commanding. Gentle in his manners, affable, courteous, he yet, unconsciously, partly by the natural dignity of his figure, and still more by the greatness visibly impressed on his features, exacted from us all a deference, a veneration even, that seemed as natural as it was inevitable. His very presence was a restraint upon everything like levity or frivolity, and diffused a thoughtful and composed, if not always grave, air about him, which, never ceasing to be cheerful and bright, never failed to dignify the objects of pursuit and elevate the intercourse of life. A gentleman in the primitive sense of the word, he was, without seeking to be thought so, always felt to be of a superior order of men.

"On the whole, it has been my fortune to know no man whose entire character has appeared to me so near perfection, none, whom it would so satisfy me in all things to resemble.

"How much we lost in him it is now impossible to estimate,[123] and it would, perhaps, be useless to know. His early death extinguished great hopes. But his memory is a treasure, which even death cannot take from us."

Hon. Rufus Choate writes thus: "It happened that my whole time at college coincided with the period of President Brown's administration. He was inducted into office in the autumn of 1815, my Freshman year, and he died in the summer of 1820. It is not the want, therefore, but the throng, of recollections of him that creates any difficulty in complying with your request. He was still young at the time of his inauguration—not more than thirty-one—and he had passed those few years, after having been for three of them a tutor in Dartmouth College, in the care of a parish in North Yarmouth, in Maine; but he had already, in an extraordinary degree, dignity of person and sentiment; rare beauty,—almost youthful beauty, of countenance; a sweet, deep, commanding tone of voice; a grave but graceful and attractive demeanor—all the traits and all the qualities, completely ripe, which make up and express weight of character; and all the address and firmness and knowledge of youth, men, and affairs which constitute what we call administrative talent. For that form of talent, and for the greatness which belongs to character, he was doubtless remarkable. He must have been distinguished for this among the eminent. From his first appearance before the students on the day of his inauguration, when he delivered a brief and grave address in Latin, prepared we were told, the evening before, until they followed the bier, mourning, to his untimely grave, he governed them perfectly and always, through their love and veneration; the love and veneration of the 'willing soul.' Other arts of government were, indeed, just then, scarcely practicable. The college was in a crisis which relaxed discipline, and would have placed a weak instructor, or an instructor unbeloved, or loved with no more than ordinary regard, in the power of classes which would have abused it. It was a crisis which demanded a great man for President, and it found such an one in him. In 1816, the Legislature of New Hampshire passed the acts which changed the Charter of the institution, abolished the old corporation of Trustees, created a new one, extinguished[124] the legal identity of the college, and reconstructed it or set up another under a different and more ambitious name and a different government. The old Trustees, with President Brown at their head, denied the validity of these acts, and resisted their administration. A dominant political party had passed or adopted them; and thereupon a controversy arose between the college and a majority of the State; conducted in part in the courts of law of New Hampshire, and of the Union; in part by the press; sometimes by the students of the old institution and the new in personal collision, or the menace of personal collision, within the very gardens of the academy; which was not terminated until the Supreme Court of the United States adjudged the acts unconstitutional and void. This decision was pronounced in 1819; and then, and not till then, had President Brown peace,—a brief peace made happy by letters, by religion, by the consciousness of a great duty performed for law, for literature, and for the Constitution,—happy even in prospect of premature death. This contest tried him and the college with extreme and various severity. To induce students to remain in a school disturbed and menaced; to engage and inform public sentiment, the true patron and effective founder, by showing forth that the principles of a sound political morality, as well as of law, prescribed the action of the old Trustees; to confer with the counsel of the college, two of whom—Mr. Mason and Mr. Webster—have often declared to me their admiration of the intellectual force and practical good sense which he brought to those conferences,—this all, while it withdrew him somewhat from the proper studies and proper cares of his office, created a necessity for the display of the very rarest qualities of temper, discretion, tact, and command, and he met it with consummate ability and fortune. One of his addresses to the students in the chapel at the darkest moment of the struggle, presenting the condition and prospects of the college, and the embarrassments of all kinds which surrounded its instructors, and appealing to the manliness and affection and good principles of the students to help 'by whatsoever things were honest, lovely, or of good report,' occurs to recollection as of extraordinary persuasiveness and influence.[125]

"There can be no doubt that he had very eminent intellectual ability, true love of the beautiful in all things, and a taste trained to discover, enjoy, and judge it, and that his acquirements were competent and increasing. It was the 'keenness' of his mind of which Mr. Mason always spoke to me as remarkable in any man of any profession. He met him only in consultation as a client; but others, students, all nearer his age, and admitted to his fuller intimacy, must have been struck rather with the sobriety and soundness of his thoughts, the solidity and large grasp of his understanding, and the harmonized culture of all its parts. He wrote a pure and clear English style, and he judged of elegant literature with a catholic and appreciative but chastised taste. The recollections of a student of the learning of a beloved and venerated president of a college, whom he sees only as a boy sees a man, and his testimony concerning it, will have little value; but I know that he was esteemed an excellent Greek and Latin scholar, and our recitations of Horace, which the poverty of the college and the small number of its teachers induced him to superintend, though we were Sophomores only, were the most agreeable and instructive exercises of the whole college classical course.

"Of studies more professional he seemed master. Locke, Stewart, with whose liberality and tolerance and hopeful and rational philanthropy he sympathized warmly, Butler, Edwards, and the writers on natural law and moral philosophy, he expounded with the ease and freedom of one habitually trained and wholly equal to these larger meditations.

"His term of office was short and troubled; but the historian of the college will record of his administration a two-fold honor; first, that it was marked by a noble vindication of its chartered rights; and second, that it was marked also by a real advancement of its learning; by collections of ampler libraries, and by displays of a riper scholarship."

[126]

## CHAPTER XIV.

PROGRESS FROM 1820 TO 1828.—ADMINISTRATIONS OF PRESIDENT DANA AND PRESIDENT TYLER.

It was not an easy matter, especially in the impoverished condition of the college, to find a worthy successor of President Brown.

During the period of President Brown's illness, and at different periods after his death, Professor Ebenezer Adams, a gentleman of decided and energetic character, and (in years) the senior professor in the college, was acting president.

Rev. Daniel Dana of Newburyport, Massachusetts, was elected the fourth president of the college in August, 1820.

The substance of the next few pages is from the "Life of President Dana," published in 1866.

The following is one of many letters addressed to him, urging his acceptance of the presidency:

"Dartmouth College, Sept. 7, 1820.

"Rev. and dear Sir:—Not having heard from any of our friends what is the prospect in regard to your acceptance of the appointment made by our Trustees, I cannot help troubling you with a line.

"I need not tell you that our solicitude would rise to extreme distress were we seriously apprehensive that you might decide in the negative. Oh, sir, remember the desolations of Zion here, and have compassion. The friends of the college look to you, and to you only, to repair the waste places. When you know that the voice of the Trustees conspires with that of the clergy and of the public at large, and when this same voice is echoed from the tomb of our late beloved and much lamented President Brown, can you hesitate? That good man, in his last days, with almost the confidence and[127] ardor of prophecy, declared his belief in the future prosperity and usefulness of Dartmouth College. You have, I hope, been informed of the strong manner in which he, last autumn, expressed himself in relation to a successor; and of the same decided and unwavering opinion which came from his mouth a few days before his death. 'I have,' said he, 'but one candidate, and that is Dr. Dana. Whom do they talk of for a successor? My opinion is exactly the same as when I conversed with you last fall.'

"I do pray, my dear sir, that Divine Providence may not permit you to fail of coming.

"I should be grieved if, on making the trial, you should not find yourself pleasantly situated here. I verily believe that you would find a disposition on the part of the people of the village, including all the college Faculty, to render your situation comfortable and pleasant.

"We shall watch every mail and ask every friend, till we learn the decision, or rather what we may expect the decision to be.

With great respect,
"Your obedient servant,

"R. D. M."[34]

[34] Professor R. D. Mussey.

What is here stated as to President Brown, was also true of President Appleton of Bowdoin College. Each had desired that Dr. Dana should be his successor. No stronger proof could be given of the confidence felt in him, than these concurrent last wishes of two such men. Each had brought to the office he held not merely intellectual preëminence, but a dignity and elevation of character, and a singleness of purpose, rarely equaled; and to each the future welfare of the institution over which he presided was an object of the deepest solicitude.

Dr. Dana's letter of acceptance is as follows:

"To the Rev. and Honorable Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College,

"Gentlemen:—I have received, with deep sensibility, not unmingled with surprise, the notice of the appointment[128] with which you have honored me, to the presidency of the institution under your care.

"The consideration of a subject of such magnitude has been attended with no small degree of perplexity and distress.

"The character and objects of Dartmouth College; its intimate connection with the great interests of the Church and of human society; the important services it has long rendered to both; its recent arduous struggle for existence, with the attending embarrassments, and auspicious issue; the claims it possesses on the community, and especially on its own sons; the unanimity of your suffrages in the present case; these with other affecting circumstances have been carefully considered, and I trust duly appreciated.

"Considerations of a different kind have likewise presented. My long and intimate connection with a most beloved and affectionate people—a connection rendered interesting not only by its duties and delights but by its very solicitudes and afflictions—a diffidence of my powers to meet the expectations of the Trustees, and the demands of the college; the exchange, at my age, of a sphere whose duties, though arduous and exhausting, are yet familiar, for another in which new duties, new responsibilities, new anxieties arise; in which likewise success is uncertain, and failure would be distressing—these considerations, with a variety of others scarcely possible to be detailed have at times come over me with an almost appalling influence.

"In these circumstances I have not dared trust my feelings, nor even my judgment, with the decision of the case.

"One resource remained,—to seek advice through the regular ecclesiastical channel—and this with a full determination to consider the judgment of the presbytery as the most intelligible expression which I could hope to obtain of the mind and will of Heaven, respecting my duty; to this measure my church and people gave their consent.

"The presbytery having determined, by nearly a unanimous vote, in favor of the dissolution of my pastoral relation, and my acceptance of the appointment, my duty is of course decided. I now, therefore, declare my compliance with your invitation.[129]

"I devote the residue of my life to the interests of the institution committed to your care.

"This I do with deep solicitude, yet not without an animating hope that He whose prerogative and glory it is to operate important effects by feeble instruments, may be pleased, even through me, to give a blessing to a seminary which has so signally enjoyed His protecting and fostering care.

"Providence permitting, I shall be at Hanover on the fourth Wednesday of the present month, with a view to attend the solemnities of inauguration. It will then be necessary, considering the advanced season, and other circumstances, for me to return without delay, that I may arrange my affairs and remove my family.

"Gentlemen, my resolution on this great subject has been taken in the full confidence of experiencing, in all future time, what I shall so much need, your liberal candor, and your cordial, energetic support. Suffer me, in addition, to request, in my behalf, your devout supplications to Him who is the Father of Lights and the munificent bestower of every blessing.

"I am, gentlemen, with every sentiment of esteem and respect,

"Your devoted friend and servant,

"Daniel Dana.

"Newburyport, Oct. 3, 1820."

"Allusion is made in his farewell sermon at Newburyport, to his 'recently impaired health.' This was premonitory. Scarcely had he removed his family to Hanover, and entered on his new duties, before the crisis came to which, doubtless, the wasting cares and anxieties of preceding years and the recent severe pressure upon his sensibilities, had been silently but inevitably tending. His health gave way, and great depression of spirits accompanied his bodily languor. He took more than one long journey in the vain effort to recruit his energies. He writes to a friend of being 'in a state of great and very uncommon debility, undoubtedly to be attributed to the protracted operation of distressing causes, both on mind and frame.' He also states, that, whilst absent from Hanover[130] in accordance with the advice of his physician, he still hoped to be able, after his strength was recruited, to accomplish something in the matter of soliciting aid to the funds of the college; a work which, however uncongenial to his tastes, he found would necessarily be devolved on its president.

"The winter months passed by, and there was still little or no improvement in his health. When it became known that he was agitating the question of resigning his office, many urgent requests were made to him not to decide hastily. He delayed only till April, and then called a meeting of the Trustees, to be held early in May, for the purpose of receiving and acting upon his resignation of his office. He wished it to be considered as 'absolute and final.' The notification to a member of the Board with whom he was specially intimate, was accompanied by a letter in which he says:

"'You will naturally conclude that the resolution which I have taken has cost me many a struggle, and much severe distress. This is the fact. The last seven months have been with me a scene of suffering indeed. I have fondly hoped that repeated journeyings would give me relief. But their effect has been only partial and temporary. Such is my prostration at this moment, that the duties of my office, and not less its cares and its responsibilities, seem a burden quite beyond my power of bearing. Had it pleased God to make me an instrument of important good to the college, I should have esteemed myself privileged indeed; but this privilege, though denied to me, awaits, I confidently hope, some more favored instrument of the Divine benevolence. I earnestly pray, that, in what pertains to this great concern, the Trustees may be favored with much heavenly wisdom and direction.'

"He now took a long journey to Ohio, visiting at Athens the brother who had been the companion of his early years. Under these favorable influences, his health began more decidedly to improve. At their meeting, July 4, the Trustees of the college, by unanimous resolution, requested him to withdraw his resignation; but he declined to do so, though 'gratefully acknowledging the kindness expressed in their communication.'[131]

"Many years after these events, the Rev. Dr. Lord, so long and so honorably the president of Dartmouth College, thus referred to Dr. Dana's connection with the institution:

"'He was chosen president for his well-known excellence as a scholar and theologian, and his extraordinary ministerial qualifications. He was honored the country over, in these respects. It was not doubted that he would be equally honorable as president of the college, should his health endure.

"'That he would have been, had he been able to retain his place, everybody well understood, as well from his auspicious beginning, as his distinguished qualities. He made a deep impression upon the college during the short period of his actual service.

"'But his sensitive nature had received a great shock in the breaking up of his many and most endearing relations at Newburyport and the country around. He began here with health seriously impaired, and in great depression of spirit. The change of scene, of society, labor, and responsibility, was too much for his disordered frame. He sought relief by travel. But he gained little or nothing, and was driven to the conclusion that his life could probably be saved only by resignation. He could not consent to make such an office as he held a sinecure, or to see the college labor through its severe adversities without greater vigor of administration than his infirmities admitted. With great conscientiousness and magnanimity, he chose to put himself at a seeming disadvantage, rather than to risk the interests of the college upon what he judged to be the doubtful chances of his recovery.

"'He left with the profound respect and sincere regret of the Trustees and Faculty. Their confidence in him was unshaken; and they never doubted, that, had he been more favorable to himself, and borne his new burdens with less solicitude, till he could regain his health, he would have been as distinguished here as elsewhere, and raised the college to a corresponding usefulness and dignity.

"'Most men judge superficially and unwisely in such cases. So far as I know, the most competent judges of Dr. Dana's relations to Dartmouth see nothing that does not redound to his honor. It is understood that he accepted the presidency[132] with great reluctance, on account of his other responsibilities and attachments, and with distrust of his physical ability to perform its duties; that, while he performed them, it was with characteristic ability and effect; and that, when his best efforts to regain his health failed, and he saw reason to fear, that, even if his life should not be a sacrifice, his increasing infirmities would be to the disadvantage of a struggling institution, he generously, and entirely of his own accord, resigned. To my apprehension, all this is significant of great moral strength under the pressure of bodily disease, and a memorable instance of that Christian heroism for which he has always been remarkable. "Maluit esse quam videri bonus."'"

The subsequent labors of President Dana in the ministry, and the high esteem of all who best knew him till his death, August 26, 1859, are matters of permanent record. His first wife, Mrs. Elizabeth (Coombs) Dana, and the second, Mrs. Sarah (Emery) Dana, had died previous to his residence at Hanover.

President Dana's brief but earnest labors for the college having closed in 1821, the fifth president was Rev. Bennet Tyler, who was called from a pastorate in Southbury, Conn.

We quote in substance some passages relating to this subject from his "Memoir," by his son-in-law, Rev. Nahum Gale, D.D.

"Early in 1822, Mr. Tyler was appointed president of Dartmouth College. It was to him a mystery why he should be selected for that station. Located in a retired country parish, he had been devoted to the duties of the ministry, and had paid little attention to science or literature. He was strongly attached to his people and his home, for there had arisen, as 'olive plants,' around his table, three sons and four daughters.

"But he was recommended to the Trustees of Dartmouth by Dr. Porter, of Andover, and others, in whose judgment he had great confidence; his brethren around him in the ministry, and the consociation with which he was connected, believed it to be his duty to accept the appointment. Accordingly, he broke away from an endeared people, was inaugurated at Dartmouth in March, and entered upon the duties[133] of his office the following June. In the autumn of 1822, the newly-elected president was honored by the degree of D.D., from Middlebury College. Of his connection with Dartmouth College, Dr. Tyler has left the following record:

"'I was among strangers, and engaged in duties to which I was unaccustomed. But I found myself surrounded by able professors, who treated me with great kindness, and rendered me all the assistance in their power. My situation was much more pleasant than I anticipated; and through the assistance of a gracious Providence, I was enabled to discharge the duties which devolved upon me with acceptance. I have never had any reason to doubt that I was in the path of duty when I accepted the appointment. My labor in the service of the college, I humbly trust, was not altogether in vain. I had the satisfaction to know that I left it in a more prosperous condition than I found it. It was no part of my duty, as president of the college, to preach on the Sabbath; but the health of the professor of Divinity failing soon after my inauguration, I found it necessary to supply his place; and during the whole period of my presidency I preached a considerable part of the time. In the year 1826, there was a very interesting revival of religion, both among the students and the inhabitants of the village, which will be remembered by not a few, while "immortality endures."

"'I was connected with the college six years; and, although I never felt so much at home as in the duties of the ministry, still I had no serious thoughts of relinquishing my station, till, very unexpectedly, I received a call from the Second Church in Portland. When I received this call, I felt a new desire for the duties and joys of the pastoral life, and believing I could resign my office without putting in jeopardy the interests of the college, I concluded to do so. I parted with the Trustees, Faculty, and students, with feelings of great cordiality, and I had reason to believe that the feelings were reciprocated.'

"The following letter from the venerable Professor Shurtleff, addressed to Rev. John E. Tyler, will give the impressions of one associated with Dr. Tyler during his presidency at Hanover.[134]

"Hanover, N. H., September 22, 1858.

"Reverend and very dear Friend: Permit me thus to address you; for I can truly say that I regarded you with much interest and affection during the whole time of your residence here, and I may also add that your venerated parents had no friends in Hanover more sincere and ardent than Mrs. Shurtleff and myself.

"When your dear father was appointed president of Dartmouth College, he had been little heard of in New Hampshire. His first appearance, however, was very prepossessing, and his preaching was much admired. His popularity was so general in this region, that a gentleman of a neighboring town inquired, 'Why, if he is such a man as they say, was he not heard of before?' To which I replied, if you will allow me to quote my own words, that 'the Lord had kept him concealed in an obscure parish for a blessing to our college.' The impression which his first appearance made was not lowered by further acquaintance. I do not recollect hearing a complaint of him from any member of the college. All his intercourse with them was tempered with the utmost kindness, while he was punctual and faithful in every official duty. I think he originated the project of raising, by subscription, a fund of ten thousand dollars for the aid of indigent students seeking an education for the ministry.

"This object he not only conceived, but completed by his own personal efforts. For this, as well as for other services, he should be gratefully remembered by the college, by the church, and by the public.

"But the religious influence of Dr. Tyler, while president of Dartmouth, will never be forgotten. In the summer of 1825, the professor of Divinity was arrested by a severe and protracted affection of the lungs. The president at once took the services of the sanctuary; and the following spring term was rendered memorable by a revival of religion, which issued in adding to the Lord many students and inhabitants of the village.

"During his residence here we had a class of students in their professional studies, who wished to enter the ministry earlier than they could by entering a public seminary. We[135] met with them once in a week, heard their dissertations on subjects that had been assigned, and each of us spoke on the performances, and on the subjects. The young gentlemen were all licensed to preach after about two years, and became useful ministers of the gospel. By these exercises, as well as by long intimacy, I was convinced that Dr. Tyler had peculiarly clear and discriminating views of the doctrines of the gospel, and an uncommon facility in explaining and defending them; and I have often remarked in years past, that with the exception of my friend, Dr. Woods, of Andover, I would sooner recommend him to young men as a teacher of Theology than any other clergyman in the circle of my acquaintance.

"With many pleasing reminiscences, I remain your friend and brother in the gospel,

Roswell Shurtleff."

Dr. Asa D. Smith writes thus:

"New York, December 14, 1858.

"Rev. J. E. Tyler,—

"My dear Sir: You ask for my recollections of your honored father, as president of my Alma Mater. I regret that I can furnish but little in that relation. He remained at the head of the institution some two years only after I was matriculated.

"The two lower classes had, of course, much less intercourse with him than those more advanced. You could doubtless obtain more ample information from those who were Seniors under him, and who had more largely the benefit of his instruction. Such impressions as I have, however, I am happy to give.

"It was when a member of Kimball Union Academy, in preparation for college, if I mistake not, that I first set eyes on his commanding form, and listened to the impressive tones of his voice. That academy, as you know, is about a dozen miles from Hanover. Not long before the graduation of one of its classes, he visited the place, and preached on the Sabbath. It is not impossible that his visit had some reference to the fact that there were among us so many candidates for college life. It was, at all events, well for Dartmouth that he came. Judging from the influence on my mind, I cannot[136] doubt that not a few were the more inclined, for what they saw of him, to connect themselves with the institution over which he presided.

"It was the year before I entered college, I think, that is, in 1825-26, that Dartmouth was blessed with one of the most remarkable revivals of religion it has ever enjoyed. Transformations of character were wrought then which have borne the test of decades of years. Some of the finest minds in college were brought under the power of the gospel—minds that have since shone as bright lights in the world.

"When I entered the college, I found him dignified, yet affable and fatherly in his bearing. His preaching then, as we often heard him in the village church, was marked by the same simplicity, clearness, and logical force, the same scripturalness, fullness of doctrine, and evangelical earnestness, that characterized his subsequent ministrations. He preached not to the fancy, but to the conscience and the heart. He confined not himself to hortatory appeals, nor did he, in any wise, skim over the surface of things; but, as both my notes and recollections of his college sermons assure me, he was apt to handle, and that vigorously, the high topics of theology. He gave us not milk alone, but strong meat. Yet have I seldom known a man so remarkable for making an abstruse subject plain to every hearer."

Rev. George Punchard, of Boston, and Rev. Nathaniel Folsom, D.D., professor in Meadville College, Pa., have furnished their recollections respecting the revival in Dartmouth College, in the year 1826, to which allusion is made by Dr. Smith.

The former says:

"Boston, February 16, 1859.

"Rev. John E. Tyler,—

"My dear Sir: Your venerable father was president of Dartmouth College during my whole collegiate course—from 1822 to 1826. My earliest recollections of him are those only which a thoughtless boy of sixteen would be likely to have of a grave and reverend divine, and are of little value.

"It was not until near the close of my college life that I[137] began really to know him. At that time the college was visited by a revival of religion of uncommon power, and my reverend president suddenly awoke (at least to my view) in an entirely new character.

"He came to the students with a power and unction which were quite irresistible, and manifested a depth of religious feeling for us which made us at once love him and admire him. He seemed to have found his appropriate sphere of labor; to have got into an atmosphere which filled his soul and body with life and energy; to have work to do which was congenial, which he loved, and which he knew how to do as few men did. He was at once a son of thunder and a son of consolation. His discourses, which had always been able and instructive, and characterized by simplicity of arrangement and neatness and purity of style, had now the additional attraction of an animated and energetic delivery.

"And yet, perhaps, the conference room and the prayer-meeting were the places in which, at that time, Dr. Tyler specially excelled. He was naturally rather heavy and lethargic in his manner of speaking, and it required a good deal to excite and warm him thoroughly. But the scenes and duties incident to a powerful revival of religion, in which a hundred or more young men were more or less interested, supplied the necessary stimulus, and the strong man was fully waked up, and in his extemporaneous addresses particularly, poured out streams of Christian eloquence which he seldom equaled in his more carefully prepared public discourses, and which few men whom I have ever heard, could excel or equal.

"His labors, however, were not confined to the pulpit and the conference meeting. He cheerfully and heartily did the work of a pastor among the students, going from room to room, instructing and exhorting his beloved pupils, and praying with them. He was among us, not as the grave and dignified head of the college, but rather as a loving, anxious father, seeking to instruct and save his children; or, as an elder brother, tenderly solicitous for our spiritual welfare. He was gentle among us, even as a nurse cherisheth her children. And God, I verily believe, gave him spiritual children[138] from among our number, as the reward of his fidelity; children who never ceased to love him while he lived, and who will cherish his memory with gratitude to their dying hours."

Professor Folsom says:

"Dartmouth College was fortunate in getting Mr. Tyler to stand in the line of its excellent presidents. Each of them was different from the rest in special qualifications, in work performed, in kind and force of influence exerted; but each did what made his administration an important period in the history of the college, and extended its fame and usefulness. Dr. Tyler was inferior to none of them in the depth and extent to which he affected the character of the students for good, and through them, wherever the Divine Providence called them to live and labor, promoted the welfare of the country; the enlightenment and moral activity, and power, and happiness of the people.

"His splendid physique, in which he surpassed everybody in the region; his noble stature and well-proportioned form; his head finely poised, and around it a halo of parental benignity, its perpetual and unfading crown; these struck every one at first sight, and prepossessed all in his favor. I know of none with whom to compare him in these respects except Ezekiel Webster. In his whole spirit and mien, in look and word and action, he was a father, and his whole administration was parental in the best sense of the word. This benignity, as we learn from his 'Memoir,' marked his subsequent career as president of the East Windsor Theological School. His biographer, taking notice of the fact that 'the perversities of human nature make their appearance in such institutions as well as elsewhere,' observes that 'the strong affections of the father in him occasionally swayed the firmness of the tutor and governor, and rendered him indulgent and yielding in cases where there was call for the peremptory and authoritative.' In the first two years of our college life, from the fall of 1824 to the spring of 1826, two or three instances of wrongdoing passed unnoticed which perhaps deserved such a mode of treatment. There were, moreover, it is to be confessed, irregularities and bad practices among students in all the[139] classes at that period, but they were exceptional, so far as my knowledge of them extended, and would have required a system of espionage to detect them, or informers from the guilty ones themselves. Dartmouth however, at its worst, in that period, was not one whit behind any other college in New England, in its general tone of morals, in observance of law, in habits of study and in scholarly attainments. There were not a few whose sense of honor was very high, and as they were popular and influential, they in some degree necessarily gave tone to others. Nay, surrounded by such an atmosphere of benignity—of which every student was more or less conscious, feeling it not only in the presence of the president, but also more or less in our connection with every other officer of the college without exception—I think there was far less tendency to excess, far less of the irritation of inclination against prohibition of law; and assuredly there was never apparent a disposition to rebel from hope of impunity through the recognized forbearance of our teachers.

"In the spring of the year 1828, a higher influence was brought to bear, reinforcing and extending the moral element throughout the college; recovering not a few from irregularities of conduct and waste of talent; awakening the religious nature; giving birth to new motives, and leading many to noble and useful lives. From that period until our class graduated in 1828, I cannot recall an act deserving special even animadversion, nor remember an instance of a student obnoxious to discipline for indolent of other censurable habits. But I remember several young men of exemplary deportment and distinguished ability, among them Salmon P. Chase, who though not publicly regarded as 'subjects of the work,' were greatly affected, their future being largely determined by it. They all subsequently exhibited deep moral and religious purpose, and were foremost in philanthropic action. Without the preaching of Dr. Tyler as its great instrument, and without such a man presiding over it, and guiding it, there is no reason to suppose that the revival would have taken place, or would have been so extensive and powerful.

"It is by looking at Dr. Tyler from every point of view that we alone can form a just estimate of his qualities. His greatest[140] power was that of preacher, and he was most at home in this office. He did not seek it, but it providentially came to him in the illness of Professor Shurtleff, the professor of Theology, and he retired from it when in the year 1827, Professor George Howe succeeded Professor Shurtleff. He had risen in it to the very height of the duty he attempted to discharge, and was majestic in it. His mode of delivery and gesture were beyond criticism, and at times sublime. I never heard a student speak of him in this capacity without the highest praise; and his power ended not simply in producing admiration, but in influencing his hearers to duty. The great object aimed at in his preaching was to induce his hearers to be willing, unconditionally, to do and submit to the revealed Divine will. He who succeeds in persuading his fellow-men to faithfully and perseveringly try to do this, does the highest Christian work, and most for the benefit of man. No one who has sat in the presidential chair of Dartmouth, or of any other college, during an equal length of time, has done more in this direction than Bennet Tyler."

The librarian says:

"In 1819, Isaiah Thomas of Worcester, Massachusetts, presented the college library 470 volumes, which were perhaps an equivalent for the books recently lost, as Professor Haddock makes the statement that there were probably no more books in 1820 than in 1815. In 1820 the Trustees appropriated $400. The three libraries at this time must have numbered not far from 8,000 volumes. In 1826, the 'Social Friends' obtained a Charter, and one was granted to the United Fraternity' during the following year. These Charters gave the societies the right to hold property, and transact business, and made necessary the consent of a majority of the existing members in order to dispose of the libraries. The society libraries had been increasing more rapidly than the college library, and at this time they had reached it in size as well as exceeded it in practical value and in circulation. It is quite noticeable that these three libraries for the twenty-five years following were kept so nearly equal, by additions and losses, that at no time the number of books actually upon their shelves differed by more than a few hundred.[141]

"The work and influence of the societies was neither small nor to be lightly estimated, and in that work the libraries had no small share. Professor Crosby, in speaking of the college life of the class of 1827, says: 'The college library was small, and had been so collected that it contained few books which either the instructors or students wished to read. The chief dependence of the latter was upon the society libraries, in which they took much pride, and to the increase of which they contributed with so great liberality in proportion to their means. During the first years of our course, the library of the "United Fraternity" occupied a place in the north entry of the college, corresponding to that of the "Social Friends" library in the south entry. The libraries were open only on Wednesdays and Saturdays from 1 to 2 p. m., for the delivery and return of books, and the students at these times gathered around the barred entrances to be waited on in turn by the librarians and their assistants. The rooms were so small that only three or four others were admitted at a time within the bar for the examination of the books upon the shelves. The opening of the philological room and of a reading-room about the same time by the members of the "Fraternity" led to the great enlargement of the library rooms, and great increase of library advantages, which took place in the latter part of our course. The ample rooms were now opened daily, instead of twice a week, for the delivery and return of books.'

"The college library is spoken of as, at that time, being open once in two weeks, and occupying a narrow room on the second floor of the college."

The marked advance in the course of study and general advantages of college life, during this period, are too well known to many living readers to require especial notice in this connection. The leading facts will be developed upon succeeding pages.

The following paragraphs from a member of Dr. Tyler's family are worthy of perusal.

"My first recollections of importance regarding Dartmouth College were my father's great concern for its financial interests. There was great need of money at this time for new buildings and scientific apparatus, and no one was found willing[142] to assume the responsibility of soliciting funds except President Tyler, who in his vacations undertook the matter, and was eminently successful in the work. When he first started upon his mission he called upon the late Hon. Isaac Hill, at that time editor of the New Hampshire 'Patriot,' which paper had been, as some thought, opposed to the interests of the college. This gentleman had attended a Commencement at Dartmouth, and had an interview with the new president, and being pleased, had spoken highly of the college and its president in his paper. This emboldened President Tyler to ask Mr. Hill to head the list of subscribers to the college, and to his surprise he did so, pledging himself for one hundred dollars. Mr. Hill's signature was worth many thousands of dollars to the college.

"During one of his winter vacations, President Tyler started with his own horse and sleigh on his mission, going through the State of Vermont into New York. He returned after six weeks' earnest and arduous labor, having been very successful in his mission.

"Dr. Tyler's invaluable services to the church were continued, in various spheres, till his death May 14, 1858, his wife, Mrs. Esther (Stone) Tyler, surviving him only one week."

[143]

## CHAPTER XV.

INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LORD.

Rev. Nathan Lord, D.D., of Amherst, New Hampshire, was elected the sixth president of the college. We insert entire his inaugural address, delivered October 29, 1828.

"The revival of learning, like that of religion, originally effected through the instrumentality of the press, though long hindered by the successive political convulsions and changes of the world, is now evidently in the course of rapid advancement, and is producing a deep and wide impression upon the mass of civilized society. It is pervading all classes, and affecting all interests. Its influence penetrates every public and private institution, and is exciting the best energies of the human mind, both to the invention of new methods of intellectual cultivation and the application of knowledge to the practical purposes of life. Fostered by the spirit of freedom, which goes before to disenthral the mind from that state of servitude in which its powers had been made to minister to ignorant and wayward ambition, or still more cramping and perverting superstition, it promises to gain an universal ascendancy, and to render all that influence which had been arrayed against it, henceforth subservient only to its triumphs.

"But it is characteristic of the human mind, when set at liberty from ancient prejudices, and permitted to range in search of expected good, to become extreme in its calculations and projects of improvement, and to distract itself amidst the variety of its experiments. And more especially when its enterprises are favored by the encouragement of wealth, and sustained by the indiscriminate approval of the multitude. It is then, that overlooking the maxims of sound philosophy,[144] and disregarding the safe lessons of experience, it is beguiled into the adoption of untried theories, and wastes its strength in the prosecution of plans, which are found at length to accord neither with the constitution of our nature nor with the approved usages of society. I will not say, that this is a great evil in comparison with that state of mental vassalage and inaction in which nothing is attempted, nor even conceived, for the true interests of mankind. For, the mind unfettered, will ordinarily be corrected of its mistakes and brought back from its wanderings, when truth is the object of its aspirations, and happiness is the prize only of successful effort. But we may learn from this infirmity of our nature, to be cautious in our estimates of the good before us, and to use that moderation in our endeavors which will leave us nothing to regret, when their end shall have been attained.

"It will scarcely be doubted that the impulse which society has received, particularly since the commencement of the passing century, and which has evidently been connected with the growth of freedom in this country, has been attended with many of these excesses, and not the least probably in the department of education. Numerous adventurers have set forth upon this field, with different pretensions indeed, and unequal advantages, but all large in their expectations, and confident of success. They have seemed to themselves almost to realize the ideal good, to annihilate the space between barbarism and refinement, to find in relation to intellectual attainment what experimental philosophy had sought in vain, the mysterious agent which should transmute the baser metals into gold.

"Without denying at all the actual advance of learning, or disparaging the improvements which are taking place in the arrangements and administration both of public and private seminaries, we cannot be so fond (absit invidia verbo) as to accredit all the inventions of this restless age. We cannot suppose that paths so various, which have been struck out in the heat of competition, and systems based on principles and conducted by methods so frequently differing from each other, will all conduce to the purposes for which they are intended, except as they may excite more general attention to the interests[145] of education, and furnish materials of which wisdom and experience shall at length avail themselves, to perfect truer and more practicable systems, suited to the intellectual and moral nature of man, and to the various relations and interests of life. In this view, it is evident that the conduct of public literary institutions, at the present time, is attended with no trivial embarrassments. That expansion of the public mind and progress of society, which necessarily take place in a country favored with advantages of elementary instruction and general information, will always be creating just demands upon the higher seats of learning, which will task all their energies, and bring into requisition all their resources. The mass of the community, becoming more enlightened, will call for proportionally higher qualifications in those who are sent out to preside over the public interests, and their progress in influence will produce a yet more powerful reaction. But to meet these demands amidst the conflicting sectional interests and fluctuations of public feeling, which are usually attendant upon a state of freedom, to discriminate rightly between the diverse systems of instruction and discipline, which are set forth with such frequency and such earnestness of commendation; to keep so near the public sentiment as not to lose the confidence of the community, and yet not to follow it so implicitly as to sacrifice the more desirable good of self-approbation; this is a labor which can be estimated by those only who have had the trial of sustaining it. Institutions that have become venerable by age, powerful in resources and patronage, may go forward to introduce, not only accredited improvements but doubtful changes; and may bring the systems, which either the wise have devised, or the popular voice has required, to the test of actual experiment. But feebler institutions cannot leave the ground of general principles, which, however it may be safer and ultimately more subservient to their true interests, cannot always be easily ascertained, and frequently fails of being approved amidst the varying circumstances, relations, and interests of society.

"The principle which has generally obtained in regard to the colleges of this country, of making them merely introductory to a professional education, is one too important in its connections[146] and results to be hastily relinquished. The correspondence which usually exists between the genius of civil governments, and the arrangement of literary institutions, has been very happily exemplified in our system of schools, rising in regular gradation from the primary to the professional, and wisely accommodated to the public convenience and necessity. This system, whatever defects may have existed in some of its practical operations, has been found, on the whole, admirably suited to the condition of society. Its parts having kept their fair proportions, each one performing its peculiar office, and all acting and reacting upon each other, it is out of question that the results of the whole, in the general diffusion of knowledge and elevation of the public character, have been salutary to a degree unprecedented in the history of the world; and its general adoption, with modifications according to the different circumstances of society, may be contemplated as one of the surest pledges of our national prosperity. Apart from the multiplied facilities of instruction, which upon this system are afforded at the cheapest rate to all who would enjoy the benefits of education, that spirit of fair and honorable competition, which is necessarily excited between so many kindred institutions, would seem to insure improvements proportioned to the means which are afforded them, and prove a check upon those abuses which have usually attended establishments of more extended influence and less responsibility.

"But it would seem important to the continued success of this system, that its several parts should still be kept distinct and subordinate. I will not say that they may not subsist harmoniously, and be conducted usefully upon the same ground. I will not say that an university, sectional or national, that shall, in its separate colleges and halls, prepare our youth for the various departments of life, may not consist with the spirit of our civil governments, and be guarded against the evils which have generally attended establishments so complicate, and of such numerous resort. However this may be judged, it will be found, I apprehend, the wisdom of our scattered institutions, to preserve their individuality, and remain true, as to their general regulations, to the purpose[147] of their foundation. With respect, particularly, to the arrangements of a college, it would seem not less true than in regard to the efforts of an individual mind, or the operations of a machine, that however numerous and various these arrangements may be in detail, the most beneficial results cannot be expected without unity of design. Between that kind of cultivation and discipline necessary as a foundation for professional eminence, and that which is required for success in mercantile, mechanical, or agricultural occupation, there is a very natural and obvious distinction. And not only is it desirable that they who will be successful mainly as they shall be conversant with books, who require to be learned men, and they whose concern lies principally in the active business of life, in skill or labor, should have in some respects a different course of study, but be subjected to the influence of different minds, and examples, and rules, and scenes, and associations, corresponding to the different relations which they will sustain. 'Non omnia possumus omnes,' is a proverb applicable both to teachers and to pupils, and it would forbid the supposition, that minds which act upon others for widely different purposes, should do it always with the best effect, or that they who are so acted upon, should not sometimes suffer injury from the inadequate or ill appropriated influence that is exerted over them.

"But the evils of commingling within the walls of college, and subjecting to the same general influence, persons or classes, requiring a different preparatory training, would not, probably, be greater than those which would result from an attempt to carry collegial instruction above the simple groundwork of the professions, and to accommodate the course of study and discipline to the future intended course of life. To whatever extent improvement should be carried in the preparatory schools, of whatever qualifications young men should be possessed, at the usual time of admission to college, their term of residence here cannot reasonably be thought too long, nor their facilities too ample, for general elementary cultivation. It were not the worst of the evil of providing for professional education at college, that the time which should be devoted to mental preparation would be lost, and young[148] men would go forth into life unfurnished; but many minds uncertain and vacillating soon wearied with the dry elements of one department, would presently attempt another and a third, and disgusted, at length, with all, would resign themselves to a stupefying indolence, or a consuming licentiousness. The examples of other times, when the learning of universities all had respect to the future political and ecclesiastical relations of the student, and these institutions became little better than panders to allied despotism and superstition, may teach us to cultivate our youth in the elements of general knowledge, and impart vigor and force and freeness to their minds, in the course of sound fundamental study, before they are permitted to engage in any merely professional acquisitions; to practice them well on the broad threshold of science, before they are exposed to be blasted or bewildered by the premature unfolding of its mysteries. They will then go forward, prepared, not merely to acquire the technicalities of a profession, but to investigate its essential principles; to avoid those ignes fatui, which so often, with the appearance of truth, mislead and destroy, and draw out from the depths, the living form of truth itself; and thus contribute to the destined emancipation of the world from ignorance, and prejudice, and misrule, and the worse influence of false philosophy. I would not be extreme; but when we consider the controlling influence of mind of those who are accredited as the teachers and guides of other men, and how important that this should be an influence of reason, of knowledge, and of truth, and how slowly and carefully its foundation requires to be laid in the youthful mind, we may well dread to embarrass the process, either by any accidental impressions and associations, or by prematurely trusting to its completion. Nor should an exception be claimed even in favor of the Christian ministry. However desirable that they who contemplate this office should be early qualified for the service of God, and of their fellow men, yet they may not safely trespass upon college hours, by anticipating those higher studies, which await them on other grounds.

"I shall be obliged to trespass further upon the time of this assembly, while I glance at a few particulars connected with[149] the attainment of the single end of a collegial education. It has been alleged, that the preparatory schools have frequently failed in qualifying the mind for successful application to the exercises of college. And it has been answered, that college has sent out into the schools inadequate instructors. The evil which is admitted is probably on both sides, and an obvious remedy will be found, in stating and rigidly exacting such terms of matriculation as shall at once bring into requisition the most thorough preparatory instruction, and provide that such instruction may always be obtained.

"It is evident that, other things being equal, those who, by reason of superior early advantages, are prepared to enter upon the prescribed exercises of college with more readiness and effect than others, will ordinarily prosecute and finish their course with proportionably higher reputation. Indeed, to the want of a thorough initiation into the rudiments of learning may be traced much of that indolence and fickleness and easy yielding to temptation, by which the mind, untaught in the labor of successful occupation, and discouraged by the failure of its imprudent efforts, is presently paralyzed, and lost to every honorable and useful purpose. If then it may be provided that early instruction shall be more adequate, and the mind of the student shall be prepared to enter with readiness and effect upon the studies of college, we shall inspire him with that confidence in his own ability and endeavors which is one of the strongest inducements to exertion, and shall insure a degree of improvement limited only by his capacity and application. It may be true, that some of our colleges, by reason of the temptations of poverty, and the zeal of competition, accommodating themselves to the convenience of youth, have not increased in their demands in proportion to the advances which have been already made in elementary instruction. Such have doubtless mistaken their true interests. It is believed, that those institutions which shall lead in exacting the most extensive and thorough preparation, will have a distinction and a patronage proportioned to the benefits which they shall thus render to society.

"It is of equal importance, that our colleges should be furnished with the materials of study. It was a significant[150] maxim, I think of Juvenal, that it is a great part of learning to know where learning may be found. For, after ascertaining the place of treasure, it is usual to feel the kindling desire of acquisition, and the mind at once receives a corresponding impulse to exertion. The man who has wasted his best days in mental inaction, may feel himself so humbled amidst the productions of genius and learning, which have not instructed him, and instruments, of which he knows not the use, and specimens and models whose properties and beauties he cannot distinguish, that he will wish rather to retreat and forget his poverty, in the gratifications of inferior appetite. But, on these same scenes, the fires of youthful unprostituted ambition glow with a new intensity, and the mind, here waking to the consciousness of its own energies, aspires to the elevation and dignity for which it is designed. The well stored library and philosophical room and cabinet, create an atmosphere, in which it acts with an unwonted freedom and force, and strengthens itself for the high and laborious service to which it is devoted.

"But, apart from the influence of such scenes and their associations, there are more palpable reasons, which especially at this day, call for a great increase of books and apparatus in our literary institutions.

"The time has been, when a few worn out text books, descending from one generation of students to another, were thought sufficient for the purposes of a liberal education. But, in that wider range of investigation, to which the mind is now directed, in all departments of study, every source of information requires to be laid open. It is not the lesson from a single author, that is alone sufficient to be committed, but the subject, of which possibly a score have treated, that requires to be examined and understood. And neither can the teacher nor the student feel himself adequate to the services before him while any valuable authority, on the broad field of his inquiries, is not accessible, or any means of illustration are unattempted. But these facilities are clearly beyond the resources of individuals, and however voluntary associations of students may, to some extent, compensate for private inability, there is a point beyond which public sentiment[151] declares this to be a burden; and it demands that the institutions themselves, which proffer the benefits of education, should supply the means by which this end is to be attained. The question between different places of education, is coming to be decided, more frequently, by reference to the comparative advantages which they afford in this respect; and, however it may be necessary that a college should hold out some show of other accommodation, yet neither the convenience of its situation, nor the splendor of its edifices, nor the number and variety of its departments and instructors, will be held in estimation, without corresponding advantages for an extended course of study.

"In regard to a course of study, it were almost adventurous for one without the advantages of experience on this subject, to remark beyond what is already obvious, that it should be simply accommodated to the most perfect discipline and instruction of the mind. And yet, perhaps, it were more presumptuous to suppose, that improvement in this respect has already reached its limits. The changes which have taken place, and are still occurring in the methods of instruction, at the preparatory schools, may be hoped so far to hasten the development and strengthening of the intellectual powers as that the student may come, at an earlier period of his college course, to that class of studies which call more immediately for the use of reason, and give it direction in its inquiries after truth. The impulse which the mind receives from an acquaintance with its own powers, and their application to some branches of intellectual philosophy, is a matter of general experience. Every one recollects the pleasure of his first acquisitions in this department of study, and the ardor with which he thenceforth aspired to higher attainments. He breathed a free air, he went forward with a new confidence, and his application to all the duties before him became more easy and more successful. If, then, we might, almost on the threshold of a public education, habituate the mind to itself, and aid it in some of the more simple essays of its own powers, it would seem, that we should prepare it for the readier perception of classic beauties, and for mastering more effectually the elements of mathematical, political, and moral science. Study[152] in every department ceases to be a mechanical process, when the mind is thus accustomed, and then we have assurance that study will be a pleasure, and that what becomes a pleasure will be gain and glory.

"If it were asked, whether any branch of college study might be spared, few, probably, would be ready to affirm. However, in the zeal of innovation, the utility of classical learning has been decried, it is not probable that the name of scholar will ever be awarded to one who has not loved to spend his days and nights upon the pages of antiquity, nor drunk deep from these original sources of taste, and genius, and philosophy. We believe it has rarely, if ever happened, that one has attained to a symmetry and finished excellency of character, in the varieties of any one department of learning, who has not, at least in the early stages of education, received inspiration from the oratory and poetry of other times, when language was an index to the passions and emotions of the soul, and conveyed, not the names only, but the properties of things, the qualities of mind. The very vigor of thought and power of eloquence with which many, with a parricidal spirit, have assailed the literature of antiquity, were borrowed from its stores; and should their schemes of reform prevail we might fear that other generations, inheriting only their prejudices, without their refinement, would degenerate into comparative barbarism, and with that of learning, that the light also of religion would be extinguished. It is the worst of this spirit that it would seal up the treasures of heavenly wisdom, and take away the armor in which we trust for assailing the enemies of God. And however it may be with other interests, we will hope that in this respect, as well as ordinarily in all others, the pulpit will prove a defence of the true interests of man. But, it may be questioned whether, if the field of labor were narrowed, and instead of gleaning as is usually done, from many writers, the student should be more thorough in his application to a few of the most approved, the end of this branch of study would not be as fully answered, and opportunity be afforded for greater acquisitions in the literature of modern times. It has been said, particularly in regard to our own language and country, that the style of writing, of conversation,[153] and of public speaking, among educated men, generally fails of that accuracy, propriety, and refinement which might reasonably be expected from their course of preparatory and professional study. The college is undoubtedly the place where the evil, if it be admitted to exist, should be corrected. And its correction would be found in the greater progress of the student, beyond the task of composition, to the examination of the most approved vernacular writings. It is not so much by his own imperfect attempts as by familiarity with the nature and finished productions of other minds, that he may expect to facilitate his conceptions, to extend the circle of his thoughts, to correct his judgment and his taste, and thus increase the readiness, propriety, and effect of his future efforts. A course of thorough reading and comparison of accredited authors, in connection with occasional researches into the history of English literature and essays at higher criticism, will probably do more towards the accomplishment of polite scholarship than all the principles of grammar and rhetoric, however perfectly understood, without opportunity for such an application.

"The actual instruction of college, and its general economy and administration, are subjects, doubtless, of yet higher consideration. But, in view of the recent measures of the Trustees of this institution, to advance its interests in these particulars, remarks in this place, and on this occasion, might be judged unseasonable. I shall be permitted, however, just to allude to these measures, as an evidence of the deep solicitude with which the institution is cherished by its constituted guardians, and as a pledge, that in all things which relate to its modes of government, discipline, and instruction, they will not be backward to provide that it shall answer the great purposes of its foundation. And in view of the success which already appears to have attended the application of these measures, through the zeal of the Faculty of the college, and the commendable spirit of the students, the hope may well be encouraged, that this venerable seat of learning, which has been the care of Almighty God, will not fail of His blessing, nor want the confidence, affection, and patronage of an intelligent community.[154]

"But, what is more necessary than any other means and advantages, and without which the growth of any literary institution were to be deprecated as one of the greatest of evils, is the pervading influence of moral and religious principle. The moral dangers of a college life have probably been sometimes enhanced in the representation. When the arrangement of duties is such as to require of the student as much use of time, and a habit of application as constant and persevering, as are ordinarily expected in the employments of active life, he would seem, so far, in respect to his principles and his habits, to have an advantage over others, inasmuch as intellectual labor is, in itself, better suited to refine and elevate the affections, and removes one farther from the scenes and objects of temptation. If we add to this, that the student is usually under a more uniform superintendence, and comes more frequently and habitually under the influence of moral precept and religious observances, and that the fact of his supposed dangers makes him more a subject of parental solicitude and counsel and prayer, his advantage is still proportionably increased. And in respect to those institutions where these benefits are in the highest degree enjoined, it is believed that the amount of injury to the youth who frequent them is less than that which is suffered by any equal number, in any other sphere of occupation.

"It must, nevertheless, be admitted, that there are dangers to the student in some respects peculiar, affecting deeply the principles of action, and which require a greater care to be prevented, because of the influence which he is destined to exert in future life. The very cultivation of mind has frequently a tendency to impair the moral sensibilities, to induce that pride of conscious ability and variety of attainments, which, as they are most of all affections offensive to God, so they become, surely, though insensibly, most pernicious in their influence upon the individuals themselves who cherish them, and contribute to poison those streams which ought only to carry abroad health and blessing to the world. That spirit of emulation, also, which is naturally excited among so many aspirants for an honorable distinction, too often leads, on the one hand, in those who excel, to an overweening selfishness[155] and an insatiable ambition, which, in the course of life, sacrifice all principle and the highest interests of society to private gratification; and, on the other, in those whose hopes are disappointed, to a destroying negligence and sensuality. Nor is it to be denied, that the unsanctified literature of antiquity, and many of the productions of our own times, which have the greatest power of attraction over the minds of youth, cannot be assiduously cultivated without danger of corrupting the moral sentiments, and ministering strength to the wrong affections of the mind. Against these evils, and others, more immediately pernicious, which are incident to numerous associations of youth, a moral influence, pure, constraining and habitual, requires to be exerted. It is now more than ever demanded, and the fact is most creditable to the spirit of the times, that a literary institution should be a safe resort, and no other advantages will, in the common estimation, compensate for defect and failure in this particular. The relations which every individual student sustains to God and to eternity, call imperiously and aloud, that the great principles of moral obligation, the everlasting distinctions between right and wrong, the methods of the Divine administration, and the solemnities of eternal retribution, should be kept before him, in all their significancy, and enforced by the constraining motives of the gospel of Jesus Christ, without which all secondary authority and influence will be comparatively vain. The relations also of the whole body of students to their country and the world demand, and the admonition is sounded out from every corner of our land, from the city, and the field, and even from the desert, that here should be laid the foundation of those virtuous habits, of that reverence for God, and practical regard for His ordinances, without which the influence of our educated men will gradually undermine the fair fabric of our national freedom, and the ruins of our country will be heaped up for an everlasting memorial, that neither liberty, nor learning, nor wealth, nor arts, nor arms, can stay the decline of that people among whom the redeeming spirit of Christianity has no permanent abode. I know, indeed, that college is no place for infusing or fostering sectarian prejudices, nor for preferring the weapons of sectarian warfare.[156] No spirit of party should walk abroad on this common ground. No distinctive privileges of a denomination should here be ever claimed or allowed. But, as none are exempted from their obligations to God, and none are safe without His blessing, it is most evident that this should be the first and last of our labor with those who are themselves immortal, and whose influence is so connected with the highest interests of their fellow men, to encourage a spirit of inwrought piety, and instill the lessons of practical obedience. That is the noblest of all efforts which has respect to the preparation of mind for the service of its Creator among its kindred intelligences, and for the joys of an immortal life. And that will be a glorious consummation (may it be ours to hasten it) when the destined alliance between religion and learning shall be perfected, and their united influence shall be employed, and shall prevail, to raise a world from ignorance and sin and wretchedness, to the dignity and the privilege of the sons of God. And let us hope, both in regard to this college, whose interests we now cherish, and all other kindred institutions, that amidst the changes of society by which they are occasionally affected, and the adversities by which they are depressed, we shall see the vindication of that rule of Providence by which good is always educed from evil. Let us believe that those prejudices and mistakes and errors and abuses, which are wont, in undisturbed prosperity, to become inveterate, shall be done away; that those improvements which may be expected to flow from the influence of free governments and a free Christianity shall prevail, and shall contribute to make the reign of liberty and knowledge and truth not only universal in extent, but perpetual in duration."

[157]

## CHAPTER XVI.

THE POLICY OF THE COLLEGE, ITS PROGRESS, AND ENLARGEMENT UNDER PRESIDENT LORD'S ADMINISTRATION, FROM 1828 TO 1863.

President Lord's official course was marked by a judicious conservatism.

In nothing was this more conspicuous than in his treatment of the matter of "college honors." Near the close of his administration, the occasion requiring, he published a statement, in which we find the following language:

"It will be recollected that about a quarter of a century ago there arose a simultaneous questioning among the students at most of the New England colleges, in regard to college appointments in general. It was a spontaneous movement of the young men, consequent upon an unusual religious awakening among them, and seemed a common reaction of conscience against a common injurious custom. The students of this college were excited more than others. At least, they were more demonstrative. By memorial, they unanimously requested the Trustees to abolish the existing system.

"The Trustees gave great attention to the request. Having ascertained that the Faculty would readily try the experiment of a change, although but two of them were convinced of its utility, they set aside the existing system of exhibitions, prizes, assignments, etc., and ordained the present system, which fully and consistently excludes the principle of the old. This action of the Trustees was thorough, consistent, and decisive, and was far in advance of what had taken place in any other institution. It gave great content to the students. It was followed by many tokens of public approbation. The Faculty at once found their administration relieved, simplified, and greatly facilitated in general. The college rapidly attained[158] to a degree of patronage and prosperity unprecedented in its history.

"After a few years, a severe outside pressure produced a degree of anxiety in regard to the prudence, if not the principle, of the change. Some distinguished alumni of the college, and other gentlemen, remonstrated against it as an innovation not soundly moral and conservative, but radical and disorganizing. They feared that the college would lose its tone and dignity among learned institutions. The Trustees, though not convinced, were stirred, and again asked the judgment of the Faculty.

"The Faculty replied, that, although they had not, as a body, recommended the adoption of the new system, they had given it, as duty required, a fair experiment, and were constrained to say, that it had turned out better than their expectations. Notwithstanding some inconvenience, it had obviated serious evils, had secured unquestionable benefits, and had given a decided impulse to the college. They were not prepared to advise its discontinuance. Whereupon the Trustees resolved to adhere.

"Yet, after another short term of years, changes having occurred both in the Trustees and Faculty, and the outside pressure still continuing, the subject again came under the discussion of the Board. In that instance it was formally proposed by a majority of the Faculty. Some new members had been added to that body, who had had no experience, as college officers, of the old system. Others had left it, and some had seen reasons to change their opinions. A large majority requested that the old régime, or something analogous to it, should be restored.

"The minority confidently protested. They had had experience on both sides, and were satisfied that the new system had greatly the advantage of the old, both in respect to principle and practical results.

"The Trustees gave the subject their attentive consideration, canvassed conflicting reasons, and still adhered. They enjoined it upon the Faculty to abide by the new system, and to keep its principle inviolate in the college discipline.

"Since that time the question has been at rest. Whatever[159] differences of opinion may have existed in the Board or in the Faculty, they have not interfered with the regular and faithful administration of affairs upon the prescribed basis. The college has not suffered. It has not ceased to flourish, in respect to sound instruction, easy and effective discipline, a righteous order, thorough scholarship, a liberal patronage, and an honorable position. It is believed to be not behind any of its sister colleges in the proper characteristics of a learned institution, even though measured not by its best, but its average scholarship, as determined by lot, in the exercises of the Commencement. Its order has become so well settled and understood in this respect, that any reversal of it, principle apart, might be attended with inconveniences and hazards more than sufficient to counterbalance any supposed possible or probable advantages.

"But it is eminently due to the learned Memorialists [Alumni], and to other friends and patrons of the college, to explain more fully the theory on which the Trustees have acted, and which applies equally to the questions now in hand. Wherefore your Committee go on to observe, as first principles:

"1. That a college is a public institution, designed and incorporated to qualify young men for leaders of the Church and the State.

"2. That the requisite qualifications for such leadership are knowledge, wisdom, and virtue. Accidental accomplishments are important in giving prominence and effect to more substantial qualities; but these are fundamental and indispensable. Without them the public interests, so far as connected with college, have no security.

"3. That these qualifications are valueless in separation from each other; and are then likely to be injurious in proportion to the degree of culture. Knowledge without wisdom is insane and mischievous; and both without virtue serve but to give greater energy and efficiency to those naturally destructive elements which are common both to individuals and society. Virtue alone, if it could be supposed to exist without knowledge and wisdom, would be but an idea, or an emotion, and practically futile.[160]

"4. That the organization and discipline of a college constitute what we denominate its order; and the highest responsibility rests on its appointed guardians, to perfect and preserve this necessary order agreeably to the highest standards that are known among men.

"5. That the ultimate standard, binding on all Christian educators, is the Scripture; and their ultimate responsibility is to God. Great latitude is given them by the State; and they are not held accountable to the civil authorities, in the widest exercise of their discretion, while they infringe not upon the civil statutes. The State leaves them to their own opinions and policy, within the terms of their chartered privileges and the laws in general. The Church has no control over them whatever but in respect to patronage, when they are constituted as mere civil corporations; and it may not interfere with them but as individual men; nor then, if they happen to sustain no individual and personal relations to it. But the State and the Church are equally ordained of God; and all educators are responsible to Him that the comprehensive order of their institutions shall be in agreement with the principles of His Word, and thereby subservient to the public good.

"6. That the order of a college is, first, mechanical, in respect to its forms, arrangements, and observances; and, secondly, moral, in respect to principle.

"7. That college mechanism in general should have respect to the most perfect development of the powers of students, and be carried on with great exactness and fidelity; that any want of symmetry, proportion, finish, balance, and executive ability, or frequent experimenting and change to meet internal difficulties, or the humors and caprices of society, must tend to failure and dishonor. But that no mechanism, however organically perfect or judiciously administered, that does not embody a righteous moral principle, or that cannot be operated in consistency with it, can be otherwise than injurious in its ultimate results.

"Whereupon your Committee propose, that a system of scholarships and prizes, as such systems have usually obtained, cannot be introduced into college mechanism, or be carried on, consistently with righteous principle, and favorably to virtue[161] in young men, or to true knowledge and wisdom, so far as these presuppose virtue, and depend upon it."

In regard to the views here set forth, it is proper to remark, that reasoning which had much force, a score of years since, would possibly have less at the present time.

In regard to this period the librarian says:

"In 1830, the three libraries must have numbered in volumes between 12,000 and 13,000, with slight difference in numbers, the college library being the largest, and the United Fraternity's the smallest. The first library catalogue of the latter society was printed previous to 1840, and contained the titles of 4,900 volumes.

"In 1840, the libraries obtained better accommodations by the erection of Reed Hall, which was so far completed that the books were shelved just before the Commencement. They were given the second floor of the building, an amount of space which then seemed to give ample room for additions, as the three libraries together numbered only 15,000 volumes. The college library occupied the east half of the floor, while the west side was divided between the two society libraries. The books were first shelved against the wall, then alcoves and cases were added as long as space remained, while for several years previous to the present time the least valuable books have been removed to make space for additions.

"In the college library, borrowers have generally been excluded from the rooms in which books are kept, while the reverse has been true in the society libraries.

"In June, 1841, the professors of the college with the assistance of some of the gentlemen of the vicinity formed a society since known as the 'Northern Academy.' This society, which was afterwards chartered and has been continued in different forms until the present time, early began the formation of a library. While many old books have been collected, its principal value lies in pamphlets and files of newspapers, some of which covering a number of years extend back beyond the Revolution. This collection, now swelled to several thousand, has always been in connection with the college library, although for several years a want of shelf room and a greater want of funds to place it in usable condition, have made it of[162] little practical value. In 1850, the three libraries having changed little comparatively, numbered 19,000 volumes. The 'Northern Academy,' exclusive of the unbound, had over 1,000 volumes, thus making fully 20,000 volumes accessible. A distinction must be made between the figures given under the different dates (which indicate the number that were actually in the libraries), and the number according to catalogues. The latter were made by adding to former lists the books received during different years, when in fact the additions during some of these years did not more than make good the losses. It frequently happened that ten percent of the catalogued number could not be accounted for. While the society libraries have continued with nearly the same annual additions—an average actual yearly increase of over a hundred volumes,—the great growth of the college library has taken place since 1850. Since that year have been received the donations of books for the different departments of instruction and the funds upon which the constant growth of the library depends. Of these funds the first had its origin in 1846, when Edmund Parker of Nashua, Isaac Parker of Boston, and Joel Parker of Keene, gave $1,000. This was subsequently increased by the latter to $7,000, and in his will (which founded the Law School), provisions were made, that will, when available, place this fund at $20,000. In 1852, Dr. George C. Shattuck, whose name is associated with the Observatory, gave $1,000 for the department of Mathematics as applied to Mechanics and Astronomy. To this during the same year he added $200 for Natural Philosophy and Astronomy, and $800 for the Latin language and Literature. At the same time Dr. Roswell Shurtleff, Emeritus Professor, gave $1,000 for better providing with books the departments of Intellectual and Moral Philosophy and Political Economy. These three donations were intended principally for the use of instructors, and were accompanied with restrictions from general circulation. In 1859, by the will of Dr. Henry Bond of Philadelphia, several hundred volumes were received, and provisions were made for a library fund which when available will be about $11,000. The late Hon. Samuel Appleton established in 1845, a fund which was[163] increased in 1854, and is known as the Appleton Fund. The income of this has been partially applied to the purchase of books relating to Natural Philosophy."

"The Press" in Hanover is worthy of notice in this connection. We quote from a published address by Professor Sanborn:

"No man lives in Hanover to-day, who can tell when any newspaper was first printed in the town, or when it ceased to be printed. Even the papers themselves have perished. Here and there, a stray number, or possibly a bound volume, may be found among the useless lumber of an attic. There was a press in Hanover, before the close of the last century. It is reported that a newspaper was published there prior to the year 1799. I have been unable to find a copy of it. In 1799, Mr. Webster delivered a Fourth-of-July oration before the citizens of Hanover, which was published in that town. A eulogy, by the same orator, on a deceased classmate, was also published the next year. Moses Davis, a citizen of the place, began the publication of the 'Dartmouth Gazette,' August 27, 1799. How long he continued to edit and publish the paper, I cannot certainly ascertain. A paper bearing that name was published for at least twenty years. I have a number of the 'Dartmouth Gazette' dated June 23, 1819, being No. XLIII., vol. 19. The whole number to this date of the paper, in this form, is 1025. It was then printed and published by Charles Spear. It would seem, therefore, that the paper which originated with Moses Davis, lived for more than twenty years. It was a valuable paper, containing a careful summary of foreign news, sometimes long orations of English statesmen, and an accurate record of local events. The original pieces were quite numerous, written by occasional contributors, many of them students of the college. The editorials were brief; in fact, a majority of the early numbers contain no words which appear as editorial. The political articles were decidedly favorable to the Federal party, but moderate in tone. During the first three years of the existence of this paper, Daniel Webster, then a student, was a frequent contributor; he wrote both prose and poetry, more frequently the latter. The topics were trite, but the thoughts[164] were always serious and elevated. In the issue of December 9, 1799, Mr. Webster published a poem on winter; he was then a Junior in college. The European wars commanded his attention and saddened his reflections.

"Mr. Webster continued to write for the paper after leaving college. In his published correspondence, there is a letter from the editor importuning him to write the 'Newsboy's Message' for January, 1803. He says: 'I want a genuinely Federal address, and you are the very person to write it. And this solicitation, sir, is not from me alone—some of our most respectable characters join in the request.'

"The 'Dartmouth Gazette' was the champion of the college during the entire period of its controversy with the State. Many of the ablest articles written in defence of the college, appeared in its columns. I regret that I cannot give the entire history of this useful paper; it did a good work in its day, and we may now say literally, 'peace to its ashes.'

"During a portion of the existence of the 'Dartmouth Gazette,' while it was edited by Charles Spear, another paper was printed by Moses Davis, called 'The Literary Tablet,' purporting to be edited by Nicholas Orlando. Whether this is a nomme de plume or a real name, I cannot determine. Three volumes are known to have been published. It lived for three years at least. The third volume dates from August, 1805, to August, 1806. It was a folio of four pages, three columns to a page, of about fourteen inches by twelve in size. It was printed every other Wednesday for the editor.

"A new paper appeared in Hanover, June, 1820. The prospectus was as follows:

"'A new weekly paper in Hanover, N. H., to be entitled the "Dartmouth Herald." The "Dartmouth Gazette" having been discontinued, the subscribers, at the solicitation of a number of literary gentlemen, propose to publish a paper under the above title. Besides advertisements, the "Herald" will embrace accounts of our National and State Legislatures, and the most interesting articles of news, foreign and domestic; notices of improvements in the arts and sciences, especially agriculture and the mechanical arts most practiced in our own country; and essays, original and selected, upon the[165] mechanical and liberal Arts, Literature, Politics, Morals and Religion.

"'The original articles will be furnished by a society of gentlemen; and it is confidently expected will not be unworthy of the interesting subjects, to which a considerable space will be allotted in this paper.

"'Bannister & Thurston.

"'Hanover, April 7, 1820.'

"It was a small folio of four pages, twenty by twelve inches in size. It was well filled with news and original contributions. Its life was brief. Unfortunately, no record was made either on the printed page or the faithful memory, of the date of its decease, so far as I can learn.

"For several years no periodical was published in Hanover. 'The Magnet,' an octavo of sixteen pages, edited by students and published by Thomas Mann, appeared in 1835. The first number bears date October 21, 1835. There seems to have been a rival paper contemporary with this, called 'The Independent Chronicle.' In the November number of the 'Magnet,' we find this allusion to it: 'The second number of the "Independent Chronicle" is below criticism.' In the December number, the 'Magnet' chronicles the demise of its despised rival, with evident satisfaction. In 1837, another student's periodical appeared, called 'The Scrap Book.' I am unable to write its history; it was probably of brief duration. In 1839, the students of Dartmouth College originated a literary periodical called 'The Dartmouth.' It was published, I think, for five years. The editors were chosen from the undergraduates by the Senior class. Among the editors of 1840-41, were J. E. Hood and James O. Adams, both of whom have since gained honorable distinction in a wider field of editorial labor. A few months ago, I received as a present from B. P. Shillaber, the witty and genial author of the 'Life and Sayings of Mrs. Partington,' and other humorous works, a volume of 'The Dartmouth,' which he received from Mr. Hood. It was handsomely bound, and labelled 'Brains' on the back. Mr. Shillaber says of it in a letter, dated July 4, 1872, 'I find, that the volume comprises but a half year ending[166] with Hood's editorship and graduation. It nevertheless will prove interesting; and it gives me pleasure to present it, with a delightful memory of Dartmouth to commend the trifle. I thought it might gratify you personally, as several of your effusions are contained in it. Poor Hood has crossed the dark stream: he died in Colorado last winter. He held you in enduring regard. The title is a boyish suggestion; but there is more evidence of "brains" in it than is to be found in many far more pretentious publications.'

"These remarks will apply with equal justice to the entire ten volumes of 'The Dartmouth.' It was highly creditable to the students who originated and sustained it. 'The Dartmouth' was printed by Mr. E. A. Allen, who during the continuance of this periodical made several other ventures in the newspaper line. Sometime during the year 1840 or 1841, he started a paper called 'The Experiment,' which was edited by James O. Adams, then a student in college. This paper was subsequently issued in quarto form and called 'The Amulet.'

"In 1841, a periodical called the 'Iris and Record' was issued in Hanover. It was published monthly, in numbers of thirty-two royal octavo pages, making two volumes each year. It was edited by 'an association of gentlemen,' and filled with well selected and original literary articles. It must have had a considerable circulation, if we may credit the assertion of the editor of No. II., vol. 3, who says: 'We doubt not there are hundreds of persons, whose names are on our subscription list, who might every month contribute a short article upon some interesting subject.' The 'Iris' was also printed by E. A. Allen.

"During the same year an anti-slavery paper was published in Hanover, called 'The People's Advocate,' by St. Clair and Briggs. In July, 1843, J. E. Hood became its editor, and continued to publish it for more than a year, when it was removed to Concord. 'The Advocate' was a spirited paper; and the editor, then a youth, showed himself an able, fearless, and uncompromising foe of slavery, at a time when it required great moral courage and liberal sacrifices of time, talent, and labor, to advocate the principles of the Free Soil Party. In[167] February, 1844, Mr. Hood established a paper in Hanover, called the 'Family Visitor,' in which he advocated the various reforms of the day; and published a variety of original and selected articles in prose and poetry, for the profit and amusement of his patrons. On looking over some of the back numbers, I find the contents as lively, piquant, and interesting, as the best journals of to-day. Mr. Hood was born an editor, and to the day of his death he performed well his part; and when his Master bade him 'go up higher,' he left few peers behind him in his chosen vocation."

Rev. H. A. Hazen, a reliable authority on any historical point, states that there was a printing-press at Dresden, (which included the "College District," in Hanover, and a part of Lebanon), as early as 1777. Mr. Abel Curtis' Grammar was printed there by J. P. and A. Spooner, in 1779. Other works, still extant, were printed by them at about the same period.[35]

[35] "The Dartmouth" having been revived in 1867, is now issued as a Weekly Magazine.

In tracing the progress of the college during President Lord's administration, we cannot more fitly conclude, than by adopting the language of Mr. William H. Duncan, who in a valuable tribute to his worth and his memory, says:

"It was the proud boast of Augustus, that he found Rome of brick and left it of marble. Might not President Lord, at the time of his resignation, have said without a shadow of boasting, I found the college, what its great counsel called it in that most touching and pathetic close of his great argument in the College Case before the Supreme Court at Washington: I found it truly 'a small college'; it was in an humble condition; its classes were small; its finances embarrassed; its buildings in a dilapidated and ruinous condition. I left it one of the leading institutions of the land!"

Fuller details on these points will be gathered from subsequent chapters.

[168]

## CHAPTER XVII.

CHARACTER OF PRESIDENT LORD.

The period of President Tyler's resignation was a most critical one in the history of the college.

Its eminent founder passed away in the midst of the Revolutionary struggle, leaving the frail bark, in which were centered fond and long-cherished hopes, tossing upon uncertain and dangerous waters. A fearful storm was raging when his immediate successor put off the robes of office, and a little later went "to give account of his stewardship." Thirteen years had scarcely been sufficient fully to restore to a healthy condition the discipline of the college, which had been materially weakened by the lack of harmony between the second president and his associates in office.

Material aid was needed also to provide better accommodations for the students.

In common with other colleges, Dartmouth needed most of all, in those trying times, a president "rooted and grounded" in the truth.

The multiplication of colleges rendered it especially desirable, at this period, that this college should have a man at its head well fitted and furnished for his work. In the little more than half a century of its existence, the number of New England colleges, founded upon the same religious faith, had increased from three to eight, rendering the best leadership necessary to meet the competition.

A more judicious selection could not have been made for the sixth president of the college.

Rev. Nathan Lord, the son of John and Mehitable (Perkins) Lord, was born at Berwick, Maine, November 28, 1792, and belonged to a highly respectable family. At the early[169] age of sixteen, he graduated at Bowdoin College, in the class of 1809. Very rarely has a student at college the opportunity to sit under the instruction of two such men as Joseph McKeen and Jesse Appleton, each of whom filled the president's chair two years, while young Lord was a student.

After valuable experience as a teacher in the Exeter Academy, he pursued a theological course at the Andover Seminary, graduating in 1815. He had been twelve years pastor of the Congregational Church at Amherst when called to the presidency of Dartmouth, having been for some time a Trustee. In the intellectual strength and literary attainments of its people, this had been for a long period one of the leading towns in southern New Hampshire. Being the county seat, it was visited periodically by gentlemen eminent in the law, with whom professional men resident in the place would most naturally have frequent intercourse. At a period when the whole community was profoundly agitated, by the most earnest and important theological controversy in the history of New England, we can readily understand that the youthful preacher would have abundant opportunity to measure swords with skilled warriors, in the field of religious debate. That he wielded his weapons, in the discussions of that period, with a force indicating that he was a man of no ordinary mould, is a matter of history. When he entered upon his great work at Dartmouth, those who, as its guardians, had called him to it, cherished confident hope of his success. Seldom has there been so full a realization of such hope in the history of American colleges.

President Lord brought to the accomplishment of his task a fine physique; a countenance serene, yet impressive; a voice rare both for its richness and its power; a pleasing, almost magnetic, dignity of mien; a mind most capacious and discriminating by nature, richly stored by severe application, and thoroughly disciplined by varied professional labor; and a heart always tender, yet always true to the profoundest convictions of duty. A deep, rich, and thorough religious experience well fitted the graceful and earnest man to be a graceful and earnest Christian teacher. The question of fitness for the position as an executive was soon settled beyond[170] the possibility of a doubt. It required but a brief acquaintance with President Lord to teach any one, that he fully believed in the most literal acceptation of the doctrine, that "the powers that be are ordained of God."

A recognition of this fundamental law guided and governed him daily and hourly through all his public life. When early in his administration, he discovered marked symptoms of a spirit of insubordination in the college, he gave all concerned to understand most fully, that it would be his duty to maintain the supremacy of the law. There was never any deviation from this loyalty to duty in administering the discipline of the college. No undue regard for his own dignity, or comfort, or safety, deterred him from visiting, at any hour of day or night, the scene of disorder. When he had been more than forty years an officer of the college he reaffirmed his adherence to this principle, in a most emphatic manner, when those to whom he did not deem himself responsible sought to point out to him the path of duty.

As a teacher it was President Lord's province, chiefly to unfold the various relations and obligations of man to his Maker. In the performance of this duty he gave remarkable prominence to the Divine Revelation. Jealous for the honor of his great Master and Teacher, he was very suspicious, possibly too suspicious, of any intermixture of "man's wisdom." This habit may have induced occasionally, measurable disparagement of worthy and eminent men. But the genial manner and chastened tone invariably extracted the point from the severest word, and left upon the pupil's mind a profound conviction that his teacher had been "taught of God." It may well be doubted whether, of the large numbers who graduated during President Lord's administration, any who were brought in close contact with him, and listened with a "willing mind" to his instructions, failed to receive measurably, yet consciously, the impress of their honored teacher.

The following extracts from the official records of the Trustees, are deemed worthy of insertion in this connection in order to a full understanding of the circumstances attending President Lord's resignation.

"Annual Meeting, July 1863. Mr. Tuck offered the following,[171] to wit: 'The undersigned has had his attention called to the accompanying resolutions passed by the Merrimack County Conference of Congregational Churches, held on the 23d and 24th of June last; and he submits the same to the Trustees, with a motion that a Committee be appointed to report what action thereon ought to be taken.

"'1. "Resolved. That the people of New Hampshire have the strongest desire for the prosperity of Dartmouth College, and that they rejoice in the wide influence this noble institution has exerted in the cause of education and religion.

"'2. "Resolved. That we cherish a sincere regard for its venerable president; for the rare qualifications he possesses for the high office he has so long and ably filled; but that we deeply regret that its welfare is greatly imperiled by the existence of a popular prejudice against it, arising from the publication and use of some of his peculiar views touching public affairs, tending to embarrass our government in its present fearful struggle, and to encourage and strengthen the resistance of its enemies in arms.

"'3. "Resolved. That in our opinion it is the duty of the Trustees of the College to seriously inquire whether its interests do not demand a change in the presidency; and to act according to their judgment in the premises."'

"Whereupon, Messrs. Tuck, Bouton, and Eastman were appointed a Committee, to report on the subject aforesaid."

"The Committee to whom was referred the resolutions of the Merrimack County Conference, respecting Dartmouth College, made the following Report:

"'The Committee have taken into most respectful consideration the action of the Conference and the sentiment pervading the churches of which the resolutions of the Conference are the expression. We do not forget, but thankfully avow the debt of gratitude which has rested on the college, throughout its history, to the churches of New England, and to the pious teachings and generous patronage of those included within their embrace. We are fully aware of the obligations of science and literature, in all past time, to the clerical profession; that the countenance and support of the clergy and the churches have ever been the chief reliance of this college, and[172] that we can hope for little prosperity or usefulness to the institution in future, without meriting the confidence bestowed upon it in the past. We deplore the present condition of the college in respect to the sentiments entertained towards it, as expressed in said resolutions, and we proffer our readiness to do any act which our intimate knowledge of its affairs and circumstances enable us to judge practicable and beneficial. Neither the Trustees nor the Faculty coincide with the president of the college in the views which he has published, touching slavery and the war; and it has been their hope that the college would not be adjudged a partisan institution, by reason of such publications. It has been our purpose that no act of ours should contribute to such an impression upon the public mind, inviting the public as we do, to contribute to its support, and to partake of its privileges.

"'It would be impracticable if it were wise to embody in this report all the reasons which induce us to propose no action by which the removal of the president from the head of the institution should be undertaken by the Trustees; and we bespeak with confidence the favorable judgment that we act discreetly, from the members of the Conference who have expressed in their resolutions their generous appreciation of the eminent ability and qualifications of the president for the position which he occupies.

"'Yet the Committee do not fail to see that the present crisis in the country is no ordinary conflict between opposing parties, but is a struggle between the government on one side, and its enemies on the other, and that in it are involved vital issues, not only respecting science and learning, virtue and religion, but also respecting all the social and civil blessings growing out of free institutions.

"'The Committee recommend that the resolutions of the Merrimack County Conference, this report and the accompanying resolutions, be published in pamphlet forms, and that the Treasurer be directed to cause the same to be circulated among the members of said Conference, and other persons, according to his discretion.

Amos Tuck.
N. Bouton."

[173]

"'RESOLUTIONS.

"'The Trustees of Dartmouth College, impressed with the magnitude of the crisis now existing in public affairs, and with the vital consequences which the issue of current events will bring to the nation and the world; and, considering that it is the duty of literary institutions and the men who control them to stand in no doubtful position when the Government of the country struggles for existence; inscribe upon their records, and promulgate the following Resolutions:

"'First. We recognize and acknowledge with grateful pride, the heroic sacrifices and valiant deeds of many of the sons of Dartmouth, in their endeavors to defend and sustain the Government against the present wicked and remorseless rebellion; and we announce to the living now on the battlefields, to the sick and the maimed in the hospitals and among their friends, and to the relatives of such of them as have fallen in defense of their country, that Dartmouth College rejoices to do them honor, and will inscribe their names and their brave deeds upon her enduring records.

"'Second. We commend the cause of our beloved country to all the Alumni of this Institution; and we invoke from them, and pledge our own most efficient and cordial support, and that of Dartmouth College, to the Government, which is the only power by which the rebellion can be subdued. We hail with joy and with grateful acknowledgments to the God of our fathers, the cheering hope that the dark cloud which has heretofore obscured the vision and depressed the hearts of patriots and statesmen, in all attempts to scan the future, may in time disappear entirely from our horizon; and that American slavery, with all its sin and shame, and the alienations, jealousies, and hostilities between the people of different sections, of which it has been the fruitful source, may find its merited doom in the consequence of the war which it has evoked.

"'Third. The Trustees bespeak for the College in the future the same cordial support and patronage of the Clergy and Churches of New England, as well as other friends of sound learning, which they have given to it in time past, reminding[174] them of the obligations which the cause of education, science, and religion seem to lay upon them, to stand by this venerable Institution, in evil report and in good report, in view of its past history and great service to the Church and the State, entertaining an abiding faith that it will triumph over all obstacles, and go down to posterity with its powers of usefulness unimpaired.'

"It was moved by Dr. Barstow that the foregoing Report and Resolutions be accepted and adopted.

"On the question of adopting the report, two voted in the negative and five in the affirmative. On the adoption of the preamble and second resolution, two voted in the negative and five in the affirmative, for the first and third resolutions the vote was unanimous, so the report and resolutions were adopted.

"The president asked leave to withdraw for a short time, and Dr. Barstow was requested to take the chair.

"The President on resuming the chair read to the Trustees the following paper, to wit:

"'Dartmouth College, July 24, 1863.

"'To the Trustees of Dartmouth College:

"'In making this communication to the Hon. and Rev. Board of Trustees I take the liberty respectfully to protest against their right to impose any religious, ethical, or political test upon any member of their own body or any member of the College Faculty, beyond what is recognized by the Charter of the institution, or express statutes or stipulations conformed to that instrument, however urged or suggested, directly or indirectly, by individuals or public bodies assuming to be as visitors of the college, or advisers of the Trustees.

"'The action of the Trustees, on certain resolutions of the Merrimack County Conference of Churches, virtually imposes such a test, inasmuch as it implicitly represents and censures me as having become injurious to the college, not on account of any official malfeasance or delinquency, for, on the contrary, its commendations of my personal and official character and conduct during my long term of service, far exceed my merits; but, for my opinions and publications on questions of Biblical[175] ethics and interpretations, which are supposed by the Trustees to bear unfavorably upon one branch of the policy pursued by the present administration of the government of the country.

"'For my opinions and expressions of opinion on such subject, I hold myself responsible only to God, and the constitutional tribunals of my country; inasmuch as they are not touched by the Charter of the college, or any express statutes or stipulations. And, while my unswerving loyalty to the government of my fathers, proved and tested by more than seventy years of devotion to its true and fundamental principles, cannot be permanently discredited by excited passions of the hour, I do not feel obliged when its exercise is called in question, to surrender my moral and constitutional right and Christian liberty, in this respect, nor to submit to any censure, nor consent to any conditions such as are implied in the aforesaid action of the Board; which action is made more impressive upon me, in view of the private communications of some of its members.

"'But not choosing to place myself in any unkind relations to a body having the responsible guardianship of the college, a body from which I have received so many tokens of confidence and regard, and believing it to be inconsistent with Christian charity and propriety to carry on my administration, while holding and expressing opinions injurious, as they imagine, to the interests of the college, and offensive to that party in the country which they [the majority] professedly represent, I hereby resign my office as president.

"'I also resign my office as Trustee. In taking leave of the college with which I have been connected, as Trustee or President, more than forty years, very happily to myself, and, as the Trustees have often given me to understand, not without benefit to the college, I beg leave to assure them that I shall ever entertain a grateful sense of the favorable consideration shown to me by themselves and their predecessors in office; and that I shall never cease to desire the peace and prosperity of the college, and that it may be kept true to the principles of its foundation.

I am very respectfully,
"'Your ob't serv't,

"'N. Lord.'"

[176]"'Adjourned Meeting, September 21, 1863. Resolved, 'that in accepting the resignation of President Lord, we place on record a grateful sense of his services during the long period of his administration; and his kind and courteous treatment of the Board in all their intercourse.'"

Dr. Lord continued to reside at Hanover, cordially co-operating with his successor in office, till his death, September 9, 1870. His wife, Mrs. Elisabeth King (Leland) Lord, died a few months previous to her husband.

[177]

## CHAPTER XVIII.

ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT SMITH.

Rev. Asa D. Smith, D.D., of New York city, of the class of 1830, was elected the seventh president of the college. His thorough understanding of the field upon which he was to enter is indicated by the following extracts from his inaugural address:

"There are four chief organic forces, by which, under the providence of God, humanity has its normal development. These, generalizing broadly, are the family, the school, the State, and the Church. Wherever you find, even in its lowest measure, a true civilization, these exist; and as it rises they rise, sustaining to it the relation both of cause and effect. Concerning, as they do, one and the same complex nature, they have, in different degrees and combinations, the same underlying elements of power. In the family, we have, in its rudimental form, both teaching and government. It is a patriarchate—a little commonwealth; and to its head—a priest as well as a patriarch—that Scripture should ever be relevant, 'the church that is in thy house.' In the school, the simplest offshoot, perhaps, from a congeries of families, we have, or ought to have, the parental element; we have magistracy also, and a certain statehood; we have, or should have, worship. The state, properly apprehended, is not only governmental but didactic—it is a teaching power; and though not, at this age of the world, theocratic, it should be, in a large view, religious. In the church, having specially and predominantly the last-named characteristic,—being of divine appointment, and as ministering to our imperative needs, the foster-mother of devotion,—we have, also, as essential to its purpose, both rule and instruction. And in the influence they wield, these great moulding agencies are perpetually interpenetrating and modifying each other.[178]

"It is of the second of these, the school, that we are now called to speak. The service we essay is connected with an educational institution, using the term in the specific sense; a fact, it may be said at the outset, which of itself dignifies the occasion. Not to insist on those affinities and mutual influences just adverted to, and of which there will be further occasion to speak, there is a view of education, a large and comprehensive one, which gives to it the very grandest elevation. It is the end, next to that which the good old Catechism makes chief, and subordinate to that, of all the divine provisions and arrangements. God is the great Educator of the universe. More glorious in his didactic offices is He than even in creation; nay, creation was for these. Earth is our training place—time is our curriculum; eternity will but furnish to the true pupil the higher forms of his limitless advancement. We have our lessons in all providence, in all beings and things, God teaching us in and through all. No mean vocation, then, is that of the earthly educator; no unimportant theme that now in hand. Yet even of the school in the more technical sense of the term, we cannot speak at large, except as in touching on any one department we more or less affect every other. Our thought may be fitly limited to that class of institutions which these ancient halls of learning and these inauguration solemnities naturally bring before us. The college is my subject, considered in its proper functions and characteristics.

"I use the term college in the American sense. This, not for the poor purpose of ministering to national vanity, but because we must needs take things as they are; and for the further reason that there is much to commend in the shape the institution here assumes. It has hardly its prototype either in the Fatherland or on the Continent. It has but a partial resemblance either to the German Gymnasia or to the English preparatory schools, as of Eton and Rugby. As preliminary to professional study, it is in some respects far in advance of these. It differs materially, at once from the German and English University, and from the college as embraced in the latter. University education in Europe was once somewhat rigidly divided into two portions; the one designed to[179] form the mind for whatever sphere of life; the other, the Brodstudium, as the Germans significantly term it, a course of training for some particular profession. Long ago, however, this division became mainly obsolete. 'On the continent,' said an eminent English scholar, some years since, 'the preparatory education has been dropped; among ourselves, the professional.' He speaks, of course, comparatively. So far as England is concerned, the same testimony is borne by a well-informed recent observer. This ancient and wise division is by us still maintained; with this peculiarity, that the 'preparatory' education, so-called,—by which is meant the highest form of it,—is the sole work of the colleges. Professional culture is remitted to other and often separate schools. The undergraduate course is for general training; it lays the foundation for whatever superstructure. It has no particular reference to any one pursuit; but, like the first part of the old University course, aims to fit the whole man for a man's work in any specific line either of study or of action.

"In this conception of the college, there are, it is believed, important advantages. It is better for preparatory education; it is better for professional. It felicitously discriminates. It keeps things in their place. It defines and duly magnifies each of the two great departments of the educational process. It is likelier to dig deep, and build on broad and solid rock; it tends to symmetry and finish in the superincumbent fabric.

"The college should be marked by a completeness. Rejecting the fragmentary and the unfinished, the well constituted mind ever craves this. Modern thought, especially, is passing from an excessive nominalism to a more realistic habit; by many a broad induction, from mere details to a rounded whole: And nowhere more persistently than in relation to institutions. The college should be complete as to its objective scheme. There may be onesidedness here. There may be, for example, an excessive or ill-directed pressing of utilities, as in the speculations of Mr. Herbert Spencer; or there may be an undue exaltation of what he calls 'the decorative element.' The theoretic maybe too exclusively pursued; or there may be a practicalness which has[180] too little of theory, like a cone required to stand firm on its apex. There should be completeness, also, as touching the subjective aim. It should embrace, in a word, the whole man, and that not in his Edenic aspects alone, but as a fallen being. You may not overlook even the physical; the casket not merely, holding all the mental and moral treasures—the frame-work rather, to which by subtile ties the invisible machinery is linked, and which upholds it as it works. The world has yet to learn fully how dependent is the inner upon the outer man, and how greatly the highest achievements of scholarship are facilitated by proper hygienic conditions. As you pass to the intellectual, it matters little what classification you adopt, whether with the author of the 'Novum Organum,' in his 'Advancement of Learning,' you resolve all the powers into those of memory, imagination, and reason, or whether the minuter divisions of a more recent philosophy are preferred; only be sure that not a single faculty is overlooked or disparaged. Be it presentative, conservative, reproductive, representative, elaborative, regulative, or whatever the fine Hamiltonian analysis may suggest, give it its proper place and its proper scope.

"The college should be distinctly and eminently Christian. Not in the narrow, sectarian sense—that be far from us—but in the broadest evangelical view. Our course of thought culminates here; and here does all else that has been affirmed find its proper centre and unity. Christianity is the great unity. In it, as was intimated at the outset, are all the chief elements of organic influence. It is itself the very acme of completeness, and it tends to all symmetry and finish. It is at once conservative and progressive, balancing perfectly the impelling and restraining forces; by a felicitous adjustment of the centripetal and centrifugal, ensuring to human nature its proper orbit. It is the golden girdle wherewith every institution like this should bind her garments of strength and beauty about her.

"Were it needful to argue this point, we might put it on the most absolute grounds. All things are Christ's; all dominions, dignities, potences; it is especially meet that we say, to-day, all institutions. It is the grossest wrong practically[181] to hold otherwise. It is loss, too, and nowhere more palpably than in the educational sphere. It is no cant saying to affirm, and that in a more than merely spiritual sense, that in Christ are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge.' At his throne the lines of all science terminate; above all, the science that has man for its subject. Of all history, for example, rightly read, how is He the burden and the glory! Otherwise taken, it is a more than Cretan labyrinth. The Christian spirit, besides, raising the soul to the loftiest planes of thought, giving it the highest communions, bringing before it the grandest objects, and securing to all its machinery the most harmonious action, is eminently conducive to intellectual achievement. We have already said something like this as touching moral culture; but that, be it ever remembered, takes its proper form and direction only as it is vitally linked with Christianity. What God has joined together let not man put asunder. Let the studies which we call moral, have all a Christian baptism; and, with all our getting, let us not stop short of the cardinal points of our most holy faith. Let the Will be still investigated, not as a brute force, or in a merely intellectual light, but in those high spiritual aspects in which our great New England metaphysician delighted to present it. Let Butler, with his curious trestle-work of analogy, bridge, to the forming mind, the chasm between natural and revealed religion. Let the Christian Evidences be fully unfolded. We can hardly dispense with them in an age, when by means of 'Westminster Reviews,' and other subtle organs of infidelity, the old mode of assault being abandoned, a sapping and mining process is continually going forward. Let Ethical Science,—embracing in its wide sweep the Economy of Private Life, the Philosophy of Government, and Law, which 'hath its seat in the bosom of God,'—be all bathed in the light of Calvary. That light is its life. 'Let us with caution indulge the supposition,' said the Father of our country, 'that morality can be maintained without religion.' Let the Bible be included among our text-books as the sun is included in the solar system; and let all the rest revolve in planetary subjection about it. Let it be studied, not in a professional, much less in a partisan way; but with the conviction that it is indispensable[182] to the broadest culture; that without theology we have but a straitened anthropology; that we see not nature aright, but as we look up through it to Nature's God. Be ours, in its largest significance, the sentiment so devoutly uttered by the old Hebrew bard: 'In Thy light shall we see light.' And let the discipline of college, so intimately connected with its prosperity, be fashioned on the model of the Gospel. Let it copy, in its way and measure, the wondrous harmonies of the redemptive scheme, in which 'mercy and truth are met together, righteousness and peace have kissed each other.' So shall it bless our halls with some faint reflection of the Divine fatherhood, and give to our society some happy resemblance to a Christian family."

A prominent feature of President Smith's administration was a greater utilization of the libraries, and the opening of a reading-room. The librarian says:

"The late Professor Alphæus Crosby contributed considerably to the increase of the classical books, and Hon. Nathan Crosby has recently furnished the means for commencing a collection of the works of Dartmouth alumni. It is intended to gather all books and pamphlets which have been written by graduates. The collection will also include matter relating to them and to the work of the college.

"In reviewing the history of the library their number is so great that it is impossible to mention even a small part of the benefactors; their best record is in the well filled shelves and the large amount of reading done in connection with the studies of the college course.

"One of the departments of the library consists of the books given by the late General Sylvanus Thayer, founder of the school of engineering, numbering 2,000 volumes.

"Early in its history the members of the Chandler Scientific Department founded the 'Philotechnic Society,' the library of which, together with some books belonging to the department, contains 1,700 volumes.

"The three society libraries continued under separate management until 1874, although the societies, as far as literary work is concerned, had for some time given way to the secret societies, and the interest in them was so slight that only with[183] great difficulty could a quorum be obtained for ordinary business. During that year an arrangement was made by which the three society libraries were placed under the same management as the library of the college, the latter receiving the society taxes which were slightly reduced, assuming all expenses including the support of the reading-room, and providing for the increase of the library by books to be annually selected by the Senior class. Under this arrangement the different libraries have been brought together and considered as departments of one, the hours for drawing and consulting books have been increased from three hours per week in the society libraries and six in the college, to twenty-one hours per week, and in many respects the facilities for use have been greatly increased. Since 1870, the yearly additions for all the libraries have averaged 700 volumes, and they at present contain exclusive of pamphlets about 45,000 volumes, besides nearly 5,000 books which are either duplicates or worthless. These figures are independent of the Astronomical library located at the Observatory, the library of the 'Society of Inquiry,' and of the libraries of the Medical and Agricultural departments, which will probably be connected with the main library. The library as it is now constituted is well adapted to the work of the college, and is especially so in some of the departments of instruction, in connection with which a large amount of reading is done. There are in use at present three printed catalogues: one of the college library, printed in 1868; one of the 'Social Friends' library, dated 1859; and one of the 'United Fraternity' library, issued in 1861. These are supplemented by a card catalogue arranged under title, author, and subject."

The "Centennial" celebration of the founding of the college, at the Commencement of 1869, was a season of rare interest and profit to the very large number of alumni and friends of the college assembled from nearly every quarter of the globe.

The following is the substance of the address of Chief Justice Chase, who presided on the occasion, as given by Mr. William H. Duncan:

"He began by alluding to the fact that the college received[184] its charter from 'our right trusty and well beloved John Wentworth, Governor of the Province of New Hampshire,' and said that the venerable name was 'borne, to-day, by an honored citizen of Illinois,[36] who, like his ancestor, towered head and shoulders above his fellow men. He also happily referred to the descendants of the other founders of the college. 'When the college was organized the third George was heir to the British throne. Under the great Empress Catherine, Russia was prosecuting that career of aggrandizement then begun which is even now menacing British empire in the East. Under the fifteenth Louis, in France, that wonderful literary movement was in progress, which prepared a sympathetic enthusiasm for liberty in America, at length overthrowing, for a time, monarchy in France. China and Japan were wholly outside the modern community of nations. A hundred years have passed, and what a new order has arisen! Great Britain has lost an empire, has gained other empires in Asia and Australia, and extends her dominion around the globe. France, so great in arts and arms, has seen an empire rise and fall and another empire arise, in which a wise and skillful ruler is seeking to reconcile personal supremacy with democratic ideas. Russia, our old friend, seems to withdraw, for the present, at least, her eager gaze from Constantinople and seeks to establish herself on the Pacific Ocean and in Central Asia. China sends one of our own citizens, Mr. Burlingame, on an embassy throughout the world to establish peaceful, commercial, and industrial relations with all the civilized nations. Japan, too, awakes to the necessity of a more liberal policy, and looks toward a partnership in modern civilization. Who, seeing this, and reflecting on the manifold agencies at work in the old world and the prodigious movements in the new, which I cannot even glance at, can help exclaiming, in the language of the first telegraphic message which was sent to America, 'What hath God wrought?' How great a part has this college, antedating the Republic, played in all the enterprises of America! It has been well said of it that three quarters of the globe know the graduates of Dartmouth. Every State in the Union, certainly, is familiar[185] with their names and their works, and the influence which they exert is the influence of this college. What an insignificant beginning was that which has been described, to-day;—what splendid progress! How great the present, and who can predict the future? Ninety-eight classes of young men have already gone forth from this institution. Who can measure the religious, the moral, the intellectual, the political influence, which they have exerted? Great names like Webster and Choate rise at once to memory, but I refer more particularly to the mighty influence exerted by the vast numbers, unrecognized upon the theatre of national reputation, which the college has sent into all the spheres of activity and duty. When I think of the vast momentum for good which has originated here, and is now in unchecked progress, and must extend beyond all the limits of conception, I cannot help feeling that it is a great and precious privilege to be in some way identified as a member of this college. It does not diminish my satisfaction that other graduates of other American colleges can say the same thing. It rather increases the satisfaction. Glad and thankful that my name is in the list of those who have been educated here, and have endeavored to do something for their country and their kind, I rejoice that, under our beneficent institutions, legions of Americans have the same or greater cause for gladness.'

[36] Hon. John Wentworth, LL. D.

"After some remarks to the graduating class, the Chief Justice said: 'And let me add, my brethren of the alumni, a practical word to you. We celebrate to-day the founding of our college. We come hither to testify our veneration and our affection for our benign Alma Mater. We can hardly think she is a hundred years old, she looks so fresh and so fair. We are sure that many, many blessed days are before her, but a mother's days are made happy and delightful by the love and faithfulness of her children. Much has been done for this institution, recently, much which makes our hearts glad. The names of the benefactors of the institution, mentioned here to-day, dwell freshly in the hearts of every graduate, and will live forever; but let us remember, that while much has been done, much also remains to be done. I do not appeal to you for charity. I wish that every graduate may[186] feel that the college is, in a most true and noble sense, his mother, and to remind you of your filial obligations.'"

Addresses having been made by Hon. Ira Perley, LL. D., Hon. Daniel Clark, and Richard B. Kimball, Esq., Mr. Duncan says:

"Judge Chase called upon Judge Barrett, Vice President of the Association of the Alumni, to read a poem, which had been furnished for the occasion by George Kent, Esq., of the Class of 1814. He had read but a few stanzas when the rumbling of distant thunder was heard. Then came a few scattering drops of water pattering upon the roof of the tent, but soon the winds blew, and the rain descended and fell upon the roof, as if the very windows of heaven had been opened. There followed such a scene as no tongue, nor pen, nor pencil can describe,—it baffles all description. Judge Barrett, with the true pluck of an Ethan Allen, stood by his colors, and the more the wind blew and the storm raged, the louder he read his poetry. But he was obliged at length to cease, and with his slouched hat and dripping garments left the stage.

"But he was not alone in his misery. The manly and stately form of the Chief Justice, the president of the college, reverend doctors of divinity, were all in the same condition—they all stood drenched and dripping, like fountains, in the rain. Even General Sherman had to succumb, once in his life, and seek the protection of an umbrella. Some huddled under umbrellas, some held benches over their heads, and some crept beneath the platform.

"The storm passed over, and Judge Barrett came forward and finished reading the poem.

"Hon. James W. Patterson, of the Class of 1848, was then called upon, and spoke with force and eloquence, receiving the greatest compliment that could be paid him,—the undivided attention of the audience."

Addresses were also made by Dr. Jabez B. Upham, Samuel H. Taylor, LL. D., Rev. Samuel C. Bartlett, D.D., and others.

We quote some of the closing passages of the "Historical Address" by President Brown, of Hamilton College.

"There is not much time to speak of the general policy of the college through these hundred years of its life, but I may[187] say in brief, that it has been sound and earnest, conservative and aggressive at the same time. As the motto on its seal,—vox clamantis in deserto,—indicated and expressed the religious purpose of its founders, so this purpose has never been lost sight of. Through lustrum after lustrum, and generation after generation, while classes have succeeded classes, while one corps of instructors have passed away and others have taken their places, this high purpose of presenting and enforcing the vital and essential truths of the Christian religion, has never been forgotten or neglected. The power of Christianity in modifying, inspiring, and directing the energies of modern civilization,—its art, its literature, its commerce, its laws, its government, has been profoundly felt. Nor has it for a moment been forgotten that education, to be truly and in the largest degree beneficent, must also be religious,—must affect that which is deepest in man,—must lead him, if it can, to the contemplation of truths most personal, central, and essential, must open to him some of those depths where the soul swings almost helplessly in the midst of experiences and powers unfathomable and infinite,—where the intellect falters and hesitates and finds no solution of its perplexities till it yields to faith. Within later years there have been those who have advocated the doctrine that education should be entirely secular,—that the college should have nothing to do with religious counsels or advice. Now while I do not think that this would be easy, as our colleges are organized, without leaving or even inciting the mind to dangerous skepticism, nor possible but by omitting the most powerful means of moral and intellectual discipline, nor without depriving the soul of that food which it specially craves, and destitute of which it will grow lean, hungry, and unsatisfied,—as a matter of history, no such theory of education has found favorable response among the guardians of Dartmouth. At the same time while the general religious character of the college has been well ascertained and widely recognized, while the great truths of our common Christianity have been fully and frankly and earnestly brought to the notice of intelligent and inquiring minds, it has not been with a narrow, illiberal, and proselyting spirit, not so as rudely to violate traditionary beliefs, not so as to wound and[188] repel any sincere and truth loving mind. And this is the consistent and sound position for the college to hold.

"With respect to its curriculum of studies the position of the college has been equally wise. She has endeavored to make her course as broad, generous, and thorough as possible; equal to the best in the land; so that her students could feel that no privilege has been denied them which any means at her disposal could provide. She has endeavored wisely to apportion the elements of instruction and discipline. She has provided as liberally as possible, by libraries, apparatus, laboratories, and cabinets for increase in positive knowledge. She has equally insisted on those exact studies which compel subtleness and precision of thought, which habituate the mind to long trains of controlled reasoning, which discipline alike the attention and the will, the conservative and the elaborative powers. She has given full honor to the masterpieces of human language and human thought, through which, while we come to a more complete knowledge of peoples and nations, of poetry and eloquence, we feel more profoundly the life of history, and comprehend the changes of custom and thought, while the finer and more subtle powers of fancy and imagination stir within the sensitive mind, and gradually by constant and imperceptible inspiration lift the soul to regions of larger beauty and freedom.

"So may she ever hold on her way, undeluded by specious promises of easier methods, inuring her students to toil as the price of success; not rigid and motionless, but plastic and adapting herself to the necessities of different minds; yet never confounding things that differ, nor vainly hoping on a narrow basis of culture to rear the superstructure of the broadest attainment and character, but ever determined to make her instructions the most truly liberal and noble.

"With no purpose of personal advantage, but with the deepest filial love and gratitude have we assembled this day. Of all professions and callings, from many States, from public business and from engrossing private pursuits,—you, my young friend who have just come, with hesitation and ingenuous fear, to add your name if you may, to the honored rolls of the college, and you Sir,[37] whose memory runs back to the[189] beginning of the century, the oldest or nearly the oldest living alumnus of the college, the contemporary of Chapman and Harvey, and Fletcher, and Parris, and Weston, and Webster,—you who came from beyond the 'Father of Waters,' and you who have retreated for a moment from the shore of the dark Atlantic—you Sir,[38] our brother by hearty and affectionate adoption, who led our armies in that memorable march from the mountain to the sea, which shall be remembered as long as the march of the Ten Thousand, and repeated in story and song as long as history and romance shall be written, and you, Sir, who hold the even scales of justice in that august tribunal, from which Marshall proclaimed the law which insured to us our ancient name and rights and privileges, unchanged, untarnished, unharmed,—all of us, my brothers, with one purpose have come up to lay our trophies at the feet of our common mother, to deck her with fresh garlands, to rejoice in her prosperity, and to promise her our perpetual homage and love. Let no word of ours ever give her pain or sorrow. Loyal to our heart of hearts, may we minister so far as we can, to her wants, may we be jealous of her honor, and solicitous for her prosperity. May no ruthless hand ever hereafter be lifted against her. May no unholy jealousies rend the fair fabric of her seamless garment. May no narrow or unworthy spirit mar the harmony of her wise counsels. May she stand to the end as she ever has stood, for the Church and State, a glory and a defense. And above all and in order to all, may the spirit of God in full measure rest upon her; 'the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the Lord.'"

[37] Job Lyman, Esq., of the class of 1804.

[38] General Sherman received the highest honorary degree of the college in 1866.

President Smith, whose character was a rare union of energy and gentleness, was preëminently a man of affairs.

The results of his untiring efforts to promote the welfare of the college, in various directions, will be more fully developed upon subsequent pages. Having performed valuable service for thirteen years, he resigned his office, on account of failing health, March 1, 1877, and died on the sixteenth of August following, his wife, Mrs. Sarah Ann (Adams) Smith, surviving him.

[190]

## CHAPTER XIX.

INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT BARTLETT.

Rev. Samuel C. Bartlett, D.D., of the Chicago Theological Seminary, was elected the eighth president of the college. We insert entire his inaugural address, delivered at the Commencement, June, 1877:

"Certain occasions seem to prescribe their own themes of discourse, and certain themes are endowed with perpetual life. There are problems with which each coming generation and each last man grapples as freshly as the first.

"How shall the ripest growth of the ages be imparted to one young soul? Twice, at least, in a lifetime, is this great question wont to rise solemnly before each thoughtful man—when he looks forward in youthful hope, and when he looks back in parental solicitude. It is a question of many forms and multiplying answers. Shall there be a long, fundamental training, wide and general? or, shall it be closely professional? Shall it be predominantly classic, or scientific, or esthetic, or empiric? Many, or much? For accomplishment, or for accomplishing? Shall it fit for the tour of Europe, or for the journey of life? Masculine and feminine, or vaguely human? Shall it rattle with the drum-beat, bound with gymnastics, court fame by excursive "nines" not known on Helicon, and challenge British Oxford, alas? with its boat crew? Shall the American College student follow his option, or his curriculum? And shall the college itself be a school for schoolmasters, a collection of debating clubs, a reading-room with library attached, an intellectual quarantine for the plague of riches? or, a place of close and protracted drill, of definite methods, of prescribed intellectual work? Shall it fulfill the statement of the Concord sage,—'You send[191] your son to the schoolmasters, and the schoolboys educate him?' or, shall a strong faculty make and mark the whole tone of the institution?

"In these and other forms is the same fundamental question still thrust sharply before us. I do not propose to move directly on such a line of bristling bayonets, but to make my way by a flank movement across this "wilderness" of conflict. It will go far towards determining the methods of a liberal education, if we first ascertain, as I propose to do, The Chief Elements of a Manly Culture.

"Obviously the primal condition of all else must be found in a self-prompted activity or wakefulness of intellect. The time when the drifting faculties begin to feel the helm of will, when the youth passes from being merely receptive to become aggressive, marks the advent of the true human era. As in the history of our planet the first remove from the tohu va-vohu was when the Spirit of God brooded on the deep, and, obedient to the command, light shot out from darkness, so in man the microcosm, the brooding spirit and commanding purpose mark the first step from chaos toward cosmos. The mechanical intellect becomes dynamical, and the automatic man becomes autonomic. It may be with a lower or a higher motion. The mind gropes round restlessly by a yearning instinct; it may be driven by the strong impulse of native genius; or, it may rise to the condition of being the facile servant of the forceful will. When the boy at Pisa curiously watches the oil lamp swinging by its long chain in the cathedral, a pendulum begins to vibrate in his brain, and falling bodies to count off their intervals; and when afterward he deliberately fits two lenses in a leaden tube, the moon's mountains, Jupiter's satellites, and Saturn's rings are all waiting to catch his eye. A thoughtful meditation on the spasms of a dead frog's leg in Bologna becomes galvanic. The gas breaking on the surface of a brewery vat, well watched by Priestley, bursts forth into pneumatic chemistry. A spider's web in the Duke of Devonshire's garden expands in the mind of my lord's gardener, Brown, into a suspension bridge. A sledge hammer, well swung in Cromarty, opened those New Walks in an Old Field. The diffraction of light[192] revealed itself to Young in the hues of a soap-bubble. As the genie of the oriental tale unfolded his huge height from the bottle stamped with Solomon's seal, so the career of Davy first evolved itself out of old vials and gallipots. When the boy Bowditch was found in all his leisure moments snatching up his slate and pencil, when Cobbett grappled resolutely with the grammar, when Cuvier dissected the cuttlefish found upon the shore, or Scott was seen sitting on a ladder, hour after hour, poring over books, they will be further heard from.

"If such instances illustrate the propulsive force of native genius, they also indicate what training must do when the impulsive genius is not there. No idler plea was ever entered for an idler than when he says,—'I have no bent for this, no interest in that, and no genius for the other.' The animal has his habitat, and stays fast. A complete man is intellectually and physically a cosmopolite. Till he has gained the power to throw his will-force wherever the work summons him, most of all to the weak points of his condition, till he has learned to be his own task-master and overseer, he is but a 'slave of the ring.'

"In most lines the highest gift is the gift of toil. Indeed, men of genius have often been the most terrible of toilers, and in the regions of highest art. How have the great masters of music first welded the keys of the organ and harpsichord to their fingers' ends and their souls' nerves before they poured forth the Creation or the Messiah, the symphonies and sonatas! Think of Meyerbeer and his fifteen hours of daily work; of Mozart's incessant study of the masters, and his own eight hundred compositions in his short life; of Mendelssohn's nine years elaboration of Elijah. Or in the sister art, how we track laborious, continuous study in the Peruginesque, the Florentine, and the Roman styles successively of Raphael, and in the incredible activity that crowded a life of thirty-seven years with such a vast number of portraits and Madonnas, of altar-pieces and frescoes, mythological, historical, and Biblical. And that still grander contemporary genius, how he wrought by night with the candle in his pasteboard cap, how he had dissected and studied the human[193] frame like an anatomist or surgeon before he chiseled the David and Moses, or painted the Sistine chapel, and how the plannings of his busy brain were always in advance of the powers of a hand that, till the age of eighty-eight, was incessantly at work.

"The servant is not above his master. The lower intellect can buy at no cheaper price than the higher, and the hour of full intellectual emancipation comes only when the student has learned to serve—to turn the whole freshness and sharpness of his intellect on any needful theme of the hour; it may be the scale of a fossil fish, or the annual movement of a glacier, the disclosures of the spectrum, or the secrets of the arrow-headed tongue. All great explorers have been largely their own teachers, and each young scholar has made the best use of all helps and helpers when he has learned to teach himself. His emancipation, once fairly purchased, confers on him potentially the freedom of the empire of thought; and, as evermore, the freeman toils harder than the slave. The strong stimulus of such a self-moved activity, thoroughly aroused, becomes in Choate or Gladstone the fountain of perpetual youth, and forms the solid basis of the titanic scholarship of Germany. It stood embodied in the life and motto of the aged, matchless artist Angelo,—'Ancora imparo,' I am learning still.

"But impulse and activity may move blindly. Another cardinal quality of such a culture, therefore, must be precision—the close, clean working of the faculties. A memory trained to clear recollection, what a saving of reiterated labor and of annoying helplessness. A discrimination sharpened to the nicest discernment of things that differ, though always a shining mark for the arrow of the satirist, will outlive all shots with his gray-goose shaft; for it shines with the gleam of tempered steel. An exactness of knowledge that defines all its landmarks, how is it master of the situation. A precision of speech, born of clear thinking, what controversial battlefields of sulphurous smoke and scattering fire might it prevent. He has been called a public benefactor who makes two blades of grass grow where one grew before. He is as great a benefactor, who in an age of verbiage makes one word[194] perform the function of two. Wonderful is the precision with which this mental mechanism may be made to work. Some men can even think their best on their feet in the presence of a great assembly. There are others whose spontaneous thoughts move by informal syllogisms. Emmons sometimes laid off his common utterances like the heads of a discourse. Johnson's retorts exploded like a musket, and often struck like a musket-ball. John Hunter fairly compared his own mind to a bee-hive, all in a hum, but the hum of industry and order and achievement. It reminds us, by contrast, of other minds formed upon the model of the wasp's nest, with a superabundance of hum and sting without, and no honey within. It was of the voluminous works of a distinguished author that Robert Hall remarked,—'They are a continent of mud, sir.' Nuisances of literature are the men who fill the air with smoke, relieved by no clear blaze of light. There have been schools of thought that were as smoky as Pittsburg. We have had 'seers' who made others see nothing, men of 'insight' with no outlook, scientists who in every critical argument jumped the track of true science, and preachers whose hazy thoughts and utterances flickered between truth and error. Pity there were not some intellectual Sing-Sing for the culprit!

"How refreshing, on the other hand, to follow the clear unfolding of the silken threads of thought that lie side by side, single and in knots and skeins, but never tangled. What a beautiful process was an investigation by Faraday in electro-magnetism, as he combined his apparatus, manipulated his material, narrowed his search, eliminated his sources of error, and drew his careful conclusions. With similar persistent acuteness, in the field of Biblical investigation, how does Zumpt, by an exhaustive exclusion and combination, at length make the annals of Tacitus shake hands with the gospel of Luke over the taxing of Cyrenius. In metaphysics, how matchless the razor-like acuteness with which Hamilton could distinguish, divide, and clear up the questions that lay piled in confused heaps over the subject of perception. What can be more admirable than the workings of the trained legal or rather judicial mind, as it walks firmly through labyrinths of[195] statute and precedent and principle, holding fast its strong but tenuous thread, till it stands forth in the bright light of day;—it may be some Sir John Jervis, unraveling in a criminal case the web of sophistries with which a clever counsel has bewildered a jury; or it may be Marshall or Story, in our own college case, shredding away, one by one, its intricacies, entanglements, and accretions, till all is delightfully, restfully clear.

"It is a trait all the more to be insisted on in these very times, because there is so strong a drift toward a seeming clearness which is a real confusion. By two opposite methods do men now seek to reach that underlying order and majestic simplicity which more and more appear to mark this universe. The one distinguishes, the other confounds, things that certainly differ. The one system belongs to the reality and grandeur of nature, the other to the pettiness and perverseness of man. Not a few seem bent on seeing simplicity and uniformity by the short process of shutting their eyes upon actual diversity. They proceed not by analytical incision, but by summary excision. They work with the cleaver and not with the scalpel. What singular denials of the intuitive facts of universal consciousness, what summary identifications of most palpable diversities, and what kangaroo-leaps beyond the high wall of their facts, mark many of the deliverances of those who loudly warn us off from 'the unknowable!' What shall we say of the steady confusion, in some arguments, of structure and function, and of force with material? When men, however eminent, openly propose to identify the force which screws together two plates of metal with the agency which corrodes or dissolves both in an acid, or to identify the affinity that forms chemical combinations with the vitality that so steadily overrides, suspends, and counteracts those affinities, is this an ascent into the pure ether, or a plunge in the Cimmerian dark? When, in opposition to every possible criterion, a man claims that there is but 'one ultimate form of matter out of which successively the more complex forms of matter are built up,' is this the advance march of chemistry, or the retrograde to alchemy? When a writer, in a style however lucid and taking, firmly assumes that there is no essential[196] difference in objects alike in material elements, but separated by that mighty and mysterious thing, life, is that the height of wisdom, or the depth of folly? And how such a central paralysis of the mental retina spreads its darkness, as, for example, in the affirmation that as oxygen and hydrogen are reciprocally convertible with water, so are water, ammonia, and carbolic acid convertible into and resolvable from living protoplasm!—a statement said to be as false in chemistry as it certainly is in physiology. An ordinary merchant's accountant will, if need be, work a week to correct in his trial balance the variation of a cent. But when he listens to Sir John Lubbock calmly reckoning the age of the human implements in the valley of the Somme at from one hundred thousand up to two hundred and forty thousand years; when he sees Croll, in dating the close of the glacial age, leap down from the height of near eight hundred thousand to eighty thousand years; when he finds Darwin and Lyell claiming for the period of life on the earth more than three hundred millions of years, while Tait and Thompson pronounce it 'utterly impossible' to grant more than ten, or, at most, fifteen millions,—this poor, benighted clerk is bound to sit and hearken to his masters in all outward solemnity, but he must be excused for a prolonged inward smile. Who are these, he says, that reckon with a lee-way of hundreds of thousands of years, and fling the hundreds of millions of years right and left, like pebbles and straws?

"Brilliancy, so-called, is no equivalent or substitute for precision. It is often its worst enemy. A man may mould himself to think in curves and zig-zags, and not in right lines. He sends never an arrow, but a boomerang. Or he thinks in poetry instead of prose, deals in analogy where it should be analysis, puts rhetoric for logic, scatters and not concentrates, and while he radiates never irradiates. A late divine was suspected of heresy, partly because of his poetic bias; and one of his volumes was unfortunate for him and his readers, in that for his central position he planted himself on a figure of speech, and not on a logical proposition. The well-known story se non vero e ben trovato, of that keenest of lawyers, listening to a lecture of which every sentence was a gem and[197] every paragraph rich with the spoils of literature, and replying to the question, "Do you understand all that?" "No, but my daughters do." It was as beautiful and iridescent as the Staubbach, and as impalpable.

"The more is the pity when a vigorous mind, in the outset of some great discussion, heads for a fog-bank or a wind-mill. When a man proposes to chronicle a 'Conflict between Religion and Science,' and makes religion stand indiscriminately for Romanism, Mohammedanism, superstition, malignant passion, obstinate prejudice, and what not, also confounding Christianity with so-called Christians, and those often most unrepresentative,—at the same time appropriating to 'Science' all intellectual activity whatever, though found in good Christian men, and though fostered and made irrepressible by the fire of that very religion, it is easy to see what must be the outcome of such a sweepstakes race. There will be a deification of science, and not even a whited sepulchre erected over the measureless Golgothas of its slaughtered theories. There will be, on the other hand, the steady suppressio veri concerning books, systems, men, and events, the occasional though unintended assertio falsi, the eager conversion of theories into facts, constructions unfair and uncandid and, throughout, with much that is bright and just, that 'admixture of a lie that doth ever add pleasure' to its author and grief to the judicious. Such confusions are no doubt often the outgrowth of the will. But a main end of a true culture is to prevent or expose all such bewilderments, whether helpless or crafty.

"The great predominance of the disciplinary process was what once characterized the English university system even more than now. It consisted in the exact and exhaustive mastery of certain limited sections of knowledge and thought, as the gymnastic for all other spheres and toils. At Oxford, not long ago, four years were spent in mastering some fourteen books. Whatever may be our criticism of the process, we may not deny its singular effect. In its best estate it forged many a trenchant blade. To the man who asks for its monument, it can point to British thought, law, statesmanship. Bacon and Burke, Coke and Eldon, Hooker and Butler, Pitt[198] and Canning, shall make answer. The whole massive literature of England shall respond.

"But to this precision of working must be furnished material with which to work. Mental fullness is, therefore, another prime quality of a manly culture. To what degree it should be sought in the curriculum has been in dispute. It is the American theory, and a growing belief of the English nation, that the British universities have been defective here. Their men of mark have traveled later over the broader field.

"Provincialism of intellect is a calamity. All men of great achievements have had to know what others achieved. The highest monuments are always built with the spoils of the past. Any single genius, if not an infinitesimal, counts at most but a digit in the vast notation of humanity. The great masters have been the greatest scholars. Many a bright mind has struggled alone to beat the air. Behold in some national patent-office a grand mummy-pit of ignorant inventors.

"Those men upon whom so much opprobrium has been heaped, the Schoolmen, were unfortunate chiefly in the lack of material on which to expend their singular acuteness. Leibnitz was not ashamed to confess his obligations to them, nor South to avail himself of their subtle distinctions. Doubtless theology owes them a debt. Some of them have been well called, by Hallam, men 'of extraordinary powers of discrimination and argument, strengthened in the long meditation of their cloister by the extinction of every other talent and the exclusion of every other pursuit. Their age and condition denied them the means of studying polite letters, of observing nature, or of knowing mankind. They were thus driven back upon themselves, cut off from all the material on which the mind could operate, and doomed to employ all their powers in defense of what they must never presume to examine.' 'If these Schoolmen,' says Bacon, 'to their great thirst of truth and unwearied travel of wit had joined variety of reading and contemplation, they had proved great lights to the advancement of all learning and knowledge.' And so, for lack of other timber, they split hairs. Hence the mass of ponderous trifling that has made their name a by-word. A force,[199] sometimes Herculean, was spent in building and demolishing castles of moonshine.

"A robust mental strength requires various and solid food. The best growth is symmetrical. There is a common bond—quoddam commune vinculum—in the circle of knowledge, that cannot be overlooked. Men do not know best what they know only in its isolation. Even Kant offset his metaphysics by lecturing on geography; and Niebuhr, the historian, struggled hard and well to keep his equilibrium by throwing himself into the whole circle of natural science and of affairs. Such, also, are the interdependencies of scholarship, that ample knowledge without our specialty is needful to save us from blunders within. Olshausen was a brilliant commentator, and the slightest tinge of chemistry should have kept him from suggesting that the conversion of water into wine at Cana was but the acceleration of a natural process. A smattering of optics would have prevented Dr. Williams from repeating the old cavil of Voltaire, that light could not have been made before the sun. A moderate reflection upon the laws of speech and the method of Genesis would have restrained Huxley from sneering at the 'marvelous flexibility' of the Hebrew tongue in the word 'day,' and a New York audience from laughing at the joke rather than the joker. Some tinge of ethical knowledge should have withheld Max Müller from finding the grand distinctive mark of humanity in the power of speech. The merest theorist needs some range of reality for the framework of his theories, and the man of broad principles must have facts to generalize. Indeed, a good memory is the indispensable servant of large thought, and however deficient in certain directions, the great thinkers have had large stores. 'The best heads that have ever existed,' says an idealist,—'Pericles, Plato, Julius Cæsar, Shakespeare, Goethe, Milton,—were well read, universally educated men, and quite too wise to undervalue letters. Their opinion has weight, because they had the means of knowing the opposite opinion.'

"While every year increases the impossibility of what used to be called universal knowledge, it also emphasizes the necessity of a scholarship that has its outlook toward all the vast[200] provinces of reading and thought. It cannot conquer them, but it can be on treaty relations with them. The tendency of modern science is, of necessity, steadily toward sectional lines and division of labor. It is a tendency whose cramping influence is as steadily to be resisted, even in later life, much more in early training. We are to form ourselves on the model of the integer rather than the fraction of humanity. The metaphysician cannot afford to be ignorant of the 'chemistry of a candle' or the 'history of a piece of chalk,' nor the chemist of the laws of language, the theologian of astronomy and geology, nor the lawyer of the most ancient code and its history. Mill himself made complaint of Comte's 'great aberration' in ignoring psychology and logic.

"Intellectual fetichism is born of isolation, and dies hard. While in the great modern uprising we may boast that the heathen idols have been swept away from three hundred dark islands of Polynesia, new 'idols of the cave' stalk forth upon the world of civilized thought. We are just now much bewildered with brightness in streaks, which falls on us like the sunlight from a boy's bit of glass, and blinds our eyes instead of showing our path. Half-educated persons seize fragments of principles and snatch at half-truths. Crotchets infest the brains, and hobbies career through the fields of thought. Polyphemus is after us, a burly wretch with one eye. Better if that were out.

"The remedy is, to correct our narrowness by a clear view of the wide expanse. We must come out of our cave. We must link our pursuits to those of humanity. Breadth and robustness given to the mental constitution in its early training shall go far through life to save us from partial paralysis or monstrosity.

"To insure this result, however, we must add to that fullness of material the quality of mental equipoise or mastery, the power of grasping and managing it all. A man is to possess, and not to be 'possessed with,' his acquisitions. He wants an intellect decisive, incisive, and, if I might coin a word, concisive.

"The power to unify and organize must go with all right acquisition. Knowledges must be changed to knowledge. It[201] takes force to handle weight. Some men seem to know more than is healthy for them. It does not make muscle, but becomes plethoric, dropsical, adipose, or adipocere. Better to have thought more and acquired less. Frederick W. Robertson, in his prime, wrote,—'I will answer for it that there are few girls of eighteen who have not read more books than I have;' and Mrs. Browning confessed,—'I should be wiser if I had not read half as much;' while old Hobbes, of Malmesbury, caustically remarked,—'If I had read as much as other men I should know as little.' It may serve as a hint to the omnivorous college student. Cardinal Mezzofanti knew, it is said, more than a hundred languages. What came of it all? A eulogy on one Emanuele da Ponte. He never said anything in all the languages he spoke! What constitutes the life of an intellectual jelly-fish? Even the brilliancy of Macaulay was almost overweighted by the immensity of his acquisitions. The vivid glitter of details in his memory may sometimes have dazzled his perception of a tout ensemble, and for principles it was his manner to cite precedents. A multitude of lesser lights have been almost smothered by superabundance of fuel. A man knows Milton almost by heart, and Shakespeare too, can quote pages of Homer, has read Chrysostom for his recreation, is full of history, runs over with statistics right and left, and withal is strong in mother-wit. But the mother-wit proves not strong enough, perhaps, to push forth and show itself over the ponderous débris above it, the enormousness, or, if you please, the enormity of his knowledge.

"It requires a first-class mind to carry a vast load of scientific facts. Hence the many eminent observers who have been the most illogical of reasoners. What a contrast between Hugh Miller and his friend Francia; the mind of the latter, as Miller describes it, 'a labyrinth without a clew, in whose recesses was a vast amount of book-knowledge that never could be used, and was of no use to himself or any one else;' the former wielding all his stores as he swung his sledge. What is wanted is the comprehensive hand, and not the prehensile tail.

"Involved in such an equipoise is the decisiveness, the willforce,[202] that not only holds, but holds the balance. Common as it may be, it is none the less pitiable to be just acute enough constantly to question, but not to answer—forever to raise difficulties, and never to solve them. Wakeful, but the wakefulness of weakliness. Fine-strung minds are they often, acquisitive, subtle, and sensitive, able to look all around their labyrinth and see far into darkness, but not out to the light. It is by nature rather a German than an Anglo-Saxon habit. It is not always fatal even there. De Wette, 'the veteran doubter,' rallied at the last, and, like Bunyan's Feeble-mind, went over almost shouting. In this country, youth often have it somewhat later than the measles and the small-pox, and come through very well, without even a pock-mark. Sometimes it becomes epidemic, and assumes a languid or typhoidal cast,—not Positivism, but Agnosticism. It is rather fashionable to eulogize perplexity and doubt as a mark of strength and genius. But whatever may be the passing fashion, the collective judgment of the ages has settled it that the permanent state of mental hesitancy and indecision, in whatever sphere of thought and action, is and must be a false condition. It indicates the scrofulous diathesis, and calls for more iron in the blood. It is a lower type of manhood. It abdicates the province of a human intelligence, which is to seek and find truth. It abrogates the moral obligation to prove all things, and hold fast that which is good. It revolts from the great problem of life, which calls on us to know, and to know that we may do. Out upon this apotheosis of doubt. It is the sick man glorying in his infirmity, the beggar boasting of his intellectual rags.

"The comprehensive and decisive tend naturally to the incisive. The power to take a subject by its handle and poise it on its centre is perhaps the consummation of merely intellectual culture. When all its nutriment has been converted into bone and muscle and sinew and nerve, then the mind bounds to its work, lithe and strong, like a hunting leopard on its game. It was exactly the power with which our Webster handled his case, till it seemed to the farmer too simple to require a great man to argue. It was the quality that Lincoln so toiled at through his early manhood, and so admirably[203] gained,—the power of presenting things clearly to 'plain people.' You may call it 'the art of putting things,' but it is the art of conceiving things. It is no trick of style, but a character of thinking, and it marks the harvest-time of a manly culture.

"I will add to this enumeration one other quality, one without which this harvest will not ripen. I speak of mental docility and reverence. A man will have looked forth to little purpose on the universe if he does not see that, even with his expanding circle of light, there is an ever-enlarging circle of darkness around it. He will have compared his achievements with those of the race to little profit, if he does not recognize his relative insignificance, gathering sands on the ocean shore.

"The wide range and rapid outburst of modern learning tend undoubtedly to arrogance and conceit. We gleefully traverse our new strip of domain, and ask, Were there ever such beings as we? Yes, doubtless there were,—clearer, greater, and nobler. Wisdom, skill, and strength were not born with us. All the qualities of manly thought, though with ruder implements and cruder materials, have been as conspicuously exhibited down through the ages past as in our day. The power of governing, ability in war, diplomacy in peace, subtle dialectics, clear insight, the art of conversation, persuasive and impressive speech, high art in every form, whatever constitutes the test of good manhood, has been here in full force. It would puzzle us yet to lay the stones of Baalbec, or to carve, move, and set up the great statue of Rameses. Within a generation, Euclid of Alexandria was teaching geometry in Dartmouth College, and Heraclides and Aristarchus anticipated Copernicus by sixteen centuries. No man has surpassed the sculptures of Rhodes, or the paintings of the sixteenth century. The cathedral of Cologne is the offspring of forgotten brains. Such men as Anselm were educated on the Trivium and Quadrivium. Five hundred years ago Merton College could show such men as Geoffrey Chaucer, William of Occam, and John Wickliffe. If the history of science can produce four brighter contemporary names than Napier, Kepler, Descartes, and Galileo, let them be forthcoming. But[204] when, still earlier by a century and a half, we behold a man who was not only architect, engineer, and sculptor, and in painting the rival of Angelo, but who, as Hallam proves, 'anticipated in the compass of a few pages the discoveries which made Galileo, Kepler, Maestlin, Maurolycus, and Castelli immortal,' it may well 'strike us,' he suggests 'with something like the awe of supernatural knowledge;' and in the presence of Leonardo da Vinci the modern scientist of highest rank may stand with uncovered head.

"If wisdom was not born with us, neither will it die with us. There will be something left to know. Our facts will be tested, our theories probed, and our assertions exploded by better minds than ours. If it be true, as Bacon says, 'prudens interrogatio dimidium scientiæ,' it is also true, 'imprudens assertio excidium scientiæ.' We are in these days treated to 'demonstrations' which scarcely rise to the level of presumptions, but, rather, of presumption. There is an accumulation of popular dogmatism that is very likely doomed within a century to be swept into the same oblivion with the 'Christian Astrology,' of William Lilly and the 'Ars Magna' of Raymond Lully—a mass of rubbish that is waiting for another Caliph Omar and the bath-fires of Alexandria.

"It will not answer to mistake the despotism of hypothesis for the reign of law, nor physical law for the great 'I AM.' True thinkers must respect other thinkers and God. They cannot ignore the primal utterances of consciousness, the laws of logic, nor the truths of history. Foregone conclusions are not to bar out the deepest facts of human nature, nor the most stupendous events in the story of the race. Hume may not rule out the settled laws of evidence the moment they touch the borders of religion; nor may Strauss, by the simple assertion that miracles are impossible, manacle the arm of God. Comte may not put his extinguisher upon the great underlying verities of our being, nor Tyndall jump the iron track of his own principles to smuggle into matter a 'potency and promise' of all 'life.' Huxley cannot play fast and loose with human volition, nor juggle the trustiness of memory into a state of consciousness, to save his system; nor may Haeckel lead us at his own sweet creative will through fourteen stages of vertebrate[205] and eight of invertebrate life up to the great imaginary 'monera,' the father and mother of us all. It will be time to believe a million things in a lump when one of them is fully proved in detail. We have no disposition, even with so eminent an authority as St. George Mivart, to denominate Natural Selection 'a puerile hypothesis.' We will promise to pay our respects to our 'early progenitor' of 'arboreal habits' and 'ears pointed and capable of movement,' when he is honestly identified by his ear-marks, and even to worship the original fire-mist when that is properly shown to be our only Creator, Preserver, and Bountiful Benefactor.

"Meantime, as a late king of Naples was said to have erected the negation of God into a system of government, not a few eager investigators seem to have assumed it as a basis of science. And so we reach out by worship 'mostly of the silent sort' toward the unknown and unknowable, the 'reservoir of organic force, the single source of power,' ourselves 'conscious automatons' in whom 'mind is the product of the brain,' thought, emotion, and will are but 'the expression of molecular changes,' to whom all speculations in divinity are a 'disregard of the proper economy of time,' and to whom, also, as one of them has declared, 'earth is Paradise,' and all beyond is blank. But it was Mephistopheles who said,—

"'The little god of this world sticks to the same old way,
And is as whimsical as on creation's day;
Life somewhat better might content him,
But for the gleam of heavenly light which thou hast lent him.
He calls it Reason—thence his power's increased
To be far beastlier than any beast.
Saving thy gracious presence, he to me
A long-legged grasshopper seems to be,
That springing flies and flying springs,
And in the grass the same old ditty sings.
Would he still lay among the grass he grows in.'

"But even the man of theories might grant that the scheme of one great, governing, guiding, loving, and holy God is a theory that works wonders in practice for those that heartily receive it, and is a conception of magnificence beside which even a Nebular Hypothesis with all its grandeur grows small. And the man of facts may as well recognize what Napoleon[206] saw on St. Helena,—the one grand fact of the living power of Jesus Christ in history, and to-day; a force that is mightier than all other forces; a force that all other forces have in vain endeavored to destroy, or counteract, or arrest; a force that has pushed its way against wit and learning and wealth and power, and the stake and the rack and the sword and the cannon, till it has shaped the master forces of the world, inspired its art, formed its social life, subsidized, its great powers, and wields to-day the heavy battalions; a force that this hour beats in millions of hearts, all over this globe, with a living warmth beside which the love of science and art is cold and clammy. Surely it would be not much to ask for the docility to recognize such patent facts as these. And I must believe that any mind is fundamentally unhinged that despises the profoundest convictions of the noblest hearts, or speaks lightly of the mighty influence that has moulded human events and has upheaved the world. It has, in its arrogance, cut adrift and swung off from the two grand foci of all truth, the human and the divine.

"Of the several qualities,—the wakefulness, precision, fullness, equipoise, and docility—that form, in other words, the motion, edge, weight, balance, and direction of the forged and tempered intellect,—I might give many instances. Such men as Thomas Arnold and Mr. Gladstone instantly rise to the thoughts,—the one by his truth-seeking and truth-finding spirit moulding a generation of English scholars, the other carrying by the sheer force of his clear-cut intellect and magnanimous soul the sympathies of a great nation and the admiration of Christendom. But let me rather single out one name from the land of specialties and limitations,—Barthold George Niebuhr, the statesman and historian. Not perfect, indeed, but admirable. See him begin in his early youth by saying,—'I do not ask myself whether I can do a thing; I command myself to do it.' Read the singular sketch of his intellectual gymnastics at twenty-one, spurring himself to 'inward deep voluntary thought,' 'guarding against society and dissipation,' devoting an hour each day to clearing up his thoughts on given subjects, and two hours to the round of physical sciences; exacting of himself 'an extensive knowledge[207] of the facts' of science and history; holding himself alike accountable for minute 'description,' 'accurate definitions,' 'general laws,' 'deep reflection,' and 'distinct consciousness of the rules of my moral being,' together with what he calls the holy resolve—'more and more to purify my soul, so that it may be ready at all times to return to the eternal source.' How intensely he toiled to counteract a certain conscious German one-sidedness of mind, visiting England to study all the varied phenomena of its robust life, and yet writing home from London, at twenty-two,—'I positively shrink from associating with the young men on account of their unbounded dissoluteness.' His memory, not inferior to that of Macaulay or Scaliger, he made strictly the servant of his thinking. Amid all the speculative tendencies of Germany, he became a man of facts and affairs. Overflowing with details, he probed the facts of history to the quick, and felt for its heart. Fertile in theory, he preserved the truth of science so pure as 'in the sight of God,' not 'to write the very smallest thing as certain, of which he was not fully convinced,' nor to overstrain the weight of a conjecture, nor even to cite as his own the verified quotation he had gained from another. Practicing on his own maxim to 'open the heart to sincere veneration for all excellence' in human act and thought, not even his profound admiration for the surpassing genius of Goethe could draw him into sympathy with the heartlessness and colossal egoism of his later career. In the midst of public honors he valued more than all his delightful home and literary life, and his motto was Tecum habita. Surrounded by Pyrrhonism, and bent by the nature of his studies toward skeptical habits, how grandly he recovered himself in his maturity, and said,—'I do not know what to do with a metaphysical God, and I will have none but the God of the Bible, who is heart to heart with us.' 'My son shall believe in the letter of the Old and New Testaments, and I shall nurture in him from his infancy a firm faith in all that I have lost or feel uncertain about.' And his last written utterance, signed 'Your Old Niebuhr,' contains a lament that 'depth, sincerity, originality, heart and affection are disappearing,' and that 'shallowness and arrogance are becoming universal.' After[208] all allowances for whatever of defect, one can well point to such a character as an illustrious example of true and manly culture.

"Shall I say that such a culture as I have endeavored to sketch, it is, and will be, the aim of Dartmouth College to stimulate? I cannot, at the close of this discourse, compare in detail its methods with the end in view, and show their fitness. The original and central college is surrounded by its several departments, partly or wholly professional, each having its own specialty and excellence. The central college seeks to give that rounded education commonly called Liberal, and to give it in its very best estate. It will aim to engraft on the stock that is approved by the collective wisdom of the past, all such scions of modern origin as mark a real progress. By variety of themes and methods it would stimulate the mental activity, and by the breadth of its range it would encourage fullness of material, both physical and metaphysical, scientific and historic. It initiates into the chief languages of Europe. By the close, protracted concentration of the mathematics, by the intuitions, careful distinctions, and fundamental investigations of intellectual and ethical science, and by the broad principles of political economy, constitutional and international law, as well as by a round of original discussions on themes of varied character, it aims to induce precision and mastery. And all along this line runs and mingles harmoniously and felicitously that great branch of study for which, though often severely assailed because unwisely defended or inadequately pursued, the revised and deliberate judgment of the ablest and wisest men can find no fair substitute,—the study of the classic tongues. Grant that it may be, and often is, mechanically or pedantically pursued. Yet, when rightly prosecuted, its benefits are wide, deep, and continuous, more than can be easily set forth—and they range through the whole scale, rising with the gradual expansion of the mind. It comprises subtle distinctions, close analysis, broad generalization, and that balancing of evidence which is the basis of all moral reasoning; it tracks the countless shadings of human thought, and their incarnation in the growths of speech, and seizes, in Comparative Philology, the universal[209] affinities of the race: it passes in incessant review the stores of the mother tongue; it furnishes the constant clew to the meaning of the vernacular, a basis for the easy study of modern European languages, and a key to the terminology of science and art; it familiarizes intimately with many of the most remarkable monuments of genius and culture; and it imbues with the history, life, and thought which have prompted, shaped, and permeated all that is notable in the intellectual achievements of two thousand years, and binds together the whole republic of letters. To such a study as this we must do honor. We endeavor to add so much of the esthetic and ethical element throughout as shall give grace and worth. And we crown the whole with some teaching concerning the track of that amazing power that has overmastered all other powers, and stamped its impress on all modern history. The college was given to Christ in its infancy, and the message that comes down through a century to our ears, sounds not so much like the voice of a president as of an high-priest and prophet—the 'burden of Eleazar:' 'It is my purpose, by the grace of God, to leave nothing undone within my power which is suitable to be done, that this school of the prophets may be, and long continue to be, a pure fountain. And I do, with my whole heart, will this my purpose to my successors in the presidency of the seminary, to the latest posterity; and it is my last will, never to be revoked, and to God I commit it, and my only hope and confidence for the execution of it is in Him alone who has already done great things for it, and does still own it as his cause.' God has never yet revoked the 'last will' of Wheelock. The college is as confessedly a Christian college as in the days of her origin; and in the impending conflict she sails up between the batteries of the enemy with her flag nailed to the mast and her captain lashed to the rigging.

"The college stands to-day in its ideal and the intention of its managers, representative of the best possible training for a noble manhood. And I may venture to say, here and now, that if there be anything known to be yet lacking to the full attainment of that conception, if anything needs to be added to make this, in the fullest sense, the peer of the[210] best college in the land, it will be the endeavor of the Trustees and the Faculty to add that thing.

"Dartmouth College is fortunate in many particulars. Fortunate in its situation, so picturesque and so quiet, fitted for faithful study, and full of healthful influences, physical and moral; fortunate in being the one ancient and honored as well as honoring college of this commonwealth; fortunate in enjoying the full sympathy of the people around and the entire confidence of the Christian community of the land; fortunate in the great class of young men who seek her instruction, with their mature characters, simple habits, manly aims, and resolute purposes; fortunate in a laborious Faculty, whose well-earned fame from time to time brings honorable and urgent calls to carry their light to other and wealthier seats of learning; fortunate in her magnificent roll of alumni, unsurpassed in its average of good manhood and excellent work, and bright with names of transcendent lustre. The genius of the place bespeaks our reverence and awe. For to the mind's eye this sequestered spot is peopled to overflowing with youthful forms that went forth to all the lands of the earth to do valiantly in the battle of life. Across this quiet green there comes moving again invisibly a majestic procession of the faithful and the strong, laden with labors and with honors. In these seats there can almost be seen to sit once more a hoary and venerable array of the great and good whose names are recorded on earth and whose home is in heaven. And over us there seems to hover to-day a great cloud of witnesses—spirits of the just made perfect. It is good to be here. I only pray that the new arm may not prove too weak to bear the banner in this great procession of the ages."

[211]

## CHAPTER XX.

PROF. JOHN SMITH.—PROF. SYLVANUS RIPLEY.—PROF. BEZALEEL WOODWARD.

Having completed our survey of the work of the successive presidents, the deceased professors now claim our attention.

The following sketch of the life and labors of Prof. John Smith, is, in substance, from "Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit."

"John Smith, son of Joseph and Elisabeth (Palmer) Smith, was born at Newbury, (Byfield parish,) Mass., December 21, 1752. His mother was a descendant of the Sawyer family, which came from England to this country in 1643, and settled in Rowley, where she was born. The son was fitted for college at Dummer Academy, under the instruction of the well known 'Master Moody.' He early discovered an uncommon taste for the study of the languages, insomuch that his instructor predicted, while he was yet in his preparatory coarse, that he would attain to eminence in that department.

"He entered the Junior class in Dartmouth College, in 1771, at the time of the first Commencement in that institution. He went to Hanover in company with his preceptor and Governor Wentworth, and so new and unsettled was a portion of the country through which they passed, that they were obliged to encamp one night in the woods. Their arrival at Hanover excited great interest, and was celebrated by the roasting of an ox whole, at the Governor's expense, on a small cleared spot, near where the college now stands.

"He was admitted to the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1773; and immediately after, was appointed preceptor of Moor's school at Hanover. This appointment he accepted; and, while discharging his duty as a teacher, was also engaged in the study of Theology under the direction of President[212] Wheelock. In 1774 he was appointed tutor in the college, and continued in the office until 1778. About this time he received an invitation to settle in the ministry in West Hartford Conn., and, in the course of the same year, was elected professor of Languages in the college where he had been educated. His strong predilection for classical studies led him to accept the latter appointment; and until 1787 he joined to the duties of a professor those of a tutor, receiving for all his services one hundred pounds, lawful money, annually. His professorship he retained till the close of his life. He was college librarian for thirty years,—from 1779 to 1809. For two years he delivered lectures on Systematic Theology, in college, in connection with the public prayers on Saturday evening. He was a Trustee of the college from 1788 to the time of his death. He also officiated for many years as stated preacher in the village of Hanover. In 1803, the degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred upon him by Brown University.

"Dr. Smith's abundant and unceasing labors as a professor, a minister, and an author, proved too much for his constitution, and are supposed to have hastened him out of life. He died in the exercise of a most serene and humble faith, on the 30th of April, 1809, in the fifty-seventh year of his age. His funeral sermon was preached by the Rev. Dr. Burroughs of Hanover.

"Dr. Smith was enthusiastically devoted to the study of languages through life. He prepared a Hebrew Grammar in his Junior year in college, which is dated May 14, 1772; and a revised preparation is dated February 11, 1774. About this time he also prepared a Chaldee Grammar. The original manuscript of these grammars, as also the greater part of his lectures on Theology, is deposited in the Library of the Northern Academy of Arts and Sciences at Dartmouth College. As early as 1779, he prepared a Latin Grammar, which was first published in 1802, and has gone through three editions. In 1803 he published a Hebrew Grammar; in 1804, an edition of "Cicero de Oratore," with notes, and a brief memoir of Cicero, in English; and in 1809, a Greek Grammar, which was issued about the time of his decease. He published[213] also a Sermon at the dedication of the meeting house at Hanover, 1796, and a Sermon at the ordination of T. Eastman, 1801.

"Prof. Roswell Shurtleff, D.D., says of him: 'Dr. Smith was rather above the middling stature, straight, and well proportioned. His head was well formed, though blanched and bald somewhat in advance of his years. His face, too, as to its lineaments, was very regular and comely. His eyes were of a light-blue color, and tolerably clear.

"'As a linguist, he was minutely accurate, and faithful to his pupils, although I used to doubt whether he was familiar with the classic writers much beyond the field of his daily instructions. But in his day, philology, like many other sciences, was comparatively in its cradle, especially in this country. His reputation in his profession depended chiefly on the recitations; and there he was perfect to a proverb. The student never thought of appealing from his decision.

"'In his disposition he was very kind and obliging, and remarkably tender of the feelings of his pupils—a civility which was always duly returned.

"'In religious sentiment, he was unexceptionably orthodox, though fearful of Hopkinsianism, which made some noise in the country at that period. His voice was full and clear, and his articulation very distinct. His sermons were written out with great accuracy, but were perhaps deficient in pungency of application. On the whole, he could hardly be considered a popular preacher.

"'Professor Smith was a man of uncommon industry. This must be apparent from what he accomplished. Besides his two recitations daily, he supplied the college and village with preaching for about twenty years, and exchanged pulpits but very seldom; and, in the mean time, was almost constantly engaged in some literary enterprise. I well remember a conversation with the late President Brown, then a tutor in college, soon after the professor died,—in which we agreed in the opinion, that we had known no man of the same natural endowments, who had been more useful, or who had occupied his talent to better advantage.'"[214]

We give the substance of some leading points of a notice of Professor Smith, in the "Memoirs of Wheelock."

"In 1809 the college experienced an immense loss, in the death of Dr. Smith. He had devoted his life chiefly to the study of languages. No other professor in any college of the continent, had so long sustained the office of instructor; none had been more happy, useful, or diligent. Though indefatigable in his studies, he was always social and pleasant with his friends, entirely free from that reserve and melancholy, not infrequent with men of letters. At an early age he obtained the honors of this seminary, and even while a young man was appointed professor of the Oriental Languages. These were the smallest moiety of his merit and his fame. Without that intuitive genius, which catches the relation of things at a glance, by diligence, by laborious study, by invincible perseverance, which set all difficulties at defiance, he rose in his professorship with unrivaled lustre. He, like a marble pillar, supported this seminary of learning. This fact is worth a thousand volumes of speculation, to prove the happy and noble fruits of well-directed diligence in study. But the best portrait of Dr. Smith is drawn by President Wheelock, in his eulogium on his friend, from which we make the following extract.

"'Early in life, so soon as his mind was susceptible of rational improvement, his father entered him at Dummer school, under the instruction of Mr. Samuel Moody. It is unnecessary to take notice of the development of his juvenile mind, his attention to literature, and especially his delight in the study of the ancient, Oriental Languages. That distinguished master contemplated the height, to which he would rise in this department; and his remark on him, when leaving the school to enter this institution, was equal to a volume of eulogy.

"'His mind was not wholly isolated in one particular branch. Philosophy, geography, criticism, and other parts of philology, held respectable rank in his acquirements; but these yielded to a prevailing bias: the investigations of language unceasingly continued his favorite object. The knowledge[215] of the Hebrew with his propensity led him to the study of Theology. He filled the office of tutor in the college, when an invitation was made to him from Connecticut to settle in the ministry.

"'At this period, in the year 1778, the way was open to a professorship in the learned languages. On him the public eye was fixed. He undertook the duties, and entered the career of more splendid services in the republic of letters. His solicitude and labors were devoted to the institution, during its infantile state embarrassed by the Revolutionary war. He alleviated the burdens of the reverend founder of this establishment; and administered comfort and solace to him in his declining days.

"'From that period in 1779, Dr. Smith continued indefatigable in mental applications; faithful in the discharge of official duties; and active for the interest of the society, through scenes of trouble and adversity. The board of Trustees elected him a member of their body. The church at the college, founded by my predecessor, intrusted with him, as pastor, their spiritual concerns, and were prospered under his prudent and pious care. God blessed his labors; a golden harvest reminds us of the last. To the force of his various exertions, under Divine Providence, justice demands that we ascribe much in the rise and splendor of this establishment.

"'While surveying the circle of knowledge, and justly estimating the relative importance of its different branches, still his eye was more fixed on classical science; and his attachment seemed to concentrate the force of genius in developing the nature of language, and the principles of the learned tongues, on which the modern so much depend for their perfection. The Latin, the Greek, and the Hebrew, were almost as familiar to him as his native language. He clearly comprehended the Samaritan and Chaldaic; and far extended his researches in the Arabic.

"'The eminent attainments of Dr. Smith in the knowledge of the languages are attested by multitudes, scattered in the civilized world, who enjoyed his instruction. They will be attested, in future times, by his Latin Grammar, published[216] about seven years ago; and by his Hebrew Grammar, which has since appeared. In each of these works, in a masterly manner, he treats of every matter proper for the student to know. Each subject is displayed, in a new method, with perspicuity, conciseness, simplicity, and classic taste. His Greek Grammar, we may suppose, will exhibit the same traits, when it shall meet the public eye. This last labor he had finished, and committed to the printer a few months before his decease.[39]

[39] It was afterward published and much approved.

"'If we turn to take a moral view of this distinguished votary of science, new motives will increase our esteem. What shall I say of the purity of his manners, his integrity and amiable virtues? These are too strongly impressed on the minds of all, who knew him, to need description. He was possessed of great modesty, and a degree of reserve, appearing at times to indicate diffidence, in the view of those less acquainted. But this, itself, was an effusion of his goodness, which led to yielding accomodation in matters of minor concern: yet, however, when the interest of virtue, or society, required him to act, he formed his own opinion, and proceeded with unshaken firmness. Those intimately acquainted with him can bear witness; and it is confirmed by invariable traits in his principles and practice, during life.

"'The virtues of Dr. Smith were not compressed within the circle of human relations, which vanish with time. Contemplating the first cause, the connections and dependencies in the moral state, his mind was filled with a sense of interminable duties. He was a disciple of Jesus. The former president admired and loved him, and taught him Theology. An amiable spirit actuated his whole life, and added peculiar splendor to the closing scene.

"'His intense pursuit of science affected his constitution, and produced debility, which, more than two years before, began to be observed by his friends. It gradually increased, but not greatly to interrupt his applications till six weeks before his death. While I revive the affliction at his departure, its accompanying circumstances will assuage our sorrow. The thoughts of his resignation to Divine Providence, through[217] all the stages of a disease, that rapidly preyed upon his vitals, his composure, serenity, and Christian confidence, remain for the consolation of his friends, and instruction of all.

"'The fame of Dr. Smith does not arise from wealth, nor descent from titled ancestors. It has no borrowed lustre. He was indebted wholly to his genius, his labors, and his virtues. His monument will exist in the hearts of his acquaintance; and in the future respect of those, who shall derive advantage from his exertions.

"'In the immense loss, which his dear family sustain, they have saved a precious legacy; his example, and lessons of social and religious duties. The church, with mournful regret, will retain the tenderest affection for their venerable pastor. What shall I say of this seat of science, now covered with cypress? Those who have trod its hallowed walks, will never forget his instructions, nor the benevolent effusions of his heart. Where, in the ranges of cultivated society, is one to be found, qualified with those rare endowments, which can supply the chasm made by his death?'"

We insert in its appropriate place the contract made with Professor Smith by President Wheelock.[40]

[40] See Appendix.

His first wife was Mary, daughter of Rev. Ebenezer Cleaveland, of Gloucester, Mass., his second wife was Susan, daughter of David Mason, of Boston, Mass.

Prof. Sylvanus Ripley, who filled the chair of Divinity from 1782 to 1787, was the son of Jonathan Ripley, and was born at Halifax, Mass., September 29, 1749.

In introducing him to the favorable notice of Mr. Wheelock, previous to the commencement of his religious life, Rev. William Patten says: "Gracious exercises alone excepted, I know not a more promising young man."

Some extracts from President Wheelock's "Narratives," relating to Prof. Ripley's missionary labors, are worthy of attention.

"Mr. Sylvanus Ripley, who finished his course of collegiate studies here last fall, very cheerfully complied with the openings of Providence, to undertake a mission to the tribes[218] in Canada, and accordingly prepared for that purpose, and set out with Lieut. Thomas Taylor, whom he had made choice of for his companion in that tour, as he had been long a captive with the French and Indians in those parts, and was well acquainted with the customs of both, and with their country, and could serve him as an interpreter. He sat out July 17, well recommended to the Lieut.-governor and Commander-in-chief, and others of that province, by his Excellency Governor Wentworth, and others. The special design of his journey was to see what door, or doors, was, or might be opened for him, or others, to go as missionaries among them, to open a way for intercourse between them and this school, and obtain a number of suitable youth, if it may be, to receive an education here; in the choice of which, he will have special respect to the children, whose parents were in former wars captivated by the Indians, and were naturalized, and married among them."

"September 26, 1772. A delay of sending the foregoing narrative to the press, gives an opportunity to oblige my friends with a short account of the success of Mr. Ripley's mission to Canada.

"He returned on the 21st instant, with his companion and interpreter, Lieut. Taylor, and brought with them ten youths, eight belonging to the tribe at Caughnawaga, near Montreal, and two of the tribe at Lorette, near Quebec. Soon after his arrival at the former of these places, he made known to them the errand on which he was sent, and disclosed the proposal of sending a number of their children to this school for an education; and left it to their consideration, till he should go and wait upon the Commander-in-chief of that province at Quebec. And after he had passed through the small-pox, which he took by inoculation, as it was judged unsafe for him to travel that country without it, he went to Quebec. But his Honor the Governor, as well as other English gentlemen, were apprehensive that the Indians were so bigoted to the Romish religion, that there was no hope of success, and advised him not to go on that errand to Lorette: he accordingly returned without visiting them as he proposed.

"But on his coming to Caughnawaga he found there two[219] likely young men of the tribe at Loretto, who set out with a design to go to Sir William Johnson, with a single view to find a school in which they might get useful knowledge. They had heard nothing of Mr. Ripley, nor of any such design as he was upon in their favor, till they came to Caughnawaga, which is 180 miles on their way to Sir William's, and on hearing of the proposal Mr. Ripley had made, they waited five weeks at that place for his return, and on his coming complied with his offer of taking them into this school with cheerfulness. The same day a council of the chiefs of that tribe was called to consider of the proposal of sending their children to this school, which Mr. Ripley had left to their consideration, in which they were to a man agreed in the affirmative, and acknowledged with gratitude the benevolence and kindness of the offer. They continued united and firm to the last in that determination against the most warm and zealous remonstrances of their priest, both in public and private; in consequence of which determination, nine of their boys were made ready to accompany Mr. Ripley hither; three of which were children or descendants from captives, who had been captivated when they were young, and lived with them till they were naturalized and married among them."

A later "Narrative" says:

"The beginning of May [1773], the Rev. Mr. Ripley and Mr. Dean sat out on a mission to visit the Indians at Penobscott, and on the Bay of Fundy, as they should find encouragement, agreeable to representations heretofore made of a door open for service among them."

They had a good measure of success, in some respects, in this mission.

The following tribute to Professor Ripley is from the "Memoirs of Wheelock."

"In the winter of 1786-7, the college experienced the loss of an eminent instructor, the Rev. Sylvanus Ripley. He was suddenly called from his labors, in the vigor of life and the midst of extensive usefulness.

"After taking his degree in 1771, in the first class which received the honors of the college, he continued with Mr. Wheelock as a tutor in the college. In 1775, he was appointed[220] master of Moor's Charity School, and in 1779, upon the decease of Dr. Wheelock, he succeeded him in the pastoral care of the church in the college, and soon after was elected professor of Divinity. Professor Ripley was a learned man, an orthodox divine, an evangelical and popular preacher. His eloquence had nothing artificial or studied. His sermons were seldom written; his manner was pleasing and winning, his words flowed as promptly and readily in the pulpit as in the social circle."

Professor Ripley died at Hanover, February 5, 1787, of injuries received in a fall from his carriage, while returning from a religious service in a distant part of the town.

His wife was Abigail, daughter of Pres. Eleazar Wheelock.

Bezaleel Woodward, the first professor of mathematics in the college, was the son of Israel and Mary (Sims) Woodward, and a descendant of Henry Woodward of Dorchester, Mass., 1638, and Northampton, Mass., 1639, where he was one of the "seven pillars" of the church formed there in 1661. He was born at Lebanon, Conn., July 16, 1745, and graduated at Yale College in 1764.

In 1767, Mr. Wheelock refers to him as an associate teacher, and "a dear youth, willing to do anything in his power" to aid him. The school is said to have been put on a college basis, in the matter of study, in 1768, with Mr. Woodward as tutor.

The following letter addressed to President Wheelock illustrates the versatile nature of his talents:

"Lebanon Sepr 6th 1770.

"Revd & hond Sir,

"Bingham arrived home well last week, and proposes to set out with two teams about the 18th Inst. We have all of us been endeavouring to expedite the removal ever since he came home—but I fear Madam will not be able to set out so soon. She with Miss Nabby propose to ride in the Post Chaise as soon as they can possibly be ready. Hutchinson is to drive it for them. The Scholars will likely the most of them foot it when Bingham goes. Abraham & Daniel seem to resent it that they in particular should be sat to drive the Cows[221] the Doctor mentioned in his to me & the English Scholars be excused from it. I have not procured Cows as yet—we have all been doing & shall do every thing in our power. Madam is so weak that a little croud overcomes her, that she has her poor turns very often; tho' on the whole I hope she is on the mending hand. I fear the fatigue of preparing & the journey will be too much for her—be sure unless she takes both very leisurely—but God is able to support her. By the tenor of the Doctor's Letters I apprehend he has forgot my proposed Journey to the eastward, which I would neglect, and with vigor pursue the grand object, the removal; for I see need enough that every one who is able to do any thing towards preparing should be doubly active now. I see eno' & more than eno' that is important and necessary to be done, & I never had a greater disposition to exert myself in getting things forward—but I have had such a croud of affairs on my mind, & still have, & must have so long as I continue here, that my health is so much impaired, my constitution become so brittle, & my nerves so weak, that I am rendered entirely unfit for application to any business at present; & therefore that I may be fit for some kind of business the ensuing winter I am advised and think it highly expedient & neccessary that I take my Journey soon (before I am rendered unable to do it)—and Providence seems to point out my duty to set out to-morrow, tho' it is with the greatest reluctance that I do it, on accot of the need of help here, but I am unfit to do anything to purpose if I stay. Mr MacCluer will do all in his power, tho' he is obliged (agreeable to the Doctor's directions) to attend Co[=m]encement next week to collect Subscriptions—he'll do all he can before he goes, & after he returns—what is done must be done in a hurry and confusion, & what cannot be done must remain undone. We have been examining the Scholars this week (& find they make a pretty good appearance) besides which we have done all we could that I might leave affairs in the best manner. My present proposal is to go to Boston & settle affairs—thence to Salem & visit dear Doctor Whitaker—thence perhaps to Portsmouth—then either return & accompany Madam & Family to Cohos (which I think of doing if I can get back in season)—or[222] go directly from Portsmouth to Cohos—in either case I hope to be with the Doctor within a month. I want much—I long to see you. I want to do more, much more than I am able, to assist in removing—but the wise Governor of the Universe seems to forbid my doing much. I desire to commit the conduct of affairs to him. I shall endeavour as far as I am able to comply with all the Dr desires in his letters—shall carry the letter to Mr Whitefield to Boston myself. I shall write to Mr Keen a general Sketch of affairs. I hope to be able when I see the Dr & the Trustees meet to be able to determine what to do the ensuing winter. This Parish have Mr Potter to preach next Sabbath & expect Mr Austin after that. Mr Austin is now asleep in your house. I expect Mr Wheelock will be at home the last of next week or beginning of week after. Mary & Cloe I expect will ride up in the Carts. Porter, Judson & Collins are to set out next Monday (at their desire) that they may assist in making preparation. School must (I think) unavoidably break up till they remove. Scholars have been much engaged in study (especially in the Art of Speaking) since the Doctor went away. If Scholars are engaged Instructors must be so too—and if Instructors are diligent and faithful, Scholars will make improvement. We cannot learn that the duty on tea is taken off; and I expect difficulty in disposing of Bills; but shall do the best I can. I have tho'ts of carrying a Set to Boston. Is it not best to desire Miss Zurviah [Sprague] not to engage herself in business 'till the Doctor's mind can be known respecting her going to Cohos—I know not where one can be had to supply her place (omnibus consideratio)—will the Dr write his mind respecting it in his next? I have many things to say; but it is now between 1 & 2 o'Clock in ye morning, and I find nature flags. I could get no other time to write. I have neither time nor strength to copy, therefore hope the Dr will excuse the scrawl from him who is with much duty & esteem Revd & hond Sir,

"Your obedient and humble Servt.

"Beza Woodward.

"N. B. Family are all asleep. Please give love to Ripley &c. [223]&c.

The "Memoirs of Wheelock" contain the following paragraph relating to Professor Woodward:

"At the anniversary commencement of 1804, the Honorable Bezaleel Woodward, professor of Mathematics and Philosophy, departed this life. He had fulfilled the duties of a professor and Tutor from the foundation of the college. His profound knowledge of the abstruse and useful science of Mathematics, the facility of his instructions in natural and experimental Philosophy and Ethics, his condescending and amiable manners, will be long and gratefully remembered by those who have received the benefit of his instructions."

The "Monthly Anthology and Massachusetts Magazine" for September, 1804, has the following notice of Professor Woodward:

"Died at Hanover, New Hampshire, August 25, Hon. Bezaleel Woodward, Professor of Mathematics and Philosophy in Dartmouth College. Professor Woodward was born at Lebanon, in the State of Connecticut. In the twentieth year of his age he graduated at Yale College, 1764. After a few years successfully employed in the ministry, he was elected a tutor in this university. Here he soon displayed such talents and improvements, such readiness of thought and ease of communication, that he was appointed to the office of professor in Mathematics and Philosophy. The dignity with which he discharged the duties of his station is witnessed by all who have shared in his instruction. In the civil department, and as a member of society, he was no less eminent than as an instructor in college. We might also add his usefulness in the church of Christ at this place, of which he was long a worthy member, and high in the esteem and affections of his Christian brethren.

"His remains were interred on Tuesday, the 28th. The Rev. Doctor Smith delivered upon the occasion a well-adapted discourse. The officers, Trustees, and members of the college joined as mourners with the afflicted family, and the solemnities were attended by a very numerous collection of friends and acquaintance.

"The alumni of Dartmouth will join with its present officers and members in deploring the loss of a faithful and able[224] instructor. Those who visited him in his late illness have had a specimen of decaying greatness, alleviated by an approving conscience, and sustained by resignation and hope. The friends of science will lament the departure of one of its enlightened patrons. Society sympathizes with the bereaved family, retaining a lively sense of his public and domestic virtues; and a numerous acquaintance will mingle their grief in bemoaning the loss of a sincere friend, a valuable citizen, and an exemplary Christian."

The records of the public life of Professor Woodward are thoroughly interwoven with the history of northern New England. Few pioneers in the valley of the upper Connecticut did more to promote the general welfare of the community.

His wife was Mary, daughter of Pres. Eleazar Wheelock.

[225]

## CHAPTER XXI.

PROF. JOHN HUBBARD.—PROF. ROSWELL SHURTLEFF.

Prof. John Hubbard succeeded Professor Woodward. We quote from a published eulogy by Rev. Elijah Parish, D.D., his college classmate.

"The Hon. John Hubbard, the son of John and Hannah (Johnson) Hubbard, late Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in this university, was born in Townsend, Mass., August 8, 1759. Dark and dismal was the dawn of that life, which has been so fair and luminous. Five months before his birth his father died, and this, in his last moments, when his children stood weeping round his dying bed, he made use of as an argument of consolation to them, entreating them not to weep, for God had taken care of him when a fatherless infant. During his minority most of his time was employed in the labors of agriculture. At the age of twenty-one he commenced his studies, and the next year became a member of this institution. In the second year of his residence at college, when many were awakened to a religious sense of divine things, our friend was one of the happy number. His subsequent life and death have proved that his conversion was not imaginary. While this increases our loss, it is the best reason for consolation.

"In his college life Mr. Hubbard was a youthful cedar of Lebanon. He gave visible tokens of his approaching eminence. So tenacious was his memory, that his progress in the languages was remarkably rapid. While he lived, the Greek and Roman writers were his amusement; and with a taste refined, he was charmed with their classic beauties; his memory was stored with numerous favorite passages.

"On leaving college, his love of study, his delight in religious[226] inquiries, his devout regard for the best interests of man, led him to the study of theology. Becoming a preacher of the gospel, his voice, naturally small and feeble, was found to be ill adapted to such an employment. After a fair experiment his good sense forbade him to persevere. The transition was easy to his 'delightful task to teach the young idea how to shoot,' and form the minds of youth to science and virtue. Of the academy in New Ipswich he was elected preceptor. Under his able instruction that seminary rose to distinction, and became a favorite of the public. Some who were his pupils are already eminent in the walks of literature.

"After several years, quitting this situation, he was appointed Judge of Probate for the County of Cheshire. This office was peculiarly adapted to that gentle and tender philanthropy for which he was remarkable. It was luxury to him to comfort the widow and the fatherless. The blended resolution and exquisite sensibilities of his heart qualified him, in a singular manner, impartially to weigh the claims of justice and compassion. But this situation was not congenial with his love of study, and his delight in the instruction of youth, which was so pleasant, that he declared he would make it the business of his life. Accordingly he accepted the invitation of Deerfield Academy, Massachusetts, where for several years he continued with great reputation. After the death of Professor Woodward, who had, from its origin, been an able instructor in this university, he was elected his successor in the Professorship of Mathematics and Philosophy. So high was his reputation, that a successor of common attainments could not have satisfied the raised expectations of the public. To supply the place of such a man was the arduous task assigned to Mr. Hubbard. His success equaled the fond hopes of his friends. Here you rejoiced in his light; here he spent his last and his best days; here he had full scope for the various, the versatile powers of his vigorous mind. His amiable virtues, his profound learning, you cheerfully acknowledged.

"He had a happy facility in illustrating the practical advantages of every science. He not only explained its principles, but traced its relation to other branches of knowledge.[227] Not satisfied by merely ascertaining facts, he explored the cause, the means, the ultimate design of their existence.

"Though he has been my intimate friend from cheerful youth, yet neither inspired by his genius, nor enriched with his attainments, it is not possible I should do justice to his merits. His person, muscular and vigorous, indicated the energy of his mind. Every feature of his face expressed the mildness of his spirit; never did I witness in him the appearance of anger. Without that undescribable configuration which constitutes beauty, his countenance was pleasing and commanded respect. Without formality or art, his manners were refined and delicate; his address was conciliatory and winning. By his social and compliant temper he was calculated for general society. Though instructed 'in the learning of Egypt,' and the civilized world, he was too discreet and benevolent to humble others by his superior lustre. His light was mild and clear, like that of the setting sun. He had no ambition to shine, or to court applause. More disposed to make others pleased with themselves than to excite their admiration, it is not strange that he was universally beloved. His heart was impressed with an exquisite sense of moral obligations. In every passing event, in every work of nature, the formation of a lake, a river, a cataract, a mountain, he saw God. When as a philosopher, surrounded with the apparatus of science, extending his researches to the phenomena of the universe, amazed at the minuteness of some objects, astonished at the magnitude and magnificence of others, his mind was transported; when he explored the heavens, and saw worlds balancing worlds, and other suns enlightening other systems, his senses were ravished with the wisdom, the power, the goodness of the Almighty Architect. On these subjects he often declaimed, with the learning of an astronomer, the simplicity of an apostle, the eloquence of a prophet. He illustrated the moral and religious improvement of the sciences; the views of his students were enlarged; the sciences became brilliant stars to irradiate the hemisphere of Christianity. The perfect agreement between sound learning and true religion was a favorite theme of his heart. This remark is confirmed by his conversation, his letters, his lectures.[228]

"In theology his researches were not those of a polemic divine, but of a Christian, concerned for his own salvation and the salvation of others."

Professor Hubbard published several works, one of them being entitled "Rudiments of Geography." He died at Hanover, August 14, 1810.

His wife was Rebecca, daughter of Dr. John Preston, of New Ipswich.

Mr. Roswell Shurtleff was elected the second professor of Divinity in the college. We give some of the more important points in a published "Discourse," by Professor Long:

"Roswell Shurtleff, the son of William and Hannah (Cady) Shurtleff, was born at Ellington, then East Windsor, Ct., August 29, 1773. He was the youngest of nine children, two of whom died before he was born. From his earliest years he was fond of reading, and at school he was called a good scholar. His religious training was carefully attended to, and to this, and the Christian example which accompanied it, he ascribed his conversion, and the views he subsequently embraced of the Christian doctrines.

"When he was seven or eight years old he had many serious thoughts of God and duty. The requirement that he should give up all for God, as he understood it, filled him with gloom.

"During several of the subsequent years, the subject of religion dwelt on his mind, and he was occasionally deeply impressed. One of the difficult things was to comprehend the notion of faith. The promise was: 'He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved.' He believed, as he supposed, and he had been baptized, but he could not feel that he was safe. Must he believe that he, personally, should be saved? But what if he mistook his own character, and believed what was false; would his opinion of his safety make him safe. He was ashamed to be known as a religious inquirer, and, therefore, remained longer in darkness. Finding that he had been observed by his father to have become a more diligent student of the Scriptures, he left the practice of reading them before[229] the family. Sometimes, assuming a false appearance of indifference, he carried his difficulties to his mother, who was able to furnish a satisfactory solution. She seems to have been a person of unusual intelligence as well as goodness. Her memory was ever cherished by him with the most grateful affection, as it regarded his own spiritual progress. He believed that he suffered unspeakable loss from the concealment of his early feelings on the subject of religion, and did not doubt that many failed of conversion from this foolish reserve. It was not till a number of years after this that his religious life commenced.

"The only school which young Shurtleff had the opportunity of attending, before his eighteenth or nineteenth year, was the common school of the district. He made good proficiency, but nothing worthy of note occurred in relation to his studies till he was about fifteen years of age. He then began to think, as he says. Before that time, he had repeated by rote whatever he had been taught. The first impulse to reflection was a new discovery. He had been taught from childhood that accent is a stress of voice laid on some syllable or letter of a word. But this definition had not been illustrated by an example, and the classification of words by their accent, in the spelling-book, he had never understood. The definition had been to him an unmeaning collection of words. He now discovered what it meant. This was in itself a trifling event, but it led to the further discovery that other things, which he had been accustomed, parrot-like, to repeat memoriter, had a meaning; that the meaning of things was that which the student should be set to learn, and that his own education had, in this view, been greatly neglected. He says that a new world seemed to be opened to his view; that nothing now appeared so important as an opportunity to reflect on what he had learned, and that he was greatly displeased with the instructors by whom he had been so badly cheated. He resolved that, if ever he should be a teacher, he would propose it to himself, as his leading object, to make his pupils understand whatever they should study. This resolution he afterward had the opportunity of carrying into effect in five or six winter schools; and his attempt was attended with gratifying success.[230]

"It was the opinion of Dr. Shurtleff, grounded on his own experience as learner and teacher, that too much importance is attached to the books used in schools; that the end to be reached is too generally regarded as the learning of the book rather than the mastery of the subject, and that books are too often prepared mainly with a view to abridge the labor of the teacher. He believed that, while the pupil might, through the text-book, possess himself of the knowledge of others, he was in danger of acquiring little which could be called his own.

"In consequence of using his eyes too soon, after his recovery from the measles, when he was about seventeen years old, Shurtleff was almost wholly cut off from the reading of books for two years, and he never afterward perfectly recovered from the injury resulting from this imprudence. He made some proficiency, however, by listening to the reading of others. About two years after this affliction he entered the academy at Chesterfield, N. H., whither his father's family had removed a few years before. He attended first to English studies. The weakness of his eyes continued, and he was considerably embarrassed for a time from the necessity of using the eyes of his friends. At length he commenced the study of Latin, going through Ross' Grammar, the only one then in use, in just two weeks, and then beginning to construe and parse in Corderius.

"He met, at the academy, one who had been his school-fellow and playmate, and with whom he was intimately associated from that time till the end of his college course,—the late Hon. Levi Jackson, who died at Chesterfield in 1821. They got out their lessons together, taking turns in looking out new words; and afterward, at college, where they were classmates and room-mates, continued the practice. Dr. Shurtleff felt under great obligations to this friend and helper, and said that 'few friendships among men had been more ardent, confiding and permanent.'

"Shurtleff had supposed, at first, that the Greek language was beyond his reach, on account of his infirmity of sight. But some improvement having taken place, he ventured to commence the study. He went through the Westminster[231] Greek Grammar, the book then in use, in one week, and began to read the Gospel of John. Having completed the New Testament, and read several books of Homer's Iliad, he was reputed in the school as tolerably versed in Greek. He and Jackson studied from the love of study, and did not think of college till a year before they applied for admission, at Commencement, in 1797, and entered the Junior class in this institution.

"The round of college duties presents few marked events. Time has left no record of most of the occurrences which diversified and enlivened the period from 1797 to 1799. How the two friends studied, and read, and discussed, and recreated together, has been lost, just as the facts of our daily life will be lost sixty years hence. They made constant and good progress. They were about equally good scholars, neither of them being a dead weight upon the other. Each was happy in the other's proficiency. The amount of learning requisite for a degree was less then than now. Sciences have been introduced into the course which were then in their infancy. But it may be doubted whether the students of our day have the advantage over those of an earlier period, in respect to thoroughness as well as extent of attainment. They read fewer books, in the first years of the college, but they thought the more. They were as well disciplined and able, and as competent to handle a difficult subject, I imagine, as our students, if they were not as well informed. We know from the esteem in which Shurtleff was held by the Trustees and Faculty, as it appeared not long after his graduation, that he was one of the best scholars of his time.

"Peculiar interest attaches to the religious experience of Shurtleff during his college course.

"He had performed some of the duties of a Christian before he supposed himself to possess the Christian character. The first school he taught he opened daily with prayer, persevering in the practice as a conscientious duty, in spite of many misgivings and much timidity. And this he did in every school he afterward taught. He kept up the habit of secret prayer, at the same time, asking more earnestly than for anything else, that his weak eyes might be cured, and that he might have the means of intellectual improvement.[232]

"He seems to have supposed that during his senior winter vacation he became a true Christian.

"Soon after his return to college, he intimated a desire to a classmate, who, as he supposed, was the only professor of religion in the class, to join with others in a private meeting for religious conference and prayer. He had never attended, or even heard of such a meeting. After a little delay he was surprised to learn from his friend that such a meeting as he had proposed had been held for years, and that he was desired to attend. On the Saturday evening following, he and five or six other persons assembled, and by the free interchange of thought and feeling, and the apparently humble prayers that were offered, he felt himself greatly refreshed and quickened. On leaving college he regretted the loss of nothing more than of these Saturday evening conference meetings.

"The time had now come for choosing a profession. His success in teaching led him to seek for a situation in an academy; but no opening of this kind presented itself, and he believed himself thus providentially called to preach the gospel. There were at the time no theological seminaries; the students of the distinguished clergymen who gave instruction in theology were supposed to represent the views of their teacher; and that he might not be thought to go forth as the advocate of some exceptionable ism, Mr. Shurtleff chose to study theology by himself. Having pursued this course one year, he was appointed a tutor in the college, and at the same time was licensed to preach. The pressure of a considerable debt hastened the period of obtaining license, but we may be certain, from the opportunities subsequently enjoyed, and from the character of the man, that any deficiency he may have felt at first, from hasty preparation, was abundantly supplied.

"Mr. Shurtleff continued in the tutorship from 1800 to 1804, and was also engaged, for the greater part of the time, in preaching in vacant parishes.

"After the close of the four years' tutorship, Mr. Shurtleff was appointed a professor of Divinity in the college. It was a part of his duty to preach to the students and the people of the village. The church was at that time Presbyterian. The[233] predecessor of Professor Shurtleff—Professor Sylvanus Ripley—had been the pastor of this church. Since his death, in 1787, Dr. John Smith, professor of Languages, previously associate pastor with Professor Ripley, had been the sole pastor of the church. Dr. Backus, of Conn., Dr. Worcester, of Salem, and Dr. Alexander, of Princeton, had been appointed at different times to the vacant professorship, but all had declined, in consequence, as it was supposed, of the influence of Dr. John Wheelock, the second president of the college. Professor Shurtleff accepted the office, expecting that the same causes which had kept it so long vacant would render it an uncomfortable post. The difficulties which he feared, he was called to encounter. The president wished him to become the colleague of Professor Smith in the pastoral office, but he refused,—agreeing in his decision with the views of the largest part of the church and of the village. In consequence of this disagreement, a controversy ensued which lasted several years, and ended in the law-suit between the college and the State, in 1816-17. In July, 1805, twenty-two persons, professors of religion, were constituted 'The Congregational Church at Dartmouth College.' To this church, and the religious society of which it was a part, Professor Shurtleff was invited to preach, performing pastoral labors so far as his other duties would permit. Professor Smith was, meanwhile, the pastor of the Presbyterian church till the time of his death, in April, 1809. Professor Shurtleff was ordained as an evangelist, at Lyme, N. H., in 1810. He continued in this relation until the year 1827.

"The literary labors of his office would have been quite sufficient to occupy all his time. In addition to these, an amount of work nearly equal to that of any pastor of a church was imposed on him—fully equal, perhaps, we shall say, if we consider the character of the congregation to whom he ministered. He was faithful and assiduous, both as a preacher and a pastor. But he performed the many duties of his station with acceptance and success. And he had the satisfaction of seeing that his efforts were crowned with the special blessing of God. In 1805 God displayed his saving power among the students and people of the village. As many as[234] forty persons became Christians during the revival. But the most extensive and powerful work of grace, probably, which the church ever enjoyed was that of 1815. The revival began in the hearts of God's people. Some of the pious students resolved that they would every day talk with some unconverted person respecting the interests of his soul. The effect of this soon appeared in a general religious awakening. In one week forty persons expressed hope in Christ, and in four weeks as many as one hundred and twenty persons were supposed to be converted. There were also revivals in 1819, 1821, and 1826,—that of 1821 being the most extensive, and embracing among the converts a greater number of citizens than of students. Public religious meetings were less numerous during the revivals than in most of those of a later period. It was before the day of protracted meetings. Perhaps there was less reliance then on means, and more on the Spirit of God. It was not thought necessary that business should be suspended, and every day converted into a Sabbath. But such means as the state of feeling seemed to require were faithfully used. Professor Shurtleff was never happier than when engaged in conversation with inquirers, or in conducting meetings for conference and prayer. The informality and freedom of these meetings made them attractive. They were probably quite as useful as the more regular ministrations of the pulpit. The speaker can say that he never visited a more solemn place than the old district school-house—which stood where the brick school-house now stands—often was, on a Sunday evening during the progress of a conference meeting. A distinguished professor of a neighboring college, who was here in 1815, says that 'The evidence of an increasing seriousness among the students at large, in that revival, was first shown, so far as I can recollect, by the more crowded attendance at these meetings.' Not that the more formal services of the Sabbath were not also impressive and profitable. The same gentleman says of the preaching of Professor Shurtleff at this time: 'The general impression made on me by several of his sermons I remember to the present day. I liked to hear him preach, even before I took any especial interest in religion as a personal concern. His sermon on the text,[235] "The harvest is past, the summer is ended," etc., produced a deep effect at the time of its delivery which was not soon forgotten. I remember the stillness and solemnity of the audience. This sermon must have been delivered some little time before the revival.' The same gentleman further states, that 'During the whole of this revival, and the gathering in of the fruits of it into the church, Professor Shurtleff was the leading instrument of the work, so far as human agency was concerned. He went into it with his whole heart. I have seen him and his excellent wife almost overpowered with joy when told of a new case of conversion among the students. He did a great deal—all that one man could do, as it seemed to me—to promote the good work by his own personal efforts.' It is in the power of the speaker to give similar testimony respecting the revival of 1821.

"When Professor Shurtleff entered upon the duties of his professorship, and for many years afterward, he met with much opposition. But his position was constantly growing stronger, both as it respects the sympathy of his Christian brethren and the clergy, and his popularity as an instructor. I have not been able to learn that there was a whisper of discontent with his instructions during the whole of the period from 1804 to 1827. The testimony of one of the best students of the Class of 1816 is, that 'As an instructor, particularly in Moral Philosophy, he was much thought of; and we were careful never to miss one of his recitations on this subject. His way of putting questions, and answering such as were proposed to himself, showed great judgment and shrewdness.' Quite a number of persons in the classes for seven or eight years following the time here referred to, were preëminent as scholars and as men. May not the fact be partly accounted for by the impulse and guidance of the mind of this instructor? He constituted a large portion of the faculty from 1815 to 1819, there being at that time only two professors,—Professor Adams and Professor Shurtleff. The graduates of the college who had been his pupils were never backward in acknowledging their obligations to him.

"In 1810, Professor Shurtleff was united in marriage with Miss Anna Pope, only daughter of Rev. Joseph Pope of[236] Spencer, Mass. Of her he said, 'She was truly an helpmeet—one who did me good and not evil all the days of her life.' By her vivacity and cheerfulness she was eminently fitted to comfort him in his hours of suffering and depression. But it pleased God to take her from him in March, 1826, after having enjoyed with her, during sixteen years, a degree of domestic happiness which rarely falls to the lot of man. He also lost two children, sons, in 1820, after a brief illness. Respecting the oldest, he had already begun to indulge very pleasing anticipations, although he was less than five years old at the time of his decease. Little did the speaker then know, when helping to carry to the grave the remains of these children, who, if they had survived, would now have been men of mature age, what hopes he was assisting to bury! But who knows the future? It was better they should die, than that they should live to dishonor him and themselves. The husband and father mourned incessantly, though not without resignation, for these bereavements, till the time of his own death.

"In 1825, Professor Shurtleff was in very feeble health, from the spring till Commencement. The Trustees adjourned at that time to reassemble in November, supposing it might be necessary then to appoint another professor of Divinity. But by the blessing of God on medical advice and careful nursing, he was able to resume instruction before the meeting of the Trustees.

"In January, 1827, Professor Shurtleff was transferred from the professorship of Divinity to one newly established, of Moral Philosophy and Political Economy, which he filled till the year 1838, when, by his own resignation, his active labors in the college ceased. It was understood, when this appointment was made, that Professor Shurtleff should instruct in all the Senior classes, and should also hear the recitations of other classes in particular branches. During the last half of this period, he preached in vacant neighboring parishes. No particular account of the literary labors of these years can be required. Any one of them may be regarded as a fair sample of the rest. A member of the class of 1828 can testify that that class greatly enjoyed his instructions. We[237] never heard the summons to the recitation-room without pleasure. We were always interested and excited, always profited. The questions were put by the professor in the plainest Saxon. They were well adapted to develop the knowledge or the ignorance of the student, as the case might be, but not to give him undue assistance. If there was anything in the text-book which was obscure, the questions made it plain. A clearly wrong opinion advanced by an author was briefly, yet thoroughly, exposed. His own opinions were lucidly stated and sustained, and for the time being, at least, we seldom saw reason to differ from him. The recitation was enlivened with anecdote, illustration, and wit, and never dragged heavily. If our objections were sometimes curtly silenced, it was so effectually and handsomely done that we bore it with perfect good-nature. He ever lent a willing ear to our real difficulties, and assisted in their removal. Together with unusual freedom in the mode of conducting the recitations, there was good order and earnest attention to the subject in hand. He knew how to control us, while he had with us all the sympathy of a young man and an equal. I think it was the opinion of the class that Professor Shurtleff, in his ripe manhood, had few equals as an instructor.

"At the time of his retirement, in 1838, Dr. Shurtleff had been in the service of the college thirty-eight years. After what manner he has lived among us since that time, most of this audience know. He has not been noticeably active in the affairs of the village, but when you have met him in private intercourse, you have known that he retained the fine social qualities—the love of story-telling, and the keen, yet harmless wit—for which he was always remarkable. Those whose memory goes back thirty years, must have noticed, I think, that he became more uniformly serene and cheerful in the latter part of his life. The old graduates of the college who revisited the place know how cordially he received them, and with what hearty zest he recalled with them the scenes of their college days. He continued to be deeply interested in the prosperity of the college, and he was the means of eliciting in its behalf the interest and the benevolence of his friends. He continued the habit, commenced at an early period, of assisting[238] students who were in needy circumstances. These were objects of benevolence toward which he was naturally drawn. In his feelings he never grew old, but carried forward the vivacity of youth into old age; and always enjoyed the society of the young. He loved to have young men about him; and he has thus, by his unobtrusive charities and counsels, and his interesting and instructive conversation, been a benefactor to a large number of students. The spiritual welfare of the college was near his heart. He had passed through many revivals of religion, and he longed for the return of such seasons. He devoutly observed the days set apart for prayer for colleges, and, as you remember, often urged the students, assembled on those occasions, to give their hearts to God.

"When he left his post as an instructor he was sixty-five years old. After this he had more than twenty-two years of leisure, during which he retained, in a remarkable degree, the vigor of his intellectual powers. But he had good and sufficient reasons, as he judged, for his resignation; and no new and suitable field of labor presenting itself to a man who wanted but a few years of threescore and ten, he could enjoy the offered leisure with a good conscience, occupying it with such pursuits as his taste suggested. Even at the time when his labors were the most multiplied, and the church and the college were successively engaged in bitter controversy, he had but little to do with administrative and practical matters. Even then a life of reflection appeared to be more attractive than a life of action. And when his public duties were ended, he naturally chose such a life. He was still intellectually active. He could not let his faculties sink into sluggish repose if he would. His temperament would not suffer it. If he was not a hard student, he was, what he had always been, a thinking man to the last."

In a published notice of Professor Shurtleff, by Professor (now President) Brown, we find the following language:

"The life of Dr. Shurtleff extended over the largest and most important part of that of the institution itself. For nearly twenty years he was college preacher, and at the same time pastor of the church on Hanover Plain,—during which period more than two hundred persons connected themselves[239] with the church, a large proportion of them by original profession. In the contest of the college with the State, he and the late venerable Professor Adams, with the president, constituted the permanent Faculty for instruction and government. Upon the issues then presented he exerted a full measure of influence, though it was comparatively quiet and private.

"As a professor, Dr. Shurtleff had some remarkable qualities. He possessed a mind of extraordinary subtleness and acuteness, ever alert, active and ingenious. Whatever he saw, he saw distinctly, and was able, with equal clearness, to express to another. If a student were really perplexed, he knew how to relieve him by a pertinent example or illustration, but it was generally done by a question or a suggestion which demanded the activity of the student's own mind, and disciplined while it, helped him. If a pupil, on the other hand, were captious, or conceited, he was apt to find himself, before he suspected it, inextricably entangled in a web of contradictions, where he was sometimes left till he came to a sense of his weakness, or till he was dismissed with the benign declaration that 'he might sit.'

"Dr. Shurtleff's wit was sharp and pungent, and on any occasion which involved the exercise of it he was quite equal to his part. He sometimes engaged in controversy, and versed as he was in all logical art, those who encountered him once were seldom anxious to provoke a second contest. His opinions, both religious and philosophical, were early settled and firmly held. He was in nothing given to change; his friends were generally the friends of his life, and those who were familiar with his habits of thought could easily tell where, upon any given question, he would probably be found.

"His interest in young men was a noticeable trait in Dr. Shurtleff's character, while preacher to the college; the effect of his private conversations and friendly advice was almost equal to that of his public ministrations. His quiet study was often the scene of meetings for prayer or religious conversation from which were carried away influences for good, never to be forgotten, and for which many were grateful to their dying day.[240]

"The efforts of deserving young men to obtain a liberal education always excited his sympathy, and there has seldom been a time for many years when some such one has not been a member of his own family, aided and encouraged by his kindness. The number thus assisted no one can now tell, nor probably could he himself. It was greater than most persons would think possible.

"The last twenty years of his life Dr. Shurtleff spent in dignified retirement, in the enjoyment of a competency, and in full exercise of his faculties. He especially enjoyed the visits of former pupils, no one of whom seemed to be lost from his retentive memory, and the annual commencements were always exhilarating reunions to him. His conversation, at such times especially, abounded in anecdote and reminiscences of earlier days, and his cheerfulness survived to the end. He has seldom, of late years, taken part in any public service, the last time he did so being at the meeting of the alumni of Dartmouth in 1859, to initiate measures for properly noticing the death of Mr. Choate."

A volume would be required to set forth adequately the value of the public services of this distinguished educator, who acted a most important part in strengthening the foundations and adorning the superstructure of a leading literary institution. Professor Shurtleff died at Hanover, February 4, 1861.

[241]

## CHAPTER XXII.

PROFESSOR EBENEZER ADAMS.—PROFESSOR ZEPHANIAH S. MOORE.—PROFESSOR CHARLES B. HADDOCK.

Professor Ebenezer Adams succeeded Professor Hubbard. From a reliable source we have received, in substance, the following statements:

"Ebenezer Adams, the son of Ephraim and Rebecca (Locke) Adams, was born at New Ipswich, N. H., October 2, 1765. His father was a farmer in moderate circumstances, and having a large family of children, nineteen in all, he could not give them many educational advantages, but they shared in such as were commonly enjoyed in those days. The subject of this sketch, however, earnestly desired something more; he had set his heart upon obtaining a higher education, and ultimately succeeded in doing so. After becoming nearly or quite of age, he commenced preparation for Dartmouth College, which he entered in 1787, graduating with honor in 1791, and in the following year he became preceptor of Leicester Academy, where he remained fourteen years, laboring faithfully and very successfully in the instruction of those under his care. While there he married, in 1795, Miss Alice Frink, of Rutland, Mass., who died early, leaving five young children. In 1806 he removed to Portland, where he engaged as teacher in the academy, and it was while residing there that he came under the pastoral care of Rev. Dr. Payson, and in a time of general revival he was deeply interested in religious truth and became a subject of renewing grace. He publicly professed his faith in Christ and united with Dr. Payson's church. While there he formed a second marriage with Miss Beulah Minot, of Concord, Mass., who became the mother of his two youngest children, and the subsequent[242] year he taught in Phillips Academy, Exeter, but he did not long remain there.

"In 1809, he was called to Dartmouth College, where for one year he was Professor of Languages, and was then transferred to the professorship of Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, and Astronomy, which he held until the appointment of a successor, in 1833. As a teacher he was faithful, patient, laborious, earnestly desiring the best good of his pupils, whose affection he often succeeded in gaining, their esteem always. Possessed of much intellectual force, of sound and varied attainments in learning, which he had the happy faculty of imparting to others clearly and distinctly, he was thus eminently fitted for the position of instructor, so many years occupied by him. He was truly devoted to the interests of the college, and ever ready to make efforts and sacrifices for it, and in those dark days, when its fate hung in suspense, he was deeply anxious, and had no small share in aiding and sustaining it through the struggle. During President Brown's illness, and after his death, for more than two years in all, he filled the office of president in addition to his own, thus having a great increase of care and responsibility, and the same thing occurred on other occasions, when the college was temporarily without a head. He did not enjoy the situation, for while he truly delighted in teaching, he found the enforcement of discipline very irksome; still he was faithful and energetic in it when it became his duty.

"He was interested in every good cause, philanthropic and religious, especially in the Bible Society, of which he was for many years the presiding officer in New Hampshire; in the Colonization Society, which he then thought the only possible agency for removing the curse of Slavery; in Foreign Missions and in Temperance, of which he was an earnest and able advocate. In this connection it should be mentioned that he was Trustee and Treasurer of Kimball Union Academy, at Meriden, almost from its first commencement until nearly the close of his life, and in the success end prosperity of that institution he always felt a deep interest, and labored to promote its welfare.

"After his resignation in 1833, he devoted much of his leisure[243] to objects of public interest, to the affairs of the town and village, in which several important trusts were committed to him, and of the church, in which for years he had worthily filled the office of deacon. In these he was actively and usefully employed, even to the last, and thus, in the unfailing resource of reading and study which he enjoyed, in the society of attached friends, and of the dear family circle, those closing years of his life passed away cheerfully, happily, leaving blessed memories behind them. He was quite active in his habits and usually of firm and vigorous health. It almost seemed as if he had been stricken down in his full strength, so sudden and short was his last illness. A heart-disease, of which he had suffered some symptoms a few months before, attacked him with great violence, and after ten days of intense suffering and distress, during which he manifested a true submission to God's will, and a calm reliance in Christ, his atoning Saviour, he 'fell asleep in Jesus,' August 15, 1841.

"The college, the church, the village, mourned his departure, but nowhere was it so deeply felt as in the home which had so long been blest with his presence and affection. For in all family relations he was most truly kind and affectionate, in social life, genial and friendly, especially, even to the last, delighting in little children, and in the society of the young, generous and public-spirited, of spotless integrity in business affairs, faithful, earnest and skillful as a teacher, in all his ways a sincere and humble follower of the Lord Jesus."

His associate, Professor Stowe, says:

"Professor Adams was one of the stoutest of that noble band of men who upheld Dartmouth College in the great crisis through which it passed, and thus established, not only the principles on which that venerable and most useful institution maintained its existence, but gave the foundation for permanency to all other educational institutions in our country, for it was the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Dartmouth College case, that became the magna charta of all our colleges.

"Sailors speak of 'men who in a storm can ascend to the mast-head, and hold on with their eyelids' while they use both hands to adjust the rigging. Such were the men who saved Dartmouth College during that great conflict.[244]

"A little girl once said that if God really did make the whole universe in six days, she should like to know what he stood on while he was making it.

"Such a question has often occurred to me in thinking of that period in the history of Dartmouth College. What had the champions of the college to stand on? But they did stand, and did their work completely, and for all time.

"Professor Adams had just the qualities for such an emergency. His was the sturdy self-reliance, the unshrinking courage, the indomitable perseverance, and the unwavering faith in God, which holds what it has and carries what it holds. His was not the coward's courage, which consists in the denying of the danger, but the courage of the brave man, which sees the danger and faces it."

A pupil says:

"Professor Adams was 'a manly man,' well-proportioned, broad-shouldered, with a commanding presence and amiable countenance. He was bold, earnest, energetic, persevering; artless, and honest as the day. He said exactly what he meant. His mental vision was clear, strong, and accurate. Imagination was never active; oratory was not his forte. Demonstrative evidence suited him best. In his religious character he was conscientious, devout, and reverent, never excited nor sentimental."

In "Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit" we find this account of Prof. Zephaniah Swift Moore. "He was the son of Judah and Mary (Swift) Moore, and was born at Palmer, Mass., November 20, 1770. His parents were in the middle walks of life, and were much esteemed for their integrity and piety. When he was seven or eight years old, he removed with his father's family to Wilmington, Vt., where he worked upon a farm till he was about eighteen. From his early childhood he evinced great inquisitiveness of mind, and an uncommon thirst for knowledge; in consequence of which, his parents consented to aid him in acquiring a collegiate education. Having prosecuted his preparatory studies at an academy in Bennington, Vt., he entered Dartmouth College, when he was in his nineteenth year. He graduated[245] in 1793, and delivered on the occasion a philosophical oration on the 'causes and general phenomena of earthquakes,' which was received with marked approbation.

"On leaving college, he took charge of an academy at Londonderry, N. H., where he gained the reputation of an able and faithful teacher. Having occupied this post for a year, he repaired to Somers, Conn., and commenced the study of Theology under the direction of the Rev. Dr. Charles Backus; and, having gone through the usual course of preparation for the ministry, was licensed to preach by a committee of the Association of Tolland County, February 3, 1796. After preaching to good acceptance in various places, and receiving several invitations to a permanent settlement in the ministry, he finally accepted a call from the Congregational church and congregation in Leicester, Mass. Here his labors proved alike acceptable and useful. Very considerable additions were made to the church, and the spirit and power of religion became increasingly visible under his ministrations. During a part of the time that he resided at Leicester, he joined to his duties as a minister those of principal of the Leicester Academy; and here, also, he acquitted himself with much honor.

"In October, 1811, he accepted the chair of professor of Languages in Dartmouth College. Here he was greatly respected as a man, a teacher, and a preacher; and if his attainments in his department were not of the very highest order, they were at least such as to secure both his respectability and usefulness.

"In 1815, he was elected to the presidency of Williams College, then vacant by the resignation of Dr. Fitch. He accepted the appointment, and was regularly inducted into office at the annual Commencement in September of that year. Shortly after his removal to Williamstown, Dartmouth College, which he had just left, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. He adorned this new station, as he had done those which he had previously occupied. His connection with the college was attended by some circumstances of peculiar embarrassment, in consequence of an effort on the part of the Trustees to remove the college to Northampton or some other town in Hampshire County. The measure failed[246] in consequence of the refusal of the Legislature to sanction it. Dr. Moore, however, decidedly favored it from the beginning, but in a manner that reflected not in the least upon his Christian integrity and honor.

"In the spring of 1821, the collegiate institution at Amherst, Mass., having been founded, he was invited to become its President, and was inaugurated as such in September following. The institution, then in its infancy, and contending with a powerful public opinion, and even with the Legislature itself, for its very existence, put in requisition all his energies; and the ultimate success of the enterprise was no doubt to be referred, in no small degree, to his discreet, earnest, and untiring efforts. In addition to his appropriate duties as president and as chairman of the Board of Trustees, he heard the recitations of the Senior class, and part of the recitations of the Sophomore class, besides taking occasional agencies with a view to increase the funds of the institution. His constitution, naturally strong, was over-taxed by the efforts which he felt himself called to make, and had begun perceptibly to yield, before the last violent attack of disease which terminated his life.

"On Wednesday, the 25th of June, 1823, he was seized with a bilious colic, which reached a fatal termination on the Monday following. During the brief period of his illness, the greatest anxiety prevailed in the college, and unceasing prayer was offered in his behalf. His own mind was perfectly tranquil, and he anticipated the closing scene and passed through it without a word or look that told of apprehension. In the very moment of breathing out his spirit, he uttered in a whisper,—'God is my hope, my shield, my exceeding great reward.' The funeral solemnities were attended on the Wednesday following, and an appropriate sermon was delivered on the occasion by the Rev. Dr. Snell, of North Brookfield.

"Dr. Moore lived to celebrate the first anniversary of the institution, and to see more than eighty of its students professedly religious, and preparing for extensive usefulness among their fellow men.

"Shortly after his settlement at Leicester, he was married to Phebe, daughter of Thomas Drury, of Ward, now Auburn, Mass., who survived him. They had no children.[247]

"Dr. Moore published an Oration at Worcester on the 5th of July, 1802; Massachusetts Election Sermon, 1818; an Address to the public in respect to Amherst College, 1823; a Sermon at the ordination of Dorus Clark, Blandford, 1823."

FROM THE REV. EMERSON DAVIS, D.D.

"Westfield, Mass., November 16, 1849.

"Dear Sir: You have requested me to give you my impressions and recollections of President Moore. They are all exceedingly pleasant, and yet I must say he was a man of such equanimity of temper and uniformity of life, that I am unable to single out one act or saying of his that produced a deeper impression than others.

"My first introduction to him was in the spring of 1818, when I was ushered into his study with a letter of recommendation for admission to Williams College. It was to me a fearful moment, but the cordial manner in which I was received, and his kind inquiries after his friend who had furnished me with a letter, made me at once easy in his presence. I found that he had the heart of a man, and through an acquaintance of several years, to the time of his death, he manifested the same kindness and cordiality that he did the first time I saw him.

"He was a man of medium stature, rather corpulent, his complexion sallow, the top of his head nearly bald, there being a slight sprinkling of hair between the forehead and crown. His voice, though not loud, was clear and pleasant, and in animated conversation and in the pulpit pitched upon the tenor key.

"He was dignified in his appearance, serious in his aspect, instructive and agreeable in his conversation, kind and benevolent in his feelings, modest and unassuming in his manners, deliberate and cautious in coming to a conclusion, but firm and determined when his position was taken. If a student had at any time spoken against him, he would have been regarded as a rebel against law and order. In managing cases of discipline, he was calm and entirely self-possessed.

In preaching, he had very little action; and yet there was an impressiveness in his manner that fixed the attention of his hearers. In the more animated parts of his discourse, his utterance[248] became more rapid, and the sound of his voice shrill and tremulous, showing that he felt deeply the force of the sentiments he uttered. In his religious views, I know not that he differed from the great mass of the orthodox clergy of New England, of his day.

"Such are my recollections of President Moore.

"Yours truly,
"Emerson Davis."

The following tribute to one of Dartmouth's most eminent and honored teachers is from a "Discourse" by Professor (now President) Brown.

"Charles Bricket Haddock was born in that part of Salisbury, N. H., which is now Franklin, June 20, 1796. His mother was Abigail Webster, an older sister of Ezekiel and Daniel Webster. She had two children, Charles and William. She was a person of uncommon excellence and loveliness, a favorite with her brothers, who always spoke of her with great affection. She was a religious woman, and on her death-bed manifested great solicitude for her sons, especially dedicating the oldest, Charles, to the Christian ministry. This expression of feeling was almost the only recollection which Mr. Haddock had of his mother.

"The place of his birth was retired, but full of rural beauty; the rushing Merrimac-making sweet music of a summer evening, the broad intervals basking in the summer sun, the granite mountains 'dumbly keeping watch all round,' from whose summits, looking almost to the White Hills on one side, and almost to the sea on the other, you would behold a landscape picturesque and lovely beyond the power of description. The quiet scenes of his youth, the simple pleasures, and the common amusements of village life, varied with few excitements, could not have been without their effect upon the mind of a sensitive boy. To what age he was left to these alone, I do not know.

"He fitted for college mainly at the academy in Salisbury, and entered in 1812. Nature had done more for him than his instructors, and he very soon took the position, which he ever maintained, as intellectual leader in a class, which, though[249] small, numbered among its members several young men of distinguished ability. In that little community he was at once the best scholar and the most popular man. 'In looks,' writes one of his class-mates,[41] 'Haddock was decidedly the most striking man in the class. He was tall and well-proportioned. He had an intellectual cast of features, a well-chiseled profile,—and altogether you might pronounce him a man intended for a scholar, and destined, if he lived, to make his mark in the world. I, who entered college a mere boy, singled him out the first day. He was always an industrious student. He never failed of a recitation, so far as I can remember, and he never failed to be prepared for it.'

[41] Professor Torrey, of Burlington.

"Adding thus to the distinction of attainment and scholarship so much beauty of person, so much modesty, gentleness, and propriety of demeanor, it was natural that he should be regarded as a model young man, nor was there wanting that profounder moral element, without which no character can be complete.

"The year 1815 was memorable in the religious history of the college. The period immediately preceding had been marked by unusual religious depression. In some classes only one person, and but a few in any of them, made profession of a serious religious purpose. Of this small number, there were some, however, whose feelings were deep, and whose lives were exemplary. To them,—not more, perhaps, than eight or ten in all,—was due, under the Divine favor, the moral regeneration of the college. First among those who, in that 'Great awakening,' avowed his purpose of a new life, was Mr. Haddock, then in the summer of his Junior year. The avowal was open, unreserved, and decisive, and, it is almost unnecessary to add, produced a strong sensation. From that time no one in college exerted a more positive influence in favor of personal religion, and not a few traced their own most serious thoughts to his example and to his faithfulness.

"This change in his feelings naturally determined his course in life, and immediately after taking his first degree he entered the seminary at Andover as a student in Theology. Here he pursued the profound and difficult studies of his profession[250] with a more than ordinary breadth of scholarship, mingling classical and literary studies with those of theology, but entering with zeal and a chastened enthusiasm into all the duties and requirements of the place.

"He remained at Andover about two years, when, on account of a threatened pulmonary complaint, he made a journey to the South, going as far as Savannah, and spending the winter in various parts of the Southern States. Having performed a considerable part of the tour on horseback, he returned, in 1819, invigorated in health, and with a mind enlarged and liberalized by what were then quite unusual opportunities of observation and society, and was at once appointed to the newly established chair of Rhetoric, at the early age of twenty-three years. The college had but just gained the victory in its desperate struggle for existence. It was poor, but hopeful, and it moved forward with a policy of enlargement, determined to keep pace with all advancing learning and culture.

"Before that time, the duties of the new department had been distributed among all the college officers, and necessarily must have lacked something in fullness and method. No other New England college, except Harvard and Yale, then possessed such an officer, and the first appointment to the post in New Haven bears date but two years earlier."

"As an instructor, Professor Haddock was one of the best I ever knew. I never knew a better. It is with unfeigned gratitude that I remember my obligations to him, and I know I speak for thousands. As a critic, he was discriminating and quietly suggestive, guided by a taste that was nearly immaculate. His scholarship was unobtrusive, and his manner without ostentation. He made no pretense of knowledge, but it was always sufficient, always fresh, always sound. The range of his thought was broad. His mind was versatile and active. You could hardly find a subject with which he was not somewhat familiar, or in which he would not readily become interested. His opinions were never fantastic, nor exaggerated, nor disproportioned. He was not, perhaps, so exacting nor so stimulating a teacher as some, but he was careful, clear, distinct, and encouraging. He saw the difficulty in the mind of[251] the pupil, if there was one, adapted himself with admirable facility to his wants, and by a lucid statement, a test question, or a distinct suggestion, would often free a subject from its obscurity, so that the way would all be in clear sunlight. He felt that, in education, the best results are not produced violently, but by influences quiet and protracted, gradually, but potently, moulding the affections and the life, 'finely touching the spirit to fine issues.'"

"In 1846, Professor Haddock published a volume of 'Addresses and Miscellaneous Writings,' gathered from reviews, and from his speeches before the New Hampshire Legislature, and on various public occasions. These are marked by the peculiar completeness and finish which characterized all his productions. There is in them no superfluous word, no affectation, no straining after effect, but much that is wise and everything that is tasteful. Yet, interesting as they are, I hardly feel as if they give an adequate expression of his rich and varied abilities. His more recent writings,—notes of foreign travels, lectures, and discourses,—he had begun to prepare for the press, when he was so suddenly taken from us, and I am glad to hope that some of them may yet see the light.

"For many years Professor Haddock acted as secretary of the New Hampshire Education Society. In discharge of the duties of this office, sometimes little more than a sinecure, he made it an object to bring before the society, in his annual reports, subjects of permanent interest. In looking them over, I perceive such topics as these: 'Objections to Charitable Education,' 'The Standard of Education for the Pulpit,' 'The Influence of Educated Mind,' 'Personal Qualifications for the Pulpit,' 'Manual Labor Institutions,' 'The Clergy the Natural Advisers of Young Men,' 'Personal Piety in Candidates for the Christian Ministry,' 'Wisdom in Clergymen,' 'The Eloquence of the Pulpit as affected by Ministerial Character.' These addresses, somewhat brief, never impassioned, are full of excellent suggestions, both to the laity and the clergy. They abound in practical wisdom, and any one may read them with profit.

"In all his writings his style was unambitious, unaffected,[252] chaste, pure, and transparent as crystal. It was true to his subject and himself. If not fervid and vehement, it was because of his moderation and self-restraint; if not pungent and dogmatic, it was marked by sustained earnestness and finished beauty. If he had not predominantly that power which is called by the older rhetoricians amplification, he eminently had another, as rarely met with in perfection, the power of exact, unincumbered, logical statement. There was sometimes in him a reticence as admirable as it was unique. You wondered why he did not say more, and yet if he had, it would only have injured the effect. The word exactly fitted the sentiment. The idea was insphered in the expression. There was no excess or extravagance in anything he did or said. His thoughts glided softly and sweetly from his pen, as a rivulet from a silver fountain.

"I have sometimes thought that Professor Haddock's intellectual powers were nowhere displayed to more advantage than in the mingled grave and gay, learned and mirthful intercourse of social life. The very tones of his voice, sympathetic and attractive, the absence of dogmatism, or superciliousness, or self-assertion,—the mingled deference and independence, the clear and sustained thought, the ready insight, the quick apprehension of proprieties, the intelligent, dexterous, but never caustic reply, the sure appreciation of the feelings of others, and the power of making them, even the lowliest, feel that what they said was listened to with interest,—the sense of the droll and ludicrous, the responsive laughter, not boisterous, but hearty, bringing tears into the eyes,—all gave a peculiar charm to this form of intercourse. It was a ministry of beneficence, diffusing kindness, intelligence, and gentleness, enlivening many a dull hour, filling many a vacant mind, and inspiring many a worthy purpose.

"'Great openness and candor, good sense, the reading of a scholar, the originality of a man who sometimes thought for himself, aspirations after excellence much higher than those of many others,—all these traits came out in his familiar talks, in which he rather unbent than exerted himself; at the same time he was as gentle and attentive a listener as a man could wish, a truly sociable being, with whom you[253] could talk all day, and then all night, and never feel weary.'[42]

[42] Professor Torrey.

"In 1850, he received from Mr. Fillmore the appointment of Chargé d'Affaires at the court of Portugal, and in the spring of 1851 sailed for Lisbon, by way of England. I have the best means of knowing that, while at Lisbon, his intercourse and influence with the Court, and with the representatives of all the great powers, was most acceptable and most salutary. His residence in Portugal was in many ways delightful. The delicious climate, the cultivated and refined society of the diplomatic circle, temporary rest from labor, and change of scene and occupations, were all sources of pleasure. Yet here he was touched by one of his deepest sorrows, for at Lisbon, November, 1851, 'by the side of Philip Doddridge, in the English cemetery,' he buried his youngest son, a beautiful boy of eleven years.

"He returned from Portugal early in 1856, after an absence of nearly four years; and, having previously terminated his connection with the college, spent the remainder of his life at West Lebanon."

Prof. N. S. Folsom says:

"Professor Haddock was the 'orator suavi loquenti ore,' and he was much more than this. Both by precept and example he raised the standard of speaking and writing among the students, and stimulated them to the pursuit of a manly eloquence. There also prevailed a very general conviction of his sincerity and moral earnestness, and of his interest in our successful career in life. The themes he gave led us to discriminate both intellectually and morally, and if he thought the theme worthily treated, a kind note in the margin of the sheet was sure to tell us so. The spirit in which he met the class was that of the closing paragraph in his Phi Beta Kappa Oration of 1825: 'Young men of my country, God has given you a noble theatre, and called you into life at the most interesting of all times. Forget not that you are descendants of men who solemnly dedicated themselves and their posterity through all coming time to the cause of free and enlightened reason—unrestricted divine reason—the portion inscribed[254] on our hearts of the universal law, 'whose seat is the bosom of God, her voice the harmony of the world.' Occasionally he preached in the Hanover village church, where the students attended. He never had so much as a scrap of any notes before him; and this was his habit also at White River, where he steadily officiated. I need not add that the students always were greatly delighted when they had the privilege to hear him. Every discourse was as complete as though it had been carefully written and committed to memory; but evidently his was no memoriter preaching. One sermon I particularly remember, delivered early in March, 1826, from the words, 'If this counsel or this work be of men it will come to nought, but if it be of God ye cannot overthrow it; lest haply ye be found fighting against God.' (Acts v. 38, 39.) No discourse I had ever heard in my whole life before surpassed this in eloquence and weight of sentiment; none even from Dr. Tyler was more magnetic, more persuasive to right action on the part of an already awakened conscience, or put the soul more directly in an attitude in which it would be naturally drawn towards what is true and best. My recollection of the feeling of the students toward him is, that he was, on the whole, not inferior in popularity with them to any other member of the Faculty. There is no man I could name so absolutely faultless, as he seemed to us young men of that period. I am not sure that his prestige and charm were not increased by the faultlessness of his dress, and by the manifestations of the becoming in personal appearance,—a well-known trait of his great kinsman, Daniel Webster, whom he not distantly resembled also in features, port, and step, and in distinct, measured utterance. Not that he in the least consciously imitated him, but there was the natural growth into the likeness of the object of his admiration; and there was, as in Mr. Webster, absolutely no affectation, nor sign of overmuch thought about raiment, nor vestige of anything like conscious, personal display."

A later pupil says:

"As a teacher Professor Haddock was remarkable for his dignity and refinement. His presence among young men was[255] always sufficient to maintain perfect order and decorum. The true gentleman beamed forth from every feature and spoke in every tone of his voice. With apparent ease, he chained the attention of the most thoughtless to the most abstruse and uninviting topics. The deep things of Logic and Psychology he handled so adroitly, and presented so tastefully, as to give them a charm, indeed, a fascination.

"In the recitation room his words were few, but his statements were so clear and so elegantly expressed, that what the student had been able to learn only partially or obscurely from the book was now fully comprehended and securely treasured by the memory. The students were never willingly absent, for it was always a delight to listen to his instructions, and a failure to be present was counted an irreparable loss, inasmuch as the teacher always seemed greater than the text-book.

"It is hardly necessary to say that the influence of such a man was an important factor in the last two years of our college life. His noble bearing, his handsome face, his impressive manner, his uniform kindness and courtesy, and, especially, his manifest appreciation of young men who were struggling against heavy obstacles in their course of study, will never be forgotten by those who were so fortunate as to be under his tuition. Nor can it be doubted that the power of his refined intellect and taste has been felt in many places where his name has never been heard."

Professor Haddock married, first, Susan Saunders, daughter of Richard Lang, of Hanover; second, Mrs. Caroline (Kimball) Young, daughter of Richard Kimball, of Lebanon, N. H. He died at West Lebanon, N. H., January 15, 1861.

[256]

## CHAPTER XXIII.

PROFESSOR WILLIAM CHAMBERLAIN.—PROFESSOR DANIEL OLIVER.—PROFESSOR JAMES FREEMAN DANA.

William Chamberlain, the successor of Professor Moore in the chair of Languages, was the son of General William and Jane (Eastman) Chamberlain, and was born at Peacham, Vt., May 24, 1797. From a reliable source we have the following account of him:

Perhaps there is on record no more worthy and comprehensive testimony to his character and his work than the few lines which the late President Lord furnished for the inscription on his tombstone. They read:

"William Chamberlain, Jr., A. M., Professor of Languages in Dartmouth College. A man of strong intellect, distinguished literary attainments, and moral worth.

"He added respectability to the institution, by prudence, efficiency, and a well-earned reputation; and contributed largely to promote its interests. By disinterested and unwearied labors, with fidelity in all his relations, beloved and honored, he filled up the measure of a short but useful life, and died with humble confidence in the Divine mercy, through the atonement of Jesus Christ, July 11, 1830, aged 33."

He gave to the college for ten years the unremitting labor of his life, and we may say his life itself. To his abundant and complete work as a teacher he added the labor of overseeing the material affairs of the college,—a labor devolved upon him, perhaps, on account of his superior executive ability.

Thus he superintended the building of Thornton and Wentworth Halls, and employed his vacations, and particularly[257] the long winter vacation, in travelling over what was then the wilderness of northern New Hampshire and Vermont, in care of the wild lands belonging to the college. Stricken with pneumonia on one of these journeys,—he would not wait for a complete convalescence before returning to duty,—his malady assumed the chronic form, and terminated his life in about six months after its first invasion.

The influences of his early life were such as may well have conduced to a broad and strong character.

His mother belonged to a family long identified with the early history of southern New Hampshire.

His father, General William Chamberlain, after serving in the armies of the Revolution, became a pioneer settler of northern Vermont, where he acquired a handsome estate and a prominent public position. He became Lieutenant Governor of the State, and represented it in Congress for several terms. Among his public services may be mentioned his care for the Caledonia County Grammar School, where his sons were fitted for college. This school was at that time taught by Ezra Carter, a man greatly respected for his attainments and dignity of character.

Thus the future professor grew up amid the versatile life of the frontier, surrounded by the contests and traditions of public service.

Distinguished for scholarship in college, a bold but prudent leader among his classmates in their conflicts with the University,[43] immediately after graduation he became the preceptor[258] of Moors Charity School, and a year later entered, as a student of law, the office of Daniel Webster in Boston. Thence, in his twenty-fourth year he was recalled to the college as professor of Languages, and in the ordinary and extraordinary service of the institution he was intensely occupied for the remainder of his short life.

[43] The Rev. Daniel Lancaster, of the Class of 1821, supplies the following recollections of the assault upon the college libraries, made by a band of towns-people, under the guidance of Professors Carter and Dean of the University. They had forced the doors only to find that the books had already been removed, and themselves thus inclosed, the prisoners of the college students, led, among others, by senior Chamberlain. Mr. Lancaster continues: "Having stationed three or four of his classmates at the door of the library to prevent ingress or egress, he ascended a few steps on the flight of steps leading to the next floor, and called the excited throng to order. He then spoke in substance as follows: 'Fellow students, we are in the midst of a desperate emergency. The door of our library has been demolished. The vandals have entered and taken possession, but we have met the enemy. They are our prisoners and the library is safe. I have come from the president, who wishes me to say to you that he is confident you will conduct yourselves as gentlemen—using no violence or insult—in all the arrangements to be adopted, until order and quiet are restored.'

"He then proceeded to marshal them in two files, beginning at the door of the library, and extending down stairs to the lower floor, through which files the University professors were conducted, each under escort of three students, to their homes."

General H. K. Oliver, of Massachusetts, a member of the then Senior class, gives substantially the same account. He adds:

"Having released the roughs on condition of good behavior, we exacted a promise of the learned professors of Mathematics and Dead Languages, 'that they would do so no more.' Classmates Fox, Shirley, and I then escorted Professor Carter home. Dean was escorted by Crosby (Hon. Nathan Crosby) and others. He (Carter) was very polite to us, invited us in, and treated us with wine and cake."

A life so brief and active leaves behind it little but its example. Yet I shall venture to extract a few paragraphs from an address delivered by him on the 4th of July, 1826, the end of the first half century of our national life.

Remembering that they were written at a period before the great problems which have since controlled our history were recognized or appreciated among the people at large, they will be found to indicate a moral tone and a political prescience quite remarkable in a young man of twenty-eight years.

... "I have already alluded to it as the first of the appropriate duties of this day, to turn to Heaven in the exercise of devout gratitude, and render thanksgiving and praise to Him who was the God of our fathers in the day of their trial; who gave to them and has continued to us a fairer portion than was ever allotted to any other people. Is there one in this consecrated temple of the Almighty who would not join in the offering? I know it is unusual to dwell long upon such considerations at a time like this, but surely, if there ever were a call for a nation's gratitude to God, and ever a proper occasion for expressing it, we are the people in whose hearts that emotion should be deep and permanent, and this is a time to give it utterance."...

"We must do all in our power to promote liberal feelings[259] among the several communities and sections of our federal republic, so as to preserve inviolate the Union of the States. Were this Union now in danger, it would call forth a more authoritative voice than mine; yet it may be in danger before the close of another half century. I will only speak my own conviction, that the States cannot be separated without the destruction of the country. They lie together on the bosom of this vast continent, a protection and an ornament, each to the other, and all to each, like the gems on the breast-plate of the Jewish Hierarch, indicative of the union of the Tribes, mutually lending and receiving lustre."...

"We must root out from among ourselves the institution of domestic slavery, or, before the close of another half century, we may have to abide the consequences of a servile war. In effecting this all-important object, we must indeed proceed gradually, temperately, in the observance of all good faith and good feeling toward the people of that portion of our Union on which the curse was entailed by the colonial policy of the mother country.

"It is a work which demands the full concurrence of all the States, and, sooner or later, it must be accomplished. Common sense will not cease to upbraid us with inconsistency, humanity will not be satisfied, nor Heaven fully propitiated, while we hold up boastfully in one hand this declaration, affirming that "all men are created equal," and grasp with the other the manacles and the scourge.

"Whatever may have been inferred by reason from a difference of physical attributes, and whatever may have been forced by criticism out of the word of God, the traffic in human flesh is contraband by the law of Nature written in our hearts, and forbidden by the whole tenor and spirit of the religion revealed in the Gospel.

"Even in the darker and imperfect dispensation of the ancient Jews, every fiftieth year, at least, brought freedom to all the inhabitants of the land. It is almost needless to say, that, if he who first procured the slave and brought him hither had no right to do so, then neither could he who bought him acquire a rightful ownership. There is no property to a private man in the life or the natural faculties of[260] another; no right can accrue by purchase, or vest by possession, and no inheritance on either side descend. A title, which by its very nature was void from the beginning, can never be made good; a dominion which Heaven never gave, must be perpetuated, if at all, by means which it will never sanction."...

Surely, the trumpet of this youth gave no "uncertain sound."

"One blast upon that bugle horn.
Were worth ten thousand men."

To the recognition of such qualities it was due, probably, that in 1829 he was called to New York city to assume the editorship of a journal ("Journal of Commerce") founded by an association of gentlemen, and which afterwards exerted great influence upon public opinion. He declined the offer, unwilling to leave his Alma Mater at a critical epoch in her history. He stayed by her to die in her service.

His widow, Mrs. Sarah L. (Gilman) Chamberlain, daughter of Dr. Joseph Gilman, of Wells, Me., and niece of Mrs. President Brown, survived him twenty years, residing at Hanover. The memory of her moral, intellectual, and social worth is warmly cherished by all who knew her.

Mr. Lancaster adds: "Professor Chamberlain was tall, erect, square built, well-proportioned, and of graceful mien and bearing,—such a man as the eye could rest upon with pleasure. His voice was clear, sonorous, yet smooth and agreeable."

Professor Folsom says:

"Professor Chamberlain, the youngest member of the Faculty, who was only twenty-three years old when, in 1820, he entered on his professorship of the Latin and Greek Languages and Literature, and only thirty-three when he died, was much admired and loved and reverenced by many of us. To myself, whenever I think of Dartmouth, his image invariably appears, and he stands out among the objects presenting themselves second only to that of Dr. Tyler, as the latter appeared when at his best and noblest in the pulpit. It was indeed in that same pulpit, and before I came under his instruction, that I first heard him, when he delivered an oration[261] on the Fourth of July in the year 1826. It was to a crowded audience, filling the floor and the galleries. I doubt whether there is one survivor of that number, whether student or townsman, from whose recollection can have faded away the image of the orator, his form and attitude, his voice and action, and some of his thrilling words, especially when he described the nation holding in one hand the Declaration of Independence which proclaims human equality, and with the other grasping the manacles and scourge to torture millions of human beings bought and sold, and compelled to labor in slavery.

Professor Chamberlain took charge of the Class of 1828 in Latin and Greek when they entered on their Junior year. As soon as our class met him in the east recitation-room—he being seated at a small table on his left, and the class in lines of a half-parallelogram extending on the right and in front of him—we felt that we had come under a noble teacher. Some of us who loved the languages that he taught, and also had become acquainted with the best of the upper classes, carried with us none other than very high anticipations of a most profitable and pleasant term of study. And so it proved. How he used to electrify us at times by repeating something that had just been recited, as at the close of the Agricola of Tacitus, his strongly marked face all lighted up, new significance and something like inspiration being given us, when with his deliberate, distinct, emphatic, rhythmical, rich utterance, flowed out that prophetic sentence in the world's literature, 'Quidquid ex Agricola amavimus, quidquid mirati sumus, manet mansurumque in animis hominum, in aeternitate temporum, in fama rerum!'

"I remember that while my class were in the Œdipus Tyrannus of Sophocles and the Medea of Euripides, I was suffering from weak eyes, and went to the recitation-room with no other preparation than that of hearing each lesson twice read to me by two different students, who did me the kindness to perform that service. But with Professor Chamberlain's luminous explanation and comment, no Greek of my whole college course more deeply interested and helped me.

"He heard the rehearsal of my Commencement oration,[262] and some of his words on that occasion I have not ceased to remember with gratitude. Nor was I the only one who received from him words of encouragement that proved of most valuable service in our subsequent career. Still it was the moral element that constituted his highest power of influencing young men, and was his distinguishing personality. May I say, for one, that in this moral and spiritual personality he has again and again come to me since his departure, and been a present helper toward whatever of good I have attained in life.

"A single anecdote will serve to illustrate the love with which his pupils cherish his memory. I cannot but think that every survivor of my class must have some recollection of the fact, and share all my feelings in regard to it. He had been occasionally late at recitation, and the class, to give him a lesson of promptness, one morning having assembled as usual after service in chapel, and waited some four minutes past the hour, carried the vote to go to our rooms; and so, the professor just turning the corner, and hastening up the slope, and his approach being announced by some on the lookout, we dashed out, through the rear doors, or up the stairways, and not a solitary member of the class remained in the room. The next morning he was already there when we reached the place, made no remark on the occurrence of the previous day, and none of us could discern in him the faintest trace of displeasure. When, two years after we graduated, I heard of his death, I remembered a slight, hacking cough which he had, and that slightly bent, spare, though large and tall frame, and always placid face, and realized for the first time that what we imputed to him as a fault was the hindrance of disease, and possibly of sleepless nights; and I would have given a world for an opportunity to ask his forgiveness."[44]

[44] The writer did not know until a few years ago that he was related, though somewhat distantly, to the wife of Professor Chamberlain. He was personally acquainted with her from his Sophomore year. He then boarded and roomed at Mrs. President Brown's (Mrs. C.'s aunt). Her paternal great-grandfather, Rev. Nicholas Gilman, of Durham, N. H., and the writer's paternal great-grandfather (as well as maternal great-great-grandfather), Dr. Josiah Gilman, of Exeter, N. H., were brothers. He has felt, ever since he knew this fact, like having a clearer right of inheritance in Professor Chamberlain.[263]

Another pupil says of Professor Chamberlain:

"He was well-proportioned, tall, active, and energetic. His expression was dignified and commanding. In his word there was power. Integrity marked all his life. His word was as good as his bond. His principles were firmly grasped and implicitly followed. His intellectual powers were of a high order. He impressed every acquaintance with his intellectual greatness. His discourse was lofty but impressive.

"His religious life was less marked in public. He united with no church, though he was a man of prayer and from his dying bed sent a religious message to the students."

From a reliable source we have the following notice of another of Dartmouth's eminent and honored teachers:

Daniel Oliver, whose name appears on the list of teachers of past years in both the Medical and Academical departments of Dartmouth College, was born on the 9th of September, 1787. He was the third son of the Rev. Thomas Fitch Oliver, at that time rector of St. Michael's, Marblehead, and belonged to a family distinguished in the history of Massachusetts from the earliest period of the colony. He was a direct descendant of Mr. Thomas Oliver, whom Winthrop calls "an experienced and very skilful surgeon," and who acted as one of the ruling elders of the church in Boston soon after his arrival in 1632. Through his mother he was descended from William Pynchon, one of the founders of the Massachusetts Colony, and the Rev. William Hubbard, the historian of New England; and, through his paternal grandmother he was a descendant of the Rev. John Eliot, the noted Indian missionary.

After the death of his father, which took place at Garrison Forest, near Baltimore, before he had attained his tenth year, he was placed in the care of Colonel Lloyd Rogers, of that city, and almost immediately commenced his preparatory course for college, applying himself to his studies with great diligence, and entered. Harvard College in 1802. Although fond of study, and possessed of a mind of unusual vigor and brilliancy, the ambitions of college life do not seem to have dimmed the memories of his forest home in the South, and in[264] his letters, while at Cambridge, he more than once recalls the pleasant hours when living within its shades, in a strain at once suggestive of a refined and poetic nature.

To one of his thoughtful and contemplative mind it is not strange that, suddenly transferred from the quiet of home life to the turmoil of college scenes, he should have found much that was distasteful; and the following extract from a letter to him from the late Mr. Justice Story, at that time betrothed to his eldest sister, and with whom he was on terms of intimacy, would seem to imply no little disquietude on the part of his student friend during the earlier years of his life at Cambridge.

"You can hardly imagine with what delight I recur to the days which I spent at Cambridge. In the delightful seclusion from noisy vulgarity, in the sweet interchange of kind sentiments, and in the mutual competition of classic pursuits, I possessed a unity and tranquillity of purpose far beyond the merits of my later years. My first years there were not marked with this peculiar character. It was in my Junior and Senior years that, from forming a choice of friends, and participating in the higher views of literature, I felt that happiness resulted in the activity of intellect and possession of friendship. That period will in future be yours; and though you may start with surprise at the thought at this moment, that period will be marked out in the calendar of your years as among the dies fortunatos. You and I are not widely distinct in years, and you can therefore readily believe that this attachment is not the moral relation of comparison and experience; no, it was reality which charmed me when present, and reflects a lustre in remembrance. Go on, then, my dear fellow, in the academic course with awakened hope. A high destiny awaits you. The joys of youth shall give spirit to the exertions of manhood, and the pursuits of literature yield a permanent felicity attainable only by the votaries of taste. Sweet are the attainments which accomplish the wishes of friends. Our reliance upon you is founded on a belief that ambition and literature will unite us in as close bonds as sympathy and affinity.

"On a subject so interesting to me as my collegiate course[265] I seldom reflect without melancholy; not a harsh and dark brooding, but a soft and tender pensiveness which

"'Sheds o'er the soul a sympathetic gloom.'

"The thousand associations of festivity, pleasantry, study, and recreation live to hallow the whole. The picture, by its distance, loses its defects, and retains only the strong colorings of primitive impression. Never do I cast my eyes on that dear seat of letters but I exclaim involuntarily with Gray:

"'Ah! happy fields, ah! pleasing shade,
Ah! groves beloved in vain,
Where once my careless childhood strayed,
A stranger yet to pain;
I feel the gales that round ye blow
A momentary bliss bestow.'

"By the way, when you are at leisure and feel a little dull, I advise you to take up some of our good-natured writers, such as Dr. Moore, Goldsmith, Coleman, Cervantes, Don Quixote, Smollett's novels, or the pleasant and airy productions of the muse. These I have always found a powerful anti-splenetic; and, although I am not a professed physician, I will venture to prescribe to you in this instance with all the confidence of Hippocrates. The whole system of nostrums from that arch-quack, the old serpent, down to the far-famed Stoughton of our own day, does not present so powerful a remedy, amid all its antis, as cheerful reading to a heavy spirit. I will venture to say, in the spirit of Montesquieu, that an hour of such reading will place one quietly in his elbow chair in all the tranquillity of a Platonic lover."

It is probable that Mr. Story's influence was not without its effect in reconciling his young friend to college life, for he was very soon to be found among the foremost in the race for honorable distinction. He was graduated with distinguished honor, in 1806, in a class of remarkable ability, among whom were the late Hon. Alexander Everett, Judge William P. Preble, Professor J. G. Cogswell, and the venerable Dr. Jacob Bigelow, its last surviving member.

After leaving college he began the study of law under the direction of Mr. Story, but very soon abandoned it, and entered the office of his uncle, the late Dr. B. Lynde Oliver, of[266] Salem, as a student of medicine. In 1809, he entered the University of Pennsylvania, at that time distinguished by the names of Rush, Wistar, and Physick, and by his talents and attainments soon attracted the notice of Dr. Rush, whose favorite pupil and warm friend he afterwards became. On receiving his medical degree, the following letter, written in terms of the highest compliment, was addressed by Dr. Rush to his uncle and former instructor.

"Philadelphia, May 1, 1810.

"Dear Sir: I sit down with great pleasure to answer your letter by your nephew, now Dr. Oliver, and to inform you at the same time that he has received the honor of a doctor's degree in our university much to his credit and the satisfaction of his teachers. From his singular talents, and from his acquirements and manners, he cannot fail of becoming eminent in his profession. Long, very long, may he live to reflect honor upon all who are related to him, or who have been instrumental in opening and directing his acute and capacious mind in the prosecution of his studies! Be assured he carries with him my highest respect and sincere affection.

"With respectful compliments to the venerable patriarch of medicine, Dr. Holyoke (if not translated to a better world),

"I am, dear sir, very sincerely yours,

"Benjamin Rush.

"Dr. B. Lynde Oliver."

On his return to Salem, Dr. Oliver commenced the practice of medicine, and in July, 1811, as appears from his diary, he connected himself with Dr. R. D. Mussey, then a rising young surgeon, and with whom he was afterwards so long associated. From the following entry in the diary referred to, under date of July 12, 1812, may be learned somewhat of his tastes at this time, and his mode of passing the waiting hours of an early professional life:

"This day completed the first year of my connection in the medical profession with Dr. R. D. Massey. On reviewing this period, I am sensible of a great loss of time, and of a degree of professional and literary improvement altogether inadequate[267] to such an extent of time. Some improvement, however, has I hope, been made. With respect to the books which I have read during the past year, the most important are Mosheim's 'Ecclesiastical History,' which I have not yet quite completed,—a learned and judicious outline of the history of the church, embracing many collateral topics of learning and philosophy ...; Homer's 'Iliad' in Greek, with the exception of the last book; the 'Æneid' except the last two; two or three books of Livy, and several of Juvenal's 'Satires.'

"The most important literary enterprise which I have undertaken and accomplished has been the delivery of a course of lectures on Chemistry in connection with Dr. Mussey. In Anatomy, also, we have executed something. Medicine will, in future, claim more of my attention, but not to the neglect of the two important collateral branches above mentioned."

In the autumn of 1815, Dr. Oliver was appointed to deliver a course of chemical lectures before the medical class at Dartmouth College. Although he had thus far pursued the study of chemistry as a collateral branch of medical science, he felt warranted in accepting the appointment, without, however, proposing to himself a more permanent position in this department.

In 1817, he was married to Miss Mary Robinson Pulling, the only daughter of Edward Pulling, Esq., an eminent barrister of Salem, and almost immediately went again to Philadelphia to avail himself of the advantages of that seat of medical learning, returning to Salem in the spring of 1818.

In the following year he was induced to undertake, in connection with the Hon. John Pickering, the preparation of a Greek lexicon, a work involving much labor and research, and the larger portion of which fell to his lot. Although mainly based on the Latin of Schrevelius, many of the interpretations were new, and there were added more than two thousand new articles. The magnitude of the task and its successful accomplishment at once raised him to a conspicuous rank among the scholars of his day.

In the summer of 1820 he accepted an appointment to the professorship of the Theory and Practice of Medicine, and[268] of Materia Medica and Therapeutics in Dartmouth College, where he delivered his first course of lectures in the following autumn. He was also made Professor of Botany, and his lectures upon Physiology were among his most valuable contributions to medical literature. He took up his permanent residence in Hanover, in August, 1821, and from this time to the close of his connection with the college he was most faithful to all its interests. In 1825 he was appointed to the chair of Intellectual Philosophy in the Academical department of the college, a position which he filled with the ability that distinguished him elsewhere. The address delivered by him on the occasion of his induction into this professorship, upon the "Comparative Importance of the Study of Mental Science," was thus far, perhaps, his most successful literary effort. Clear, comprehensive, and abounding in passages of remarkable beauty and force, it established the reputation of its author both as a writer and a metaphysician.

In 1835 was published his "First Lines in Physiology," a treatise which received the highest commendation both at home and abroad. It passed through three editions, and although the rapid advance in physiological science since its publication has long since led to its disuse, it will still be admired by medical scholars for the purity of its style and the learning it everywhere displays.

In the spring of 1837, Dr. Oliver closed his connection with the college, and returned to Cambridge, where he was temporarily residing at the time of his appointment, again to resume the practice of his profession. He, however, delivered a course of lectures at the Dartmouth Medical School in the autumn of this and the following year. He was also induced, in 1840, after declining professorships both in St. Mary's College, Baltimore, and in Pennsylvania University, to deliver a course of lectures on Materia Medica at the Medical College of Ohio, but he resigned the chair at the close of the session, and returned again to Cambridge, where he resided to the close of his life. Although in declining health at this time, he did not relinquish professional practice until within a few months of his death, which took place on the 1st of June, 1842.[269]

During his comparatively brief career, Dr. Oliver had become widely known as a medical and general scholar. As a teacher in the various departments of medical science with which he was connected he was also eminently successful. His lectures, always prepared with great care, were written with remarkable clearness and elegance, and were often listened to with attention by many outside the ranks of the profession. "His lectures to the under-graduates of the college," says a contemporary,[45] "would be thought, I am persuaded, still more remarkable than those upon Physiology. They were intended to exhibit the present state of mental philosophy. And the singular clearness with which he discriminated the settled points of absolute knowledge in this comprehensive and yet imperfect science, his happy development of intricate and complicated principles, and the beautiful colors which a true poetic spirit enabled him now and then to throw over the bald peaks and angles of this cold region, entitle him to a rank among metaphysicians as eminent as he maintained in his appropriate profession."

[45] Eulogy on Daniel Oliver, delivered by Rev. C. B. Haddock, professor of Belles Lettres.

"The intellectual character of Dr. Oliver," the same writer afterwards adds, in language admirably chosen, "came nearer than it has been my fortune to observe in almost any other instance to the idea of a perfect scholar. He was at once profound, comprehensive, and elegant. Upon no subject which he had considered was his knowledge fragmentary or partial. A philosophic, systematic habit of mind led him always to seek for the principles of things, and to be satisfied only with the truth. The compass of his inquiries was as extraordinary as their depth. He had investigated with care a surprising extent of knowledge. A master of his own language, and minutely acquainted with all its principal productions, he was also thoroughly versed in the Greek, and familiar with the original works which have given to that tongue the first place among human dialects. The German he read with facility, and had pursued his favorite studies in the masters of its profound learning. Of French and Italian he was not ignorant. Music, both as a science and an art, was[270] his delight and recreation. In the arts of painting and sculpture his information was liberal and his taste said to be excellent. Morals and politics he had studied in their theory, and in the history of the world. His acquaintance with civil history was among the most extraordinary of his attainments. The beautiful in Nature, in life, or in art or literature, few men have so exquisitely enjoyed or so justly appreciated.

"Thus, the principal elements of a perfect mind seem to have been singularly united and harmonized in him,—exactness of knowledge, liberal learning, and true taste."

Bred from infancy in the Church of England, Dr. Oliver continued to the end a faithful member of that communion, and few persons have had a firmer faith in the sublime truths of revealed religion. It was no less to his deeply religious and truthful spirit than to his innate love of right that may be ascribed that regard for things sacred, that singular modesty, that unfailing courtesy, and the high sense of personal honor that distinguished him. It had been his desire, at a late period of his life, to become a candidate for Holy Orders, a step for which his ripe theological scholarship and his critical knowledge of Greek and Hebrew had already prepared him, but his age deterred him.

Dr. Oliver had published little. Besides the treatise on Physiology already mentioned, there are a few pamphlets containing addresses delivered on various occasions, the most important of which are one before the New Hampshire Historical Society in 1836, and that before the college at the time of his induction into the professorship of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy.

Among his medical manuscripts may be mentioned an unfinished work on General Pathology, which, had he lived to complete, would have added to his reputation as a medical author. Among his papers were also a few unpublished addresses and a few short and fragmentary poems, the effusions of his earlier years, all characterized by that elegance of style and fine poetic taste and feeling that marked their author.

A member of many learned literary and medical societies at home, Dr. Oliver was honored in 1835 with a diploma from the Academy of Sciences and Belles Lettres of Palermo, and in 1838 received the degree of Doctor of Laws.[271]

The following notice of a gentleman of rare eminence in the scientific world, is from a reliable source:

James Freeman Dana, who was connected as a teacher with both the Academical and Medical departments of Dartmouth College, was born at Amherst, N. H., September 23, 1793. He was the eldest son of Luther and Lucy (Giddings) Dana, and grandson of Rev. and Hon. Samuel Dana. On the father's side he was descended from Richard Dana, who was among the early settlers in Massachusetts; on that of his mother he was a descendant in the seventh generation from Rev. John Robinson, the pastor of the noble band of Pilgrims who founded Plymouth, Mass.

Dana was fitted for college at Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H., entered Harvard in 1809, and graduated in 1813, his name standing on the catalogue as Jonathan Freeman Dana; the first name, by which, however, he had never been known, was changed to James, by act of legislature.

Immediately after entering Harvard, Dana showed a decided partiality for scientific pursuits. To Natural Philosophy, Natural History, and Chemistry, he mainly devoted his attention, making excursions into the surrounding country for the purpose of examining its geological structure, and collecting mineralogical and other specimens. The result of these rambles was embodied in a small volume, published in conjunction with his brother Dr. S. L. Dana, in 1819, entitled "Mineralogy and Geology of Boston and its Environs." While in college he formed, together with his brother and several classmates, a society for the cultivation of Natural Science and Philosophy, named at first for two distinguished French chemists, but afterward known as the Hermetic Society. Towards the close of his collegiate course he was appointed to assist Dr. Gorham, the professor of Chemistry, in preparing his experiments. That eminent physician and chemist soon became so much interested in the pupil who displayed such assiduity in scientific researches, that finding he intended to pursue the study of medicine, he kindly invited him to do so under his tuition.

In 1813, Mr. Dana commenced his studies with Dr. Gorham, attending lectures at the Medical College, but though[272] he became well acquainted with the principles and practice of the profession, he never relinquished his preference for Chemistry and Mineralogy. He became an active member of the Boston Linnæan Society, and the first paper read before it, entitled "An Analysis of the Incrustation formed upon the Basket of Eggs from Derbyshire, England" (presented by Judge Davis), was read by him. In the spring of 1813, the Corporation of Harvard College employed Mr. Dana to visit England in order to procure suitable apparatus for its chemical department. During his stay abroad he studied, for a time, under the instruction of the somewhat distinguished Frederic Accum. In consequence of this absence he did not receive his degree of M.D. till 1817, that of A. M. having been previously conferred.

In the autumn of 1817, Dr. Dana was appointed to deliver a course of chemical lectures to the medical students of Dartmouth College. The professors in the Medical School were Dr. R. D. Mussey and Dr. Cyrus Perkins. These lectures were so satisfactory that the appointment was continued, and during the autumns of 1818, 1819, and 1820, he lectured at Dartmouth, residing during the intervals at Cambridge, where, in January, 1818, he was united in marriage with Matilda, third daughter of Samuel Webber, D.D., late president of Harvard College.

In 1821, being appointed professor at Dartmouth, Dr. Dana removed to Hanover, where, relinquishing the practice of medicine, he devoted his whole attention to his favorite studies, to which was now added Botany, upon which he delivered some courses of lectures.

Dr. Perkins, the Professor of Materia Medica, removed to New York after the dissolution of the "University of New Hampshire," and the late admired and lamented Dr. Daniel Oliver, of Salem, was appointed to the professorship. Dr. Mussey, celebrated for his surgical knowledge and skill, remained as the head of the Medical School, and among these gentlemen, differing widely as they did in many characteristics, the warmest friendship subsisted. During the intervals of leisure from strictly professional duties, Dr. Dana occupied himself in continuing to write for "Silliman's Journal," and[273] in frequent excursions to various parts of New Hampshire, for the purpose of analyzing the ores and waters of mines and springs. His published analysis of the waters of a spring in Burton, N. H., was considered so scientific a production, that he was written to as to accepting a professorship in the University of Virginia. Not wishing the appointment, he declined becoming a candidate.

In the latter part of 1825, Professor Dana published "An Epitome of Chemical Philosophy," designed as a text-book for his own classes, but which was afterwards adopted as such in two other institutions. In 1826, he was appointed one of the visitors of West Point Military Academy, and soon after his return was chosen to the chair of Chemistry, in the College of Physicians and Surgeons in the University of New York, to which city he then removed. He was elected member of the Linnæan Society of New York, and accepted an invitation to deliver a course of lectures before the Athenæeum.

During his residence at Hanover, Professor Dana had been much interested in Electro-magnetism, then a new science, and in preparing apparatus for exhibiting its wonders, freely stating his conviction that it would produce more astonishing results than any power previously known. When surprise was expressed at his selecting for his Athenæeum lectures this subject, so little known even in Europe, and in which so few in this country would feel any interest, Dr. Dana replied that he had chosen it for those reasons; that he thought it time for public attention to be directed to it, as he was certain it would lead to most valuable results, and that he should endeavor to render it popular. How far he succeeded, the delighted audiences that crowded to hear him bore evidence. Of the truth of his prediction as to the results to be wrought out by the science, the marvels of the electro-magnetic telegraph bear witness to the world.

Samuel F. B. Morse was then following his profession as a painter in New York, and lectured upon art before the Athenæeum. An intimacy sprang up between him and Dr. Dana, whose lectures he attended, and whom he used to visit in his laboratory, thus becoming familiar with his views on scientific[274] subjects. Morse's published statements as to the origin of his knowledge of electro-magnetism are as follows:

"I learned from Professor Dana, in 1827, the rationale of the electro-magnet, which' latter was exhibited in action. I witnessed the effects of the conjunctive wires in the different forms described in his lectures, and exhibited to his audience. The electro-magnet was put in action by an intensity battery; it was made to sustain the weight of its armature, when the conjunctive wire was connected with the poles of the battery or the circuit was closed; and it was made to 'drop its load' upon opening the circuit. These, with many other principles of electro-magnetism were all illustrated experimentally to his audience. These being the facts, to whom do I owe the first knowledge which I obtained of the science of electro-magnetism bearing upon the practical development of the telegraph? Professor Dana had publicly demonstrated in my hearing and to my sight all the facts necessary to be known respecting the electro-magnet.... The volute modification of the helix to show the concentration of magnetism at its centre, adapted to the electric magnet, the modification since universally adopted in the construction of the electro-magnet, is justly due, I think, to the inventive mind of Prof. James Freeman Dana. Death, in striking him down at the threshold of his fame, not only extinguished a brilliant light in science—one which gave the highest promise of future distinction—but the suddenness of the stroke put to peril the just credit due him for discoveries he had already made. Dana had not only mastered all of the science of electro-magnetism then given to the world, a science in which he was an enthusiast, but, standing on the confines that separate the known from the unknown, was at the time of his decease preparing for new explorations and new discoveries. I could not mention his name in this connection without at least rendering this slight but inadequate homage to one of the most liberal of men and amiable of friends, as well as promising philosophers of his age."

The delivery of these lectures was amongst Dr. Dana's last public efforts. A severe cold, resulting in an attack of erysipelas affecting the brain, terminated his brief life of thirty-three years, on the 15th of April, 1827.[275]

In the various relations of private life he had won the warm attachment of all who knew him. To the charm of a buoyant and affectionate disposition he added Christian principle and character. During his student life at Harvard, he had become a communicant of the Episcopal Church, and continued a devout worshipper according to her liturgy. Her Burial Service was read over his remains, by his friend Dr. Wainwright, the funeral rites being performed at Grace Church, on the 17th of April.

When it was proposed, in 1871, by the National Telegraph Monument Association to erect a monument to Professor Morse, at Washington, the family of Dr. Dana furnished, at its request, a portrait of him from which a likeness was to be cast for one of the faces at the base of the monument. Since the death of Professor Morse, no progress seems to have been made in the effort to erect this memorial of scientific progress.

[276]

## CHAPTER XXIV.

PROF. BENJAMIN HALE.—PROF. ALPHEUS CROSBY.—PROF. IRA YOUNG.

From reliable sources we have the following account of another gentleman of distinguished worth, who was an instructor also both in the Academical and Medical departments of the college.

Benjamin Hale was born on the 23d of November, 1797, in Newbury, Mass., now a part of the city of Newburyport. He was the eldest son of Thomas Hale, who was the grandson of the fifth Thomas, in that series of Hales, whose first representative came to Newbury in about 1637. His mother was Alice Little, a daughter of the Hon. Josiah Little of Newbury, and grand-daughter of Col. Moses Little, an officer in the Continental Army. On both sides of the house Benjamin Hale came of a race of vigorous, industrious, and useful men, held in honor by their fellow citizens, and invariably distinguished for their exemplary habits, their domestic virtues, their sterling goodness, and their faithfulness in the discharge of trusts and duties. In childhood he was studious, quiet, kind, and genial; fond of books, the favorite of his youthful companions, and the cheerful companion of the aged.

In the autumn of 1813, he went to Atkinson Academy; and in September, 1814, entered Dartmouth College; but his health becoming impaired, he went to Dummer Academy, Byfield, in the autumn of 1815, to pursue his studies under the direction of its principal, the Rev. Mr. Abbott. In February, 1816, he entered the Sophomore class at Bowdoin College, then under the presidency of the venerable Dr. Appleton, whose grave kindness soon won his reverent love. He at once secured an honorable position in his class, which was the largest that had then been in that college. In September,[277] 1818, he received the degree of B. A.; his part at Commencement being the salutatory oration. Having been previously offered the academy at Saco, and recollecting a remark of his old pastor, Dr. Spring, that "one who meant to be a minister would do well to try his hand at being a schoolmaster," he took charge of the academy for one year.

In the autumn of 1819, he became a member of the Theological Seminary at Andover, Mass. Here his college classmate, Rufus Anderson, afterwards the distinguished Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, was his class-mate and room-mate. Dr. Anderson thus writes of him: "Our friendship was founded in mutual knowledge and esteem, and continued during his life. The operations of his mind were effective, equally so in nearly every branch of learning. He was quick and accurate in the Mathematics, in the Languages, and in Music. I know not in what one branch he was best fitted to excel. While perfect in all his recitations, he was social, always ready for conversation when I desired it. He had, and through his whole life retained, my entire confidence as a man of God, nor was I surprised at the eminent position he afterwards attained in the church of Christ. Pleasant is his memory, and pleasant is the thought of meeting him in a better world." While at Andover he had leisure for reading, and that part of it which he devoted to Ecclesiastical History had an important influence as it turned out, in deciding his future ecclesiastical connection.

At the Commencement of Bowdoin College, in 1820, he was appointed tutor. He taught the Junior class in Natural Philosophy, and Locke's Essay on the Human Understanding, and the Sophomore class in Geometry and some other parts of Mathematics, and in Logic. At the same time he continued to pursue his theological studies, and in January, 1822, was licensed to preach by the York Association. In September, 1821, he delivered a Latin valedictory oration, and took his degree of A. M. With regard to this period of his life, his fellow tutor, now the venerable Prof. Packard, thus writes: "Mr. Hale gave at once the impression of a kind, generous, faithful heart, a clear, acute, and rapid intellect, and a vigorous[278] grasp of any subject to which he gave his thought. He was a diligent student. He loved books. Without conceit he had sufficient self-reliance, which was always of service to him as a teacher and governor. He always had the good-will of his pupils, and whether with them or with his colleagues he exerted an influence above rather than below his age and standing. He was a true man, unselfish, of a decidedly social turn, of warm affections, of a genial humor."

In the summer of 1822, he received proposals from R. H. Gardiner, Esq., of Gardiner, Me., to take charge of a new institution which he had determined to establish for the education of farmers and mechanics in the principles of science. Mr. Hale accepted, and closed his connection with Bowdoin College in 1822, and entering upon his duties January 1, 1823, opened the Lyceum, was inaugurated as its principal, and delivered an address on the occasion. He soon after returned his license, finding it inconvenient to meet the many calls for preaching extended to him, and having become also so settled in his preference for the Protestant Episcopal Church that he determined to take Orders therein, should he ever be so situated as to think it his duty to preach again. On the 9th day of April, 1823, he was married to Mary Caroline King, the eldest daughter of the Hon. Cyrus King, M. C.

The Lyceum soon attracted students and became a flourishing institution. Its principal gave lectures in Chemistry and taught Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, and in winter had classes in Architecture and in Agricultural Chemistry. For the former of these classes he prepared, in 1827, a work on the "Elementary Principles of Carpentry."

In July, 1827, having received an invitation to succeed Professor Dana in the chair of Chemistry at Dartmouth College, Mr. Hale accepted, and delivered his inaugural address on the day after Commencement. His esteemed and able colleagues in the Medical College were Reuben D. Mussey, M.D., Prof. of Anatomy and Surgery; and Daniel Oliver, M.D., Prof. of Theory and Practice of Medicine. It should be noted that at that period the importance of physical studies was not fully appreciated at Dartmouth. The college had not taken a scientific periodical in half a century. There was no[279] cabinet of minerals. "There was not," writes Dr. Oliver, "a single modern volume in the college library upon either Mineralogy or Geology; and scarcely one, if one, upon Chemistry, later than the days of Fourcroy or Vauquelin. The prevailing taste was decidedly anti-physical. It was directed another way, and not only so, but there was among the college Faculty a disposition to undervalue the physical sciences." Dr. James F. Dana, the predecessor of Professor Hale, writing of the college in reference to physical science, used the following remarkable expression: "It was anchored in the stream, and served only to show its velocity." When Professor Hale was engaged, his duties comprised a course of daily lectures to the medical class through the lecture term, to which lectures the members of the Senior and Junior classes were to be admitted; and instruction to the Junior class in some chemical text-book by daily recitations for five or six weeks. This was all.

Professor Hale, however, addressed himself to his work with characteristic activity and zeal. He proceeded to give each year to the college classes a separate course of over thirty lectures, and discharged the expenses of them himself. He substituted a larger and more scientific text-book for that in use, and obtained an allowance of forty or more recitations instead of thirty. He laid the foundation of the cabinet of minerals by giving five hundred specimens, classifying and labeling all additions, leaving the collection in respectable condition with 2,300 specimens. He gave annually about twenty lectures in Geology and Mineralogy; and for some years was the regular instructor of the Senior class in the Philosophy of Natural History. For two years, also, he took charge of the recitations in Hebrew, and occasionally took part in other recitations; and, with another, served as building committee during the whole process of repairing and erecting the college edifices.

December 11, 1827, Professor Hale wrote, in a family letter, "I have made out a plan, for the repair of the College building, and the addition of a building for libraries, etc., for the use of Trustees at their next session. It takes with the president mightily, and I think they will make it go."[280]

And in another family letter, the first after returning from a journey, under date of March 20, 1828, he wrote:

"My arrival at Hanover was very opportune. I was looked for for sometime, and letters were about being despatched for me.... I have the honor of being one-half of the building committee, Professor Chamberlain being the other moiety, and we are commencing operations. The prospects of the College are now so bright, that the plan I at first proposed, and which was adopted by the Trustees, is abandoned, and we are preparing to erect two brick buildings, three stories in height, and fifty feet by seventy. One for students' rooms, and the other for public rooms.... And what is more comforting, our funds are improving so much that the building will not distress us very much if the $30,000 should not be realized. A good many old debts have been collected, and are coming in, by which one building could be erected. About $13,000 have already been subscribed, and subscriptions are daily arriving."

All this was voluntary and gratuitous work. It is no wonder that students thus cared for should respond, as they did, with enthusiasm and regard. Happily, in this department as well as in all others, Dartmouth College is now in motion, and fully up with the foremost in the current of physical study.

During his last three years, Professor Hale was President of the Phi Beta Kappa Society. His portrait, presented, it is believed, by the members of that society, now hangs in the college library.

While at Hanover, Professor Hale thought it his duty to resume his purpose of preaching, and was accordingly ordained Deacon by the Rt. Rev. Dr. Griswold, Bishop of the Eastern Diocese, September 28, 1828, at Woodstock, Vt.; and Priest by the same bishop, in St. Paul's, Newburyport, January 6, 1831. In taking this step he violated in no respect the charter of the college, he undertook nothing which conflicted with the duties of his professorship, he acted neither obtrusively nor illiberally; but while he occasionally preached in neighboring churches, he always, in Hanover, scrupulously observed the appointment at the village meeting-house. On Sunday[281] nights, however, he held a service in his own house, for his own family, and the family of Dr. Oliver, and such other communicants of the Episcopal Church, and friends, as might desire to attend. Difference in sentiment on religious subjects, between Professor Hale and the Trustees of the college, and action on their part which can hardly be regarded as justifiable, led to the termination of Professor Hale's connection with the college, in 1835.

In 1835, Professor Hale published two works, "A Valedictory Letter to the Trustees," and "Scriptural Illustrations of the Liturgy." In August of that year he attended the General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church as a delegate from the Diocese of New Hampshire. In October, 1836, the degree of D.D. was conferred upon him by Columbia College. In December, having had a severe attack of bronchitis, he sailed to St. Croix to spend the winter. His published letters under the signature of "Valetudinarius" were very pleasant to the reading public.

In the course of the next year he entered upon the laborious and high duties of an office which occupied the remaining years of his active life. He was elected, August 2, 1836, to the Presidency of Geneva College, N. Y., and entered upon his duties in the following October; delivering an inaugural address on the 21st of December. It is of course impossible here to give the varied and interesting details of his presidential life. To this institution he freely gave the wealth of his well stored and acute mind, his tried experience, and his cheerful, patient resolution. The trials were sometimes great, the laborers few, the support scanty, and there were times when it seemed as if the one man only stood between the life of the college and its death. As one of the Trustees wrote, "Life was already nearly extinct, and death would have soon followed, had not the president given himself wholly to the work with a faith that never faltered, a perseverance which strengthened with difficulties, and a thorough conviction that his work, if well done, would promote the glory of God and his church through all time." And he was successful, as much so as it was within the power of one man to be, both in correcting the evils which he found existing,[282] and in securing the stability of the college beyond all peradventure. Wherever he was, in the recitation room, in the academic circle, in the Medical School of which he was ex officio president, in the Board of Trustees, in the councils of the bishop and the Diocese, in the conferences with the Vestry of Old Trinity Church, before the Board of Regents, before the Legislature of the State, he was always the learned, sagacious, loyal, and inspiring president; respected and beloved always, by all who entered the circle of his influence; and illustrating daily in his own character, the symmetry, strength, and purity of the principle by which he was governed.

Dr. Hale instructed easily in every department of learning. He was most fond of ethical and metaphysical studies. His class room will never be forgotten by those who delighted to go to it, and regretted to leave it. His courses of lectures for many years included Civil and Ecclesiastical Architecture. He loved music, and read it as easily as the words. His diction was always remarkable for the best English, expressed in the happiest style. His memory and power of association were almost unerring. His temper was held in the nicest balance. In preaching he was a Chrysostom in wisdom, truth, and sweetness.

We have not space to dwell upon this theme, nor upon the wholesome influence which Dr. Hale exerted in the diocese in which he was placed, both towards preparing the way for a second diocese in the State of New York, and in ministering in his place to its unity and order, when under the Episcopal charge of the noble De Lancey. In 1858, he left Hobart (once Geneva) College, and in 1859 he left Geneva, with this distinguished record: "The thorough and skillful teacher, the laborious and self-sacrificing president, the sympathizing friend, the genial companion, the judicious adviser, the courteous Christian gentleman; in all these relations so bearing himself as to gain the profound respect and tender affection of all who knew him."

Dr. Hale retired to live in Newburyport, near his birth-place and by the graves of his forefathers, with his children around him. Even then "his influence upon the community[283] distilled like the dews of heaven to gladden the earth." He departed to his rest in Paradise on the 15th of July, 1863. Dr. Hale had four sons and three daughters, of whom the sons (one has since departed) and one daughter survived him.

His published works, beside communications to newspapers on current topics, are: "An Address to the Public from the Trustees of Gardiner Lyceum," 1822. "An Inaugural Address at Gardiner," 1823. "Address to the Public in regard to the Lyceum," 1824. "Introduction to the Mechanical Principles of Carpentry," 1827. "Sermon before the Convention of New Hampshire," 1830. "Lecture before the American Institute of Instruction, On the Best Method of Teaching Natural Philosophy," 1830. "Sermon, On the Unity of God, preached before the Convention of the Eastern Diocese," 1832. "Scriptural Illustrations of the Liturgy of the Protestant Episcopal Church," 1835. "Valedictory Letter to the Trustees of Dartmouth College," 1835. "Inaugural Address, Geneva College, On the Equalizing and Practical Tendency of Colleges," 1836. "A Lecture before the Young Men's Association of Geneva, On Liberty and Law," 1838. "Baccalaureate: Education in its Relations to a Free Government," 1838. "The Present State of the Question," a pamphlet, in relation to the division of the Diocese of New York, 1838. "Baccalaureate: The Languages," 1839. "Baccalaureate: Mathematics," 1841. "Lecture on the Sources and Means of Education," 1846. "Baccalaureate: The Position of the College, the State, and the Church," 1847. "Historical Notices of Geneva College," 1849. "Sermon on the Death of Major Douglass," 1849.

Professor Alpheus Crosby, who was elected to the Chair of Greek and Latin in the College, in 1833, Professor Calvin E. Stowe having filled the position in the interval after the death of Professor Chamberlain, was the son of Dr. Asa and Abigail (Russell) Crosby, and was born at Sandwich, N. H., October 13, 1810. Although less than twenty-three years of age, his superior scholarship fully warranted the appointment. After ably filling this chair several years,[284] by a division of labor he was permitted to confine himself exclusively to the Greek language and literature. To his refined and sensitive nature the stern old Roman was less attractive than the more polished Greek. It is quite probable that Professor Crosby was more largely indebted than he himself was aware to the moulding influence of his amiable and excellent mother, for that particular type of mind and heart which placed him among the foremost Grecian scholars of his time. Professor Crosby's career as a linguist illustrated two distinct forms of success. He excelled both as a teacher and as an author. His success as a teacher no one will question who had the privilege of listening to his instructions, if only for a single hour. He questioned the student with a critical eye and ear, but a womanly gentleness. His translations might well be likened to celestial music, long pent-up in foreign caves, but now finding rich and varied and sweet expression, in the mother tongue. His success as an author is sufficiently indicated by the extensive use of his text-books, especially the "Greek Grammar."

His classmate, Rev. Dr. Tenney, says:

"It is very pleasant for me to bring back before me your brother as I remember him at the commencement of our college life. He was, as you know, a boy of twelve years, dressed in a boy's jacket with a ruffled shirt, collar coming down over his shoulders, such as boys wore in those days—playful as a kitten, and as innocent as the purest-minded girl. He was probably the best fitted (as the phrase is) for college, of any member of the class. He had, I believe, gone over all the studies of the Sophomore year. Without any apparent effort he maintained his preëminence through his entire college course, not only in the Languages, but also in Mathematics and Mental Philosophy. My recollection is that he had committed to memory all the Greek primitives before he left college, yet with all his preëminence as a scholar he never seemed to have the remotest consciousness that there was anything remarkable about himself. We had ambitious men in the class and some bitter rivalries, but no one ever thought of questioning his position. In short he was both the pet and pride of the class; his conscientiousness as a boy was[285] that which characterized him as a man. I do not think he would have done a consciously wrong thing for his right hand. I remember being with him one Sabbath, when a letter was handed him from home, and his views of the sacredness of the Sabbath were such that he would not open it until the Sabbath was passed. I mention this, not to illustrate the earnestness of his conscience, but simply to show its authority over him.

"As your brother was the youngest of the class, I was one of the oldest, but from the commencement of our class life our intimacy was constant. I could very readily tell why I was attracted to him, but his friendship for me I could never understand; sure I was that I never loved any other man as I did him; he visited me a number of times; as I was at his home in Salem not long before his lamented death, he seemed to me the same at the end as he was at the beginning, one of the most lovable and remarkable men I ever knew, and the world has seemed to be poorer ever since he left it."

Mr. C. C. Chase, Principal of the High School in Lowell, of the class of 1839, says:

"I have had many laborious, faithful teachers, but only one genius, and that was Professor Alpheus Crosby. He was accurate upon a point not because he appeared to have looked it up in the books, but because he instinctively knew it. It was in the Greek that I was instructed by him, and I clearly recall, at this day, the expression of his face, as he explained it to us. He seemed to revel in the beautiful thoughts and splendid conceptions of the great dramatists. He did not appear to be so anxious as most teachers, that our recitations should show our critical grammatical knowledge, but rather that we should appreciate and enjoy the wonderful creations of the great minds of antiquity. He loved to teach. It seemed to be his delight to tell others what he had so much enjoyed himself. It was the study of his Greek grammar that first gave me a love for the noble language of ancient Greece. I know of no grammar that has so few bones and so much meat in it. One can really enjoy reading it in an idle hour! It so clearly reveals the fact that that most beautiful of languages, with all its sweetness and euphony, is but a transcript[286] of the mind of the race of men that knew more of beauty, of taste, and of philosophy than all the ancient world besides. Professor Crosby entered into the secret chambers of Greek thought, and became himself a Greek, and seemed to feel a perpetual flow of delight, as he told to others what seemed so charming to himself. Others might compel an indolent student to devote more time and study to his lessons, but none could equal him in leading those who loved to follow, into the 'green pastures' and 'sweet fields' of the domain of learning."

Hon. George Stevens, of the class of 1849, says:

"My acquaintance with Professor Crosby began upon my admission to college. My preparation in Greek was imperfect, and my knowledge of the language was quite limited. His manner of dealing with and instructing the class soon won my admiration, love, and respect for him, and opened to me a new and unexpected source of pleasure in the beauties of the Greek language. The primitive simplicity, the euphony, sweetness, and artistic perfection of the language awakened a response and an appreciation which only those who are like him can feel. This appreciation of the beauties of his favorite language, kindled in him an enthusiastic love for it. His manner of teaching imparted something of this same enthusiasm in the students. The thoroughness of his instruction, his perfect courtesy towards all the students, the extreme kindness with which he always treated them, his constant mildness and equanimity in the presence of the class, in the face even of rude conduct and inexcusable ignorance of the lesson, his great love and supreme devotion to his duties, apparent to all, won the love and respect, and gave him the control of every student under him, which no sternness or severity could ever have secured. I never knew the least disobedience to him or the slightest disrespect shown towards him, either in his presence or absence. The great simplicity, purity, and honesty of his character, was a perfect shield to him against all attacks, in word or act, open or covert. I consider him, after years of reflection and experience, the best teacher I ever had; and of all the impressions of the teachers of my boyhood and youth, those made by him upon me I find are[287] the deepest and most lasting, and now, after the lapse of more than a quarter of a century, are the dearest to me."

Professor Hagar, in the "New England Journal of Education", says:

"Professor Alpheus Crosby, whose death occurred in Salem, Mass., on the 17th of April, 1874, was so widely and favorably known as a scholar, and was so much esteemed as a man, that a notice of his life and labors, more extended than has hitherto appeared, is justly due his memory.

"Professor Crosby very early showed remarkable power in the acquisition of knowledge. He learned the rudimentary branches of education almost without a teacher. Mathematics, Latin, and Greek came to him almost by intuition. When engaged in study, he was so deeply absorbed that he seemed wholly unconscious of time, place, or surroundings. When in his tenth year he was taken to Hanover, the seat of Dartmouth College, and was placed temporarily under Professor Adams in Algebra and Euclid, under Tutor James Marsh in Latin, and under Tutor Rufus Choate in Greek; and these gentlemen pronounced him fitted for college. He was then returned to Gilmanton Academy, and, to prevent him from trespassing upon college studies, he was put to the study of Hebrew, under the Rev. John L. Parkhurst, who was well known as a ripe scholar. He was subsequently sent to Exeter Academy to bridge over, with various studies, the months which his friends thought must be passed before he should enter college. At the fall term of the college, in 1823, in his thirteenth year, he entered; and he passed through the four years' course of study without a rival and far beyond rivalry. His power of acquisition and retention was marvelous.

"After his graduation, he was kept at Hanover four years; the first, as the preceptor of Moor's Indian Charity School, and the following three as tutor in the college. During this period he joined the college church, and formed his purpose to prepare for the ministry, and spent nearly two years at the Theological Seminary, in Andover, Mass. He was appointed to a professorship of Latin and Greek, in 1833. In 1837 he was released from the Latin and became professor of Greek[288] only, which office he held until 1849, when he resigned; but he remained Professor Emeritus until his death.

"In 1834 he married Miss Abigail Grant Jones Cutler, only child of Joseph and Abigail Cheesboro Grant (Jones) Cutler, of Newburyport, Mass. Mrs. Crosby becoming an invalid, Professor Crosby took her to Europe and traveled with her through England, Germany, and France, until they reached Paris, where Mrs. Crosby died. On his return he resumed the duties of his professorship. After the death of his father-in-law, Mr. Cutler, he resigned his professorship, and removed to Newburyport to care for Mrs. Cutler, who was an invalid. His Greek Grammar, theological disquisitions, and the superintendency of schools in Newburyport occupied his attention until Mrs. Cutler's death in 1854, when he entered into the employment of the Board of Education in Massachusetts as its agent. In this capacity he rendered the State most valuable services by visiting the public schools in various parts of the State, and by his instructive and practical lectures on educational subjects. So efficient were his labors, that in 1857 he was appointed by the Board of Education to the principalship of the State Normal School in Salem; this important post he occupied eight years. To the interests of this school he zealously devoted his great knowledge and ability, raising it to a high standard of excellence and giving to it a most honorable reputation. He gave the school the largest part of its valuable library, and obtained for its use the most of its considerable cabinet. By his heartfelt kindness and his faithful instructions he secured the love and profound esteem of his pupils, who will ever hold him in affectionate remembrance. In the Normal School and elsewhere, as he had opportunity, Professor Crosby earnestly advocated the liberal education of women, believing that their educational advantages ought to equal those enjoyed by men.

"While principal of the school at Salem he, for several years, was the editor-in-chief of the 'Massachusetts Teacher,' performing gratuitous labors which were highly appreciated by the teachers of Massachusetts and of other States.

"Having traveled through the Southern States, that he might gain a better knowledge of his own country before he[289] went abroad, he became deeply impressed with the iniquities of slavery, and dropped readily into the ranks of the abolitionists. He was intensely interested in all the discussions and phases of freedom, from Adams's 'Right of Petition' crusade down to the day of his death. His patriotism during the war was full and glowing. The political disquisitions in his 'Right Way,' which he edited for a year, upon the question of reconstruction, were keen and convincing. He also published a series of elementary lessons for teaching the freed-men of the South to read.

"During all these years, after leaving his professorship, he was building other educational books besides his Greek Grammar—'Xenophon's Anabasis,' 'Eclogæ Latinæ,' 'Lessons in Geometry,' a 'Greek Lexicon' for his Anabasis, and, last, 'Explanatory Notes to the Anabasis,' which he had nearly ready for the press when death closed his labors.

"The heart of Professor Crosby was full of love for everybody and every creature of God. He drank deeply at every spring whence flowed charity, benevolence, freedom, and patriotism. He remained to his death a member of an orthodox church, but, during the last years of his life, he worshipped with Christians of other denominations, having softened his early faith by a more liberal trust in the boundless love and mercy of God, his Heavenly Father.

"In his association with teachers of every class, he showed himself a friend to all. His geniality of manner, his pleasant words, his sympathizing spirit, his overflowing desire to make others happy, his seemingly inexhaustible knowledge, and his intelligent and ever-courteous discussion of controverted questions in education, morals, and religion, secured for him the warm affection and deep respect of all who were privileged to know him."

Mr. Collar, of the Roxbury Latin School, says:

"Professor Crosby belonged not to Massachusetts alone, but to all New England—to the whole land. Our country is poorer by the loss of an eminent scholar, one of that small band of classical scholars in America who are known and honored at foreign seats of learning. In the latest, freshest, and most original Greek grammar that I am acquainted with,[290] that by Professor Clyde, of Edinburgh, the author acknowledges his obligations to four distinguished scholars, three Europeans, and one American, and the American is Professor Crosby."

"Professor Crosby's first marriage has been referred to; his second wife was Martha, daughter of Joseph Kingman, of West Bridgewater, Mass."

The following paragraphs, from an authentic source, introduce another eminent teacher.

Ira Young was born at Lebanon, N. H., May 23, 1801. His parents were Samuel and Rebecca (Burnham) Young.

His early years were chiefly spent in working at his father's trade, that of carpenter, though every winter after he was sixteen, he taught in one of the district schools in the neighborhood. He cherished a strong desire for a collegiate education, but was not at liberty to take any steps in that direction until he became of age. Want of means would have been with many int his circumstances an insurmountable obstacle,—not so with him. By the willing labor of his hands, he obtained in eight months the means of fitting for college at Meriden Academy, where he studied one year, and soon after leaving that institution, where he stood high in scholarship, he entered Dartmouth College. Neither in this year of preparation, nor during all his college course, did he ever receive pecuniary aid from any individual or society. He paid his way by teaching.

While at Meriden, he became, with many of his classmates, savingly interested in religion, and made a public profession of his faith in Christ in his native place. His religious experience, we have reason to believe, was deep and thorough,—producing an humble, loving faith in Christ as the only Saviour, and a sincere, benevolent goodwill to all around him—to all mankind. His mind was calm and peaceful—not subject to the agitations felt by so many in their religious life, and his trust and confidence in God were never shaken. He could never bear to hear any questioning of the ways of Providence, however dark and mysterious they might appear. "God wills it," was always enough for him.[291]

Through his college course he passed with honor and success, taking high rank in a class which was exceptionally good, producing a large number of men who were afterwards distinguished in professional and public life. Though himself guided in all things by the highest Christian principle, he yet knew how to feel for those who were in danger of falling into evil courses; and certainly in one instance, by his tender and watchful care, he was the means of reclaiming and saving a young friend from threatening ruin.

He graduated in 1828, and taught afterwards for a year in Berwick Academy, Maine, and subsequently in a large public school in Boston, from which, in 1830, he was called to a tutorship in Dartmouth College. He held that position for three years, during which he continued his theological studies, which he had commenced with the ministry in view, and in that year he preached regularly in some of the neighboring towns.

He gave up this purpose, however, when he received the appointment of Professor of Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, and Astronomy, in place of Professor Adams, who resigned at that time, August, 1833. Before the close of that month, he became Professor Adams' son-in-law by marriage to his youngest daughter, Eliza, and seldom were father and son more closely united in affection or more happy in mutual intercourse.

In regard to his qualifications for his department and success in the same, it may be well to refer to some remarks contained in an obituary notice of him, written by one who for many years was associated with him in instruction, and who is now placed at the head of a sister institution.

"Professor Young had some qualities which fitted him eminently for this position. He was, in the first place, thoroughly master of the science and literature of his own department. Distinguished while in college for mathematical attainments, he never relaxed in careful and constant study of those branches to which he particularly directed his attention. His mind was thoroughly disciplined for truth and not for victory, and thus he was ready to test his attainments by the most thorough methods. As he was thorough with himself, so he[292] was with his pupils, trying them with doubtful questions which the studious could easily answer, but which the ignorant could not evade. Yet he was never harsh, nor captious, nor irritating, though quick and ingenious in exposing mistakes and follies. Besides his ample knowledge, he possessed remarkably the power of clear and distinct statement. It was the habit of his mind to reduce his facts to principles, and to present them in their simplest forms. Few instructors have excelled him in the facility with which he could disentangle and elucidate a complicated problem, whether for the satisfaction of his own mind, or the instruction of another. And he was as patient as he was acute. Of a quiet temperament, not easily roused, nor rendered impatient at the dullness or want of perspicuity in another, unless this resulted from a moral rather than an intellectual weakness."

In April, 1858, he went to Europe and spent five months abroad, for the purpose of procuring books and instruments for the college, especially those which were needed for the equipment of the Observatory, whose foundations were laid that year. He had labored successfully in obtaining funds for this object, in which he took a deep interest, and after the completion of the building, it afforded him much pure enjoyment, as it gave him greatly increased facilities both for observing and instructing in his favorite field of science.

Teaching was to him a real pleasure, and he often said that he would not willingly exchange it for any other employment that could be offered him. He felt a truly affectionate interest in the young minds that successively came under his care, sympathizing with them in their perplexities and troubles, grieving for their errors, and rejoicing in whatever advances they made in scientific attainments and true excellence of character. Remembering his own early struggles, he felt much sympathy with young men similarly situated, and often rendered them efficient aid.... Nor was his care and interest limited exclusively to the college, but he sought to do good "as he had opportunity," and in the manifold relations he sustained to others, in the family, the church, the neighborhood, the village, his unselfish kindness was ever manifested. He held the office of Treasurer of Meriden Academy for several[293] years after the resignation of his predecessor, and at the time of his death had been a deacon of the church for twenty years.

During the summer term of 1858, he was unusually occupied with college labors, being employed most of the day in attending his recitations and lectures, and in preparation for them. He had obtained some new philosophical apparatus, which interested him much, and he never seemed to find more pleasure in his work than then, though it often left him quite weary and exhausted.

At that time there was a remarkable degree of religious interest throughout the country, in which the college and the village shared, and it resulted in numerous conversions. He often attended the noon-day prayer meetings of the class he was then instructing, and spoke of them with much pleasure; and his own heart was deeply moved by the heavenly influence.

Near the close of July he began to suffer much from a malady which, though hidden, must have been long in progress. His sufferings were most acute and severe, but never did he lose that sweet patience and serenity of spirit he had always manifested, nor that calm submission to his Heavenly Father's will. He died September 13, 1858.

In the words of one of his most esteemed associates: "The village mourns, for it has lost an excellent citizen; the church mourns, for it has lost an efficient officer; the college mourns, for it has lost a revered teacher; the State mourns, for it has lost an exemplary subject,—one who belonged to that class who are justly styled 'the light of the world!'"

Few men in America have ever been called to teach the abstruse science of Mathematics, who combined in such desirable proportions a thorough knowledge of the science with a faculty of presenting it in a pleasing manner in the recitation room. In the happy adjustment of Professor Young's powers one could but observe a union of quick perception with almost perfect self-control. Whatever the deficiencies of the student, a hasty or unguarded or inappropriate or even an unscientific word was seldom found in Professor Young's vocabulary. His most impressive rebuke was silence.

In a commemorative "Discourse," President Lord says:[294]

"During his college course he was an earnest and successful student. He carried his work before him, finished it in its time, and did it well. He studied his lessons and a few related books, and scattered not his mind by light, promiscuous, and aimless reading. He gorged not, but thought and digested, and never had a literary dyspepsia. Of course he grew right along. He was resolved, prompt, exact, untiring, and true as steel. Everybody knew where to find him. He studied no popular arts. Though never rough or crusty, he was curt and sarcastic; but no man ever took offense who knew the kindness of his heart. His fellow-students loved him. His abilities and knowledge commanded their respect; his moral excellence secured their confidence, and his example gave him power over their minds and manners. He hated and reproved vice, frowned upon all disorder, disdained artifice and trick, and stood out manfully in support of virtue. Once, in the same entry, a few noisy and vicious young men set up to be disturbers. They particularly insulted a worthy but timid student, who was his neighbor. He took that student to his own room, and gave him countenance and protection. Then they committed outrage upon his room, and threatened personal abuse. When his remonstrance availed nothing, he protested that he would not see such evil perpetrated in college, but would report them. They knew him, believed him, desisted, and gave him then the honor of his disinterested virtue, as virtue always receives its meed of honor when it stands erect on its own prerogative, and is not moved by the contradictions of unreasonable and wicked men. Yet he was no ascetic. He liked companionship, was not fastidious or exacting, never petulant or vindictive, but gentle and forbearing. He had especial tenderness for those 'good-hearted' young men who can never refuse to do wrong when they are invited. A distinguished officer of one of our professional institutions once said to me,—'I was, at one time, when in college, thoughtless, self-indulgent, fell among bad companions, and was nearly ruined. Mr. Young pitied me, took hold of me, and saved me.' That excellent man could not now speak of his benefactor without tears of gratitude.

"How he stood at college, that is, what rank he held,[295] whether first, second, or a lower figure in his class, I never inquired, and, if I ever heard, I have forgotten. Probably he was not equally indifferent, for if there be a more excellent way of judgment, it was not quite evident to his calculating mind. I have often admired how his professional bias led him in his measurement of men, almost as by instinct, to arithmetic, as if figures must, of course, be true, and as if insensible moral and physical causes did not often greatly modify or neutralize numerical computation. But it was a generous prejudice, and I have also admired how, in his practical judgment, he would unconsciously neutralize or modify his professional idea. He wanted nothing but realities. He went for scholarship and not the show of it. He accepted no metal that would not ring. He was accordingly judged by others in reference to his sterling qualities. There might have been men about him who made a greater figure than himself. It is very likely. For, as I remember, strangers sometimes undervalued him. Soon after he left college, I was sent to offer him the place of tutor. I had not previously known him, and my first impressions were not agreeable. I hesitated to do my errand. After all it was rather performed than done, more after a Roman than a Saxon fashion. But it turned out better for his character and the public good, than for my own discernment. So of another commission not only from the Trustees, but the venerable Professor Adams, to assure him that he would, after a while, be wanted to take the chair of that noble old man, one of the princes of the earth. They who knew him best had marked him, even when he took his parchment, for that high position. How well he filled it, and every other office he sustained, everybody who knows the college knows.

"Professor Young was a consummate teacher. During his college course he taught school every successive winter, as he had done for years preceding, and earned nearly enough to pay the expenses of his course, for he had high wages, and never wasted them on his clothes or pleasures. That discipline settled in his mind the elements of knowledge. The principles of all true knowledge were already laid; first, when he was born; and, secondly, when he was born again. He had,[296] of course, tools to work with, and facility to use them for the good of others, enlarging all the while his own fabric till he became the man of science that he was for his successive trusts. He loved, as few men ever love, to teach, and as no man can love who begins not early and makes not teaching his profession. He went to his last recitation when he should have been upon his bed, to find relief from the agonies he suffered, and take off his mind from the greater that he feared. He was never more at home, or more at ease, than with his class. He loved to enrich them out of his own stores, and thereby draw out and sharpen their independent faculties. He was not disconcerted when he sometimes drew to little purpose; though sure, by set remonstrance, or by his peculiar, quaint, dry and caustic humor, to rebuke indifference and neglect, or expose the artifice of a bold, shrewd, or sly pretender. He was sure of what he knew, and never gave way without a reason. I have sometimes thought him too sure before he scanned a question. Yet he would never persist when he saw no foothold. He was set but not dogmatic, or no more so than a sincere man must be when he believes what he teaches and is in earnest. He would never defend before his class a theory because it was new, or because it was learned, or because it was his own, or because it was popular, or because he would otherwise be ruled out of the synagogue, till he had made it sure by calculus, or probable by analogy. When convinced that an hypothesis could not be verified in the present state of knowledge, or never in logical consistency with established facts, or moral certainties, he abandoned it like an honest man. But where he had his ground he stood, and would have it understood. Of course his teaching was effectual. Those who would be made scholars he made sound and good ones. He gave a strong character to his departments, and his departments were an honor to the college.

"Professor Young was a ripe scholar in general. He was conversant with the accredited branches of knowledge, and held an honorable place among learned men. He was modest and retiring, content to know, and unconcerned about the appearance of it. He liked not to open his mouth in the gate, but he had wisdom to deliver the city. Nothing crude, partial,[297] superficial, or one-sided, ever came from him. His judgments were clear, comprehensive, and decisive. He was slow, critical, and cautious in forming his opinions, and where he settled there he stayed. No man could cajole or browbeat him out of his convictions.

"When our professor lay dead before us, the thought arose that, now, no longer plodding his way to yonder dome, with steps restrained and painful from an unknown disease, no longer weary with watching, through his telescope, the distant orbs, nor with numbers and diagrams to find their measure, he could survey, without a glass, infinitely greater wonders from a higher sphere; for he had profited by his earthly discipline: the heavens had declared to him the glory of God, and the firmament had showed his handiwork. The day had uttered to him speech, and the night had showed to him knowledge. Next it occurred how natural religion had been thus reproduced in his mind and illustrated by a higher Revelation: 'The law of the Lord is perfect, converting the soul; the testimonies of the Lord are sure, making wise the simple; the statutes of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart; the commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening the eyes.'"

[298]

## CHAPTER XXV.

PROFESSOR STEPHEN CHASE.—PROFESSOR DAVID PEABODY.—PROFESSOR WILLIAM COGSWELL.

Professor Stephen Chase, who succeeded Professor Young in the chair of Mathematics, the latter retaining the department of Natural Philosophy and Astronomy, was the son of Benjamin Pike and Mary (Chase) Chase, and was born at Chester, N. H., August 30, 1813.

The following notice of this distinguished mathematician is from a commemorative "Discourse" by President Lord:—

"In the first class that entered the college, after my connection with it, nearly twenty-three years ago, a young man, spare, tall, as yet unformed in manner, soon engaged the attention of his teachers. We marked his mild, serene, yet quick and penetrating eye, his independent, unaffected, yet modest and regulated movement, his lively, versatile, earnest, and comprehensive mind, his cheerful and honest diligence, his punctual attendance upon the exercises of the college, his respectful, but unstudied and confiding deportment towards his superiors, his frank and generous, but reserved intercourse with his fellow students, his care in selecting his most intimate associates, and his quiet, unpretending, yet exact and intelligent performance of all the studies of the course. An indifferent stranger would not have noticed him, except, perhaps, to criticize his unique exterior; and his fellow students, as is natural to young persons who are most impressed by æsthetical manner and accomplishment, did not dignify him as a leader or an oracle. But a deeper insight convinced his teachers that, whatever partial observers might think wanting in respect to artistic excellence, was well supplied by more substantial and enduring qualities. Their eye followed him, while here, as a sound-minded, true-hearted young man, and[299] a thorough scholar; and, after he had graduated, as a teacher at the South, and in two of the oldest academies of New England. In these different relations he fully justified the good name which he had left behind him at the college, till, the proper occasions serving, he was called back to be first a tutor, and then professor of the Mathematics. The subsequent course of Mr. Chase proved that his instructors had not miscalculated his powers, nor over-estimated his qualifications for one of the most difficult and trying positions in a learned institution.

"Professor Chase performed the duties of his office without interruption till the close of the last term, during a period of about thirteen years; and died, after a short illness, in vacation, while yet a young man. He was scarcely thirty-eight years of age. Yet he was old, if we measure time, as scholars should, not by the motion of the heavenly bodies, but the succession of ideas. He had made great proficiency in knowledge. Well he might; for he had great susceptibilities. His temperament was ardent, his instincts were lively, his perceptions keen, his thoughts rapid, his reasoning faculties sharp, his imagination fiery, and his will determined. No man has all his active powers proportioned; for that would constitute perfection, which exists not in this world any more in physical than in moral natures. But his balance was less disturbed than most, and, consequently, he was capable of various and large attainments. What he could he did, for his spirit was earnest, and his industry untiring. He had become well founded and extensively versed in most departments of liberal study, and it would be difficult to say in what branch of knowledge he would have been most competent to excel. He was not a genius; that is, no one power of the mind absorbed the others, and his culture was not unequal. Therefore he would not have glared for a while, like a meteor, and then exploded, but he would have stood one of the pillars of learning, and a true conservator of society.

"A man of excellent constitutional faculties, like Mr. Chase, must use them, if Providence gives him opportunity. He has a self-moving power. He cannot be still. Use of the faculties increases their facility and productiveness; and the increase[300] of products increases the love of acquisition. His gains, and his consequent love of gain, will be according to the Providential direction which he takes, whether to a trade, an art, a profession, to the pursuit of wealth, or power, or general knowledge. Mr. Chase's direction was to knowledge. He acquired it easily, his stores rapidly increased, and the love of it became a passion. He loved knowledge as some men love pleasure, and others gold, for its own sake. Yet not exclusively, for he was genial, warm-hearted, and humane. He appreciated the enjoyments of personal, domestic, and social life. No man could be more affectionate, kind, generous, or public-spirited. He was never a recluse or an ascetic. He was ready to take anything in hand, and liked to have his hands full. He desired an estate, he studied a profession, he amused himself with useful arts, he loved a farm, a garden, an orchard, a fruitery, an apiary; and occasionally, to do the work proper to them all himself; and he did it well. But knowledge, science, in the largest sense, was his beau ideal.

"Professor Chase, as might be expected, had great excellence as a teacher and governor of college. His ideal of education may be inferred from his personal culture. This had always been general and liberal. He omitted no branch of important knowledge. He accepted nothing partial. He believed in none of the romantic expedients which are often hastily adopted, and successively abandoned, for making scholars without materials, and forcing public institutions of learning, for a present popular effect, off from the methods which nature has prescribed, and experience has sanctioned. He regarded a college as a place not so much of learning, as of preparation for learning,—a school of discipline, to bring the student up to manhood with ability to perform thenceforth the hard work of a man in his particular profession. To that end no part of fundamental study could be spared. He would as soon have judged that young men could be trained to excellence in the mechanic arts, while they disused any important organ of the body; or a sculptor elaborate a perfect model by chiseling only the limbs. He would not expect such a mechanic, or artist, or educators of the same school, to[301] find either honorable or lucrative employment, when society, though temporarily blinded by ingenious but visionary projects of improvement, should learn the practical difference between the whole of anything and its parts. He would not have consented that any other department of college study should be sacrificed even to the Mathematics.

"But he would have the Mathematics lie, physically, where God has placed it, at the foundation. He would have the student early settled and accustomed to the most approved methods and varieties of demonstrative science. He would discipline the mind among the certainties of numbers, that it might better search for truth among the probabilities of things; just as we learn to swim where we can touch bottom before it is safe to plunge into the deep. He judged soundly that one must learn to use his reason before he can wisely apply it to the purposes of life; and that without this preliminary training nothing else can be learned well; and that whatever otherwise seem to be accomplishments, turn out, at length, to be fantasies that vanish in the turmoil and struggle of life, or mislead men into a false and fickle management of affairs. Wherefore he felt the peculiar responsibility of his position with all the intenseness of his earnest and far-reaching mind. He knew that his department, though most difficult to be commended to young men in general, was most indispensable to their success, and he sought accordingly to magnify his office. That he was a complete master of it is out of question. Of this he has left enduring monuments; and not the least, I am happy to say, in minds which he had trained.

"His own perception of relations was like intuition, and hence he was sometimes uneasy at the embarrassments of students, even when involuntary, and much more, when the result of indifference or neglect, even though they might at times be increased by the rapidity of his own illustrations. I should have dreaded to be taken by Professor Chase to the blackboard, unless I had a good lesson, or a good conscience; and I could not have been sure that the latter would avail me without the former. But though I should have shrunk from the criticism, I should have respected the[302] man. If I feared him in the lecture-room, I should honor him in his study; for there his warm heart would open to the story of my mental trials, and he would lead me, and help me to bear my burdens, with the kindness of an elder brother. He was exacting, but he was humane; he was impatient, but full of generous sympathies. These qualities might not always be tempered in the hurry of an occasion, but found their balance in the leisure and quiet intercourse of retirement. He was just and faithful. He had strong likes, but he would yield a favorite when he must; and strong dislikes, but he was incapable of hate. He stopped short of all extremes. You could move him easily either way on the current of the sympathies; but you could not tempt him to do wrong. As with the judgment, so with the sensibilities; they were led by conscience. As with the love of knowledge, so with the passions; they were subject to the love of truth. Whatever the occasional excitement of the intellect or the feelings, there was that in his mind which made it impossible for him to be an enemy of God or man. The soul had been harmonized by grace.

"Mr. Chase had a pious ancestry, and was brought up by Christian parents in the fear of God. An excellent mother, an invalid in his childhood, sat much in her arm-chair with the Bible on her knee. She used it with her little boy as she would a primer. Before he was four years old he had learned to read it, and read through the New Testament; and that particular volume now remains the best part of his estate. He was ever afterwards a diligent student of the Bible, and never ceased to honor the father and mother who had led him in this way of life. Filial reverence was one of his most beautiful and characteristic traits. It was a natural step to the fear of God; and the early fear of God is likely to be succeeded, according to the covenant, by that love of God which, when perfected, casteth out fear. During his third year at college he became, as he hoped, regenerate, and professed his faith in Christ. It is said that his religious awakening at that time was unusually deep; his awe of the Divine government and his sense of sin profound; his acknowledgment of God's justice and general sovereignty unreserved; and his trust in[303] Christ for justification free and unqualified. That sheet-anchor saved him. It brought him up, subsequently, in the hour of danger. When the fitful and rough winds of the spirit of the power of the air beat upon him, and the swelling waters went over his soul, it dragged, but it held. It was cast within the veil. That New Testament in his childhood, that subjection to his parents, that conversion at college,—they were blessings to him and to us that can be measured only by eternity.

"It was a sorrowful day when, in the solitude and stillness of the winter vacation, we laid him in the tomb. It was sorrowful in that house where he had been the joy and hope of loving and trusting hearts, and had found rest from the cares and vexations of official life; where a sincere, unworldly, unartificial hospitality always reigned; whence tokens of kindness went freely round to friends, and compassionate charity to the poor. It was sorrowful to his colleagues, for we trusted him, his knowledge and judgment, his integrity and zeal, his faithfulness and efficiency, his independence and courage. We knew that he was above pretense, artifice, and duplicity; that in his keeping, righteous principle was safe, and over his application of it wisdom, benevolence, and firmness would preside. It was sorrowful to the village, for he was known to be a just man, a kind neighbor, and a good citizen. He was always ready to do what he could for the common welfare, and to bear his proportion of the common burdens. Every man in the community felt that he had lost a friend."

The scientific world could have no better demonstration of Professor Chase's rare mathematical talents than his text book on Algebra, which is still used in one department of the college.

Professor Chase married Sarah Thompson, daughter of Ichabod Goodwin, and granddaughter of General Ichabod Goodwin, of South Berwick, Me. He died at Hanover, January 7, 1851.

In "Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit," we find the following notice—furnished by the kindness of Rev. Daniel L. Furbur, D.D.—of a gentleman of great worth, whose early death was a serious loss to the college:[304]

"David Peabody, the youngest son of John and Lydia (Balch) Peabody, was born at Topsfield, Mass., April 16, 1805. He was employed more or less upon his father's farm till he was fifteen or sixteen years of age; but as his physical constitution was thought to be not well suited to agricultural life, and as his early tastes were more than ordinarily intellectual, and he had a strong desire for a collegiate education, his father consented to gratify him; and, in the spring of 1821, he commenced the study of Latin at Dummer Academy, Byfield. The same year his thoughts were earnestly directed to the great subject of his own salvation, though he did not feel so much confidence in the genuineness of his religious exercises as to make a public profession of his faith until three years afterwards. In 1824, he united with the Congregational Church in his native place, and in the autumn of the same year joined the Freshman class in Dartmouth College.

"By severe labor during his collegiate course, he overtasked his naturally feeble constitution, and thus prepared the way for much future debility and suffering. He was graduated in 1828, on which occasion he delivered the valedictory oration.

"After spending a few weeks in recruiting his health at his father's, he became, for a short time, assistant editor of the 'New Hampshire Observer,' at Portsmouth, but before the close of 1828 he entered the Theological Seminary at Andover. In the spring of 1829, he accepted an invitation to take charge of a Young Ladies' Select School at Portsmouth; but in the autumn of 1830 his declining health obliged him to relinquish it, and to seek a Southern residence. He went to Prince Edward County, Virginia, and secured a situation as teacher in an excellent family,—that of Dr. Morton, and at the same time entered the Union Theological Seminary, of which the Rev. Dr. John H. Rice was the founder and principal professor. He remained in the family of Dr. Morton till he had completed the prescribed course of study, and was licensed to preach by the West Hanover Presbytery in April, 1831; after which he supplied the church at Scottsville for six months. So acceptable were his services, that the congregation would gladly have retained him as their[305] pastor; but, as he preferred a Northern residence, he declined all overtures for a settlement, and returned to New England, with his health much improved, in 1832. In November of the same year he was ordained pastor of the First Church in Lynn, Mass. In September, 1834, he was married to Maria, daughter of Lincoln Brigham, then of Cambridge, but formerly of Southborough, Mass. In January, 1835, he was attacked with a severe hemorrhage, which greatly reduced his strength, and obliged him for a season to intermit his labors. Finding the climate unfavorable, he reluctantly came to the determination to resign his pastoral charge, with a view of seeking an inland home, when his health should be sufficiently recruited to justify him in resuming the stated duties of the ministry.

"Accordingly, in the spring of 1835, he was dismissed, after which he spent some time in traveling for the benefit of his health, at the same time acting as an agent for the Massachusetts Sabbath-school Society. His health now rapidly improved, and on the 15th of July succeeding his dismission, he was installed as pastor of the Calvinist Church in Worcester.

"The change of climate seemed, for a time, highly beneficial, and had begun to induce the hope that his health might become fully established; but, in the winter of 1835-36, he was prostrated by another attack of hemorrhage, which again clouded his prospects of ministerial usefulness. In the spring of 1836, his health had so far improved that he resumed his ministerial labors and continued them through the summer; but in September, his symptoms again became more unfavorable, and he determined, in accordance with medical advice, to try the effect of a sea voyage and a winter in the South. Accordingly, he sailed in November for New Orleans; and, on arriving there, decided on going to St. Francisville, a village on the Mississippi. Here he remained during the winter, preaching to both the white and colored population, as his strength would allow. In the spring, he returned to his pastoral charge, with his health considerably invigorated. He labored pretty constantly, though not without much debility, until the succeeding spring (1838), when he found it[306] necessary again to desist from his labors, and take a season of rest. In company with a friend, he journeyed through a part of Vermont and New Hampshire, and on reaching Hanover, the day after Commencement, was surprised to learn that he had been appointed professor of Rhetoric in Dartmouth College. Conscious of his inability to meet any longer the claims of a pastoral charge, and hoping that his health might be adequate to the lighter duties of a professorship, he could not doubt that the indications of Providence were in favor of his accepting the appointment. He did accept it, and shortly after resigned his charge at Worcester, amidst many expressions of affection and regret on the part of his people, and, in October following, entered on the duties of his professorship.

"The change of labor proved highly beneficial, and during the winter of 1838-39, he enjoyed a degree of health which he had not known for many previous years. In March, he was so much encouraged in respect to himself that he remarked to a friend that he thought God would indulge the cherished wish of his heart, and permit him again to labor as a minister. But another cloud quickly appeared in his horizon, which proved ominous of the destruction of all his earthly hopes. In April following, he suffered from an attack of pleurisy, which was followed by lung fever; and, though he so far recovered as to be able to attend to his college duties till the September following, it became manifest to all that his disease was, on the whole, advancing towards a fatal termination. He died at the age of thirty-four years and six months, on the 17th of October, 1839. His last days were rendered eminently tranquil by the blessed hopes and consolations of the gospel. His funeral sermon was preached by the Rev. Dr. Lord, President of Dartmouth College, and was published. He left no children.

"Mr. Peabody's published works are a brief 'Memoir of Horace Bassett Morse,' 1830; a Discourse on 'The Conduct of Men Considered in Contrast with the Law of God,' 1836; a 'Sermon on the Sin of Covetousness, Considered in Respect to Intemperance, Indian Oppression, Slavery,' etc., 1838; the 'Patriarch of Hebron, or the History of Abraham' (posthumous), 1841."[307]

FROM THE REV. SAMUEL G. BROWN, D.D.

"Dartmouth College, July 25, 1856.

"My Dear Sir: It gives me great pleasure to send you my impressions of Professor Peabody, though others could write with more authority. I knew him in college, where he was my senior. He belonged to a class of great excellence, and was honorably distinguished throughout his college course for general scholarship, diligence, fidelity, and great weight of personal influence, in favor of all things 'excellent and of good report.' His character was mature and his mind already well disciplined when he entered the class, and education had perhaps less to accomplish for him in the matter of elegant culture than for almost any one of his associates. Hence there was not the same conspicuous progress in him as in some others. Yet at the time of graduation he stood among the first, as is indicated by the fact that he was the orator of one of the literary societies, and was selected by the Faculty to deliver the valedictory oration at Commencement. In every department of study he was a good scholar,—in the classical, moral, and rhetorical departments, preëminent. As a preacher, he was distinguished for a certain fullness and harmony of style, justness in the exposition of doctrine, and weight of exhortation. He was prudent without being timid, and zealous without being rash; eminently practical, though possessing a love of ideal beauty, and a cultivated and sensitive taste, and as far removed from formalism on the one side as from fanaticism on the other. Dignified and courteous in manner, he was highly respected by all his acquaintances, and while a pastor, greatly esteemed and beloved by his people. His fine natural qualities were marred by few blemishes, and his religious character was steadily and constantly developed year by year. Grave, sincere, earnest, he went about his labors as one mindful of his responsibility, and as seen under his 'great Task-master's eye.' Indeed his anxieties outran his strength, and he was obliged to leave undone much that was dearest to his hopes. The disease to which he finally yielded had more than once 'weakened his strength in the way,' before he was finally prostrated by it. The consequent[308] uncertainty of life had perhaps imparted to him more than usual seriousness, and a deep solicitude to work while the day lasted. He performed the duties of a professor in college but a single year, and that with some interruptions. No better account of the general impression of his life on those who knew him best can be given than in the language of a sermon preached at his funeral by the Rev. Dr. Lord.

"'What his private papers show him to have felt in the presence of his God was made evident, also, in his social and official intercourse. Intelligent, grave, dignified; conscientious in all his relations, from the student upwards to the teacher, the pastor, the professor; nothing empty as a scholar, nothing unsettled or inconsistent as a divine, nothing vague or groundless as an instructor; sincere, generous, honorable, devout; keenly sensitive in respect to the proprieties and charities of life; warm in his affections, strong in his attachments, stern in his integrity; above the arts of policy, the jealousies of competition, the subserviency of party spirit, and simply intent upon serving God, in his own house, and in all his official ministrations, he was one of the few who are qualified to be models for the young, ornaments to general society, and pillars in the church of God.'

"Hoping, dear sir, that this hasty and imperfect sketch may be of some trifling service in commemorating a good man, who deserves something much better,

"I am very truly your obedient friend and servant,

"S. G. Brown."

FROM THE REV. JOHN NELSON, D.D.

"Leicester, July 23, 1856.

"My dear sir: My personal acquaintance with the Rev. Mr. Peabody was limited to the period during which he was the pastor of the Central Church, in Worcester. While he held that office, I had, I may say, an intimate,—certainly a most happy, acquaintance with him. I often saw him in his own house, and often received him as a welcome guest in mine. I often met him in the association to which we both belonged and in ecclesiastical councils.

"I remember him as having a rather tall and commanding[309] figure, and a benign countenance, beaming with intelligence, especially when engaged in conversation. This appearance, however, was modified by constant ill health. No one could be with him without receiving the impression that he was a scholar, as well as a deep and accurate thinker.

"The few sermons which I heard him read, or deliver from the pulpit, were of a high order, distinguished for both accuracy of style and power of thought. They were clear, methodical, and highly eloquent. It was my own impression, and I know it was the impression of some of his most distinguished hearers, that he was among the best preachers of his time. In ecclesiastical councils he was shrewd, discerning, and wise. As a friend, he was always reliable. His moral character was not only high, but well balanced, and marred by no inconsistencies.

"It is presumed that no one will dissent from the statement that, during the few years he was in Worcester, by his intelligence, his manly virtues, his kindness of heart, his active labors for the advancement of Christ's kingdom, and his ability as well as faithfulness as a preacher, he greatly commended himself, not only to the people of his immediate charge, but to the whole community in which he labored.

"Affectionately yours,

"John Nelson."

We are indebted to "Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit" for yet another notice—furnished by the kindness of Rev. Daniel Lancaster—of a gentleman widely known to the friends of education and religion.

"William Cogswell, the son of Dr. William and Judith (Badger) Cogswell, was born in Atkinson, N. H., June 5, 1787. He was a descendant from John Cogswell, of Westbury, Wiltshire, England, who, with his family, sailed from Bristol in a vessel called the 'Angel Gabriel,' June 4, 1635, and was wrecked at Pemaquid (now Bristol), Maine. He settled at Chebacco, now Essex, then a part of Ipswich, Mass., where he died November 29, 1669, about fifty-eight years old. His father was distinguished as a physician and a magistrate, and held the office of hospital surgeon in the army during the[310] war that gave us our Independence. His mother was a daughter of the Hon. Joseph Badger, of Gilmanton, a gentleman of great respectability and for a long time in public life.

"Under the influence of good parental instruction, his mind was early formed to a deep sense of the importance of religion; but it was not till he was fitting for college at Atkinson, that he received those particular religious impressions which he considered as marking the commencement of his Christian life. He did not make a public profession of religion until the close of his Junior year, September, 1810; at that time he, with both his parents, and all his brothers and sisters, nine in number, received baptism, and were admitted to the church on the same day, in his native place, by the Rev. Stephen Peabody.

"He became a member of Dartmouth College in 1807. Having maintained a highly respectable standing in a class that has since numbered an unusual proportion of distinguished men, he graduated in 1811. For two years after leaving college, he was occupied in teaching in the Atkinson and Hampton Academies. But, during this time, having resolved to enter the ministry, he commenced the study of Theology under the direction of the Rev. Mr. Webster of Hampton, and subsequently continued it under Dr. Dana of Newburyport, and Dr. Worcester of Salem,—chiefly the latter. Having received license to preach from the Piscataqua Association, September 29, 1813, he performed a tour of missionary service in New Hampshire, and at the close of December, 1813, returned to Massachusetts, and accepted an invitation to preach as a candidate for settlement, in the south parish in Dedham. After laboring there a few weeks, he received a unanimous call, which, in due time, he accepted, and on the 20th of April, 1815, he was duly set apart to the pastoral office. Here he continued laboriously and usefully employed about fourteen years, during which time the church under his care was doubled in numbers, and enjoyed a high degree of spiritual prosperity.

"In June, 1829, he was appointed general agent of the American Education Society, and he accordingly resigned his pastoral charge with a view to an acceptance of the place.[311] He entered upon the duties of his new office in August following, and so acceptable were his services, and so well adapted was he found to be to such a field of labor, that in January, 1832, he was elected secretary and director of the Society. His duties now became exceedingly arduous, and his situation one of vast responsibility. In addition to all the other labors incident to his situation, he had an important agency in conducting the 'Quarterly Journal and Register of the American Education Society,'—a work that required great research, and that has preserved much for the benefit of posterity which would otherwise have been irrecoverably lost.

"In 1833, he was honored with the degree of Doctor of Divinity, by Williams College.

"It became manifest, after a few years, that Dr. Cogswell's physical constitution was gradually yielding to the immense pressure to which it was subjected. He accordingly signified to the Board of Directors of the Education Society his intention to resign his office as secretary, as soon as a successor could be found. He was induced, however, by their urgent solicitation, to withhold his resignation for a short time; though in April, 1841, his purpose was carried out, and his resignation accepted. The Board with which he had been connected, rendered, on his taking leave of them, the most honorable testimony to the ability and fidelity with which he had discharged the duties of his office.

"On the same month that he determined on resigning his place in the Education Society, he was appointed by the Trustees of Dartmouth College, professor of History and National Education. Here again his labors were very oppressive, as he was obliged not only to prepare a course of lectures on a subject comparatively new, but to perform much other service, especially in the way of collecting funds to endow his professorship. He was chiefly instrumental, at this time, in establishing the Northern Academy of Arts and Sciences, and of gathering for it a library of about two thousand volumes.

"But while he was thus actively and usefully engaged, he was invited to the presidency of the Theological Seminary at Gilmanton, in connection also with the professorship of Theology, and a general agency in collecting funds. There were[312] many circumstances that led him to think favorably of the proposal, and finally to accept it. He accordingly removed his family to Gilmanton, in January, 1844.

"His expectations in this last field of labor seem scarcely to have been realized. The removal of one of the professors to another institution, devolved upon him an amount of labor which he had not anticipated, and he found it impossible to attend to the business of instruction, and at the same time to be abroad among the churches soliciting pecuniary aid. At length, finding that the public mind was greatly divided as to the expediency of making any further efforts to sustain the institution, he recommended that its operations should, for the time being, be suspended; though he considered it as only a suspension, and confidently believed that it had yet an important work to perform. He held himself ready after this to give private instruction in Theology, whenever it was desired.

"In 1848, Dr. Cogswell suffered a severe domestic affliction in the death of his only son,—a young man of rare promise, at the age of twenty. This seemed to give a shock to his constitution from which he never afterwards fully recovered. He acted as a stated supply to the First Church in Gilmanton until the early part of January, 1850, when he was suddenly overtaken with a disease of the heart that eventually terminated his life. He preached on the succeeding Sabbath (January 13), but it was for the last time. He performed some literary labor after this, and read the concluding proof sheet of a work that he was carrying through the press for the New Hampshire Historical Society. When he found that death was approaching, though at first he seemed to wish to live, that he might carry out some of his plans of usefulness, not yet accomplished, he soon became perfectly reconciled to the prospect of his departure. He died in serene triumph,—connecting all his hopes of salvation with the truths he had preached,—April 18, 1850. His funeral sermon was preached by the Rev. Daniel Lancaster of Gilmanton, and was published.

"Dr. Cogswell was a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, of the American Antiquarian Society, and of[313] the New England Historic and Genealogical Society. He was also an Honorary Member of the Historical Societies of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Georgia, and a Corresponding Member of the National Institution for the Promotion of Science at Washington.

"The following is a list of Dr. Cogswell's publications 'A Sermon on the Nature and Extent of the Atonement,' 1816. 'A Sermon containing the History of the South Parish, Dedham,' 1816. 'A Sermon on the Suppression of Intemperance,' 1818. 'A Catechism on the Doctrines and Duties of Religion,' 1818. 'A Sermon on the Nature and Evidences of the Inspiration of the Sacred Scriptures,' 1819. 'A Sermon before the Auxiliary Education Society of Norfolk County,' 1826. 'Assistant to Family Religion,' 1826. 'A Sermon on Religious Liberty,' 1828. 'A Valedictory Discourse to the South Parish, Dedham,' 1829. 'Theological Class Book,' 1831. 'Harbinger of the Millennium,' 1833. 'Letters to Young Men Preparing for the Ministry,' 1837. In addition to the above, Dr. Cogswell wrote the 'Reports of the American Education Society' for eight years—from 1833 to 1840; and two 'Reports of the Northern Academy.' He was the principal editor of the 'American Quarterly Register' for several years; was editor also of the 'New Hampshire Repository,' published at Gilmanton, N. H.; of the first volume of the 'New England, Historical and Genealogical Register;' of a paper in Georgetown, Mass., called the 'Massachusetts Observer,' for a short time; and of the sixth volume of the 'New Hampshire Historical Collections.'

"Dr. Cogswell was married on the 11th of November, 1818, to Joanna, daughter of the Rev. Jonathan Strong, D.D., of Randolph, Mass. They had three children,—one son and two daughters.

FROM THE REV. SAMUEL G. BROWN, D.D.,
PROFESSOR IN DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

"Hanover, April 10, 1856.

"My Dear Sir: I had the pleasure of considerable acquaintance with the Rev. Dr. Cogswell, though only during[314] the later years of his life. He was not then accustomed to preach, except occasionally to supply a vacant pulpit, or as a part of his duty as secretary of the Education Society, or in connection with his professorship in Dartmouth College, or the Theological Seminary at Gilmanton. He had formed his style on the model of the older preachers and theologians, and if he had something of their formality, he had much of their Scriptural simplicity of statement and devoutness of feeling. His sermons, so far as I remember them, though showing a careful adherence to the doctrinal opinions of the fathers of New England, were not of a polemic character, but were marked by good sense, earnestness, a Biblical mode of address, and warm Christian sympathies.

"From natural kindness of heart, he avoided unnecessary controversy, and was especially solicitous to harmonize and unite by charity, rather than by acuteness to discriminate differences among brethren, or to separate them by severity of judgment. Not ambitious, he was yet gratified by the approbation and good opinion of others, and loved a position where he might be prominent in labors of charity. Neglect or contumely wounded but did not embitter him. No feeling of ill-nature was suffered to disturb his peace or check his liberality.

"Among the prominent traits of his character was a sincere and unwearied benevolence. He was interested in young men, and his labors as secretary of the American Education Society were stimulated even more by love of the work than by a sense of official responsibility. He was thoroughly devoted to the objects which interested him, and though one might differ from him in judgment with respect to measures, none doubted his sincerity or refused him the praise of unsparing fidelity.

"His tastes led him to antiquarian pursuits, and he was prominent in founding and conducting several learned societies which have done much to rescue valuable knowledge from oblivion, and thus to secure the materials for future history.

"He bore adversity with meekness and patience. What might have crushed a harder spirit, but gave his greater symmetry. The latter years of his life, though darkened with[315] many disappointments, were illustrated by the exhibition of admirable and noble traits of character, such as few, except his most intimate friends, supposed him so fully to possess. The death of an only and very promising son while in college, and the failure of some favorite plans, seemed only to develop a touching and beautiful Christian resignation and a high magnanimity. Not a murmur was heard from his lips under his irreparable loss, nor an unkind or reproachful word at the disappointment of his expectations; nor did an unsubmissive or harsh thought seem to find a place in his heart. Those especially who witnessed his last sickness were deeply impressed with the Christian virtues and graces which found a free expression in the hour of trial.

"Dr. Cogswell was portly in appearance, grave and dignified in his bearing, and eminently courteous in manner. He will be remembered with kindness by all who knew him, and by many with a feeling of strong gratitude and affection.

"With great regard, your obliged friend and servant,

"S. G. Brown."

[316]

## CHAPTER XXVI.

PROF. JOHN NEWTON PUTNAM.—PROF. JOHN S. WOODMAN. PROF. CLEMENT LONG.—OTHER TEACHERS.

The following notice of the eminent scholar who succeeded Professor Crosby in the chair of Greek, is from a Commemorative "Discourse" by Professor Brown.

John Newton Putnam was the son of Simeon and Abigail Brigham (Fay) Putnam, and was born December 26, 1822, in what was then the north parish of the beautiful town of Andover, Massachusetts. His father, a graduate of Harvard in the Class of 1811, was for many years teacher of a classical school of high character in North Andover, in which the son received his elementary training and discipline. His mother was a lady of exquisite refinement and beauty of character, of great gentleness and tender grace. Soon after the death of his father, in 1833, he entered Phillips Academy in Andover, then under the charge of that excellent scholar, Mr. Osgood Johnson, where he successfully completed the usual course of study preparatory to entering college.

Being still quite young, and already showing uncommon aptitude for study, he went with his instructor and friend, Rev. Thatcher Thayer, to the town of Dennis, upon Cape Cod, where he spent four years in quiet and delightful application.

Dr. Thayer says of his classical studies:

"He recited each day, in review, the whole of the past lesson from memory, without book, first the Latin or Greek and then the English. At each lesson questions were asked which, if he could not answer, he was required to answer at the next recitation, from various helps furnished him. This often led to long and varied investigations. He wrote as much as he read,—perhaps more.[317]

"If those studying with him might smile a little at his want of athletic zeal and vigor, there was no room for smiling when it came to Greek, or indeed any mental exercise. Besides, his wit, though gentle, could gleam, and then they all respected him for his character, and loved him for his winning spirit."

In the autumn of 1840, he entered the Sophomore class of this college, ready to make full use of the ample opportunities granted him. With what modesty and beauty he bore himself here, with what fidelity in every relation, with what admirable scholarship, with what generous aims, with what simplicity and purity of motive, with what love of learning, and desire not merely of meeting the claims of the recitation-room, but of perfecting himself in every branch of liberal culture, how constantly this noble desire possessed him from his first day among us down to the closing hour when he discoursed so fitly and with such maturity on "Poetry—an instinctive philosophy," those know best who were most familiar with his college life. One testimony to this is so full and generous, and of such weighty authority, that I cannot forbear to give it. It is from the accomplished scholar who filled the chair of Greek for many years before Professor Putnam.[46]

[46] Professor Alpheus Crosby.

"I could not hope," he says, "to express, by any words at my command, the peculiar charm which Professor Putnam's scholarship and character had for me. I never heard him recite without being impressed with the wonderful perfection of his scholarship. His translation was so faultlessly accurate, and yet in such exquisite taste, his analysis and parsing were so philosophical and minutely exact, and his information upon illustrative points of history, biography, antiquities, and literature, was so full and ready, that I listened with admiration, and to become myself a learner. How often I had the feeling that we ought to change places I and when I had decided to resign my situation in the college, my mind immediately turned to him as a successor, assured that the college would be most fortunate if it could secure his services." It need not be said how fully Professor Putnam reciprocated[318] this esteem, nor what value he attached to the exact and thorough discipline of his instructor.

Nor was it in the department of languages alone that he was distinguished, but almost equally in every other, as much in those studies which demand the independent and original action of the mind as those which mainly require close attention, and the faculty of acquisition. His modesty was then, as always, so marked, and his ideal of excellence so high, that it required some sense of duty to bring his powers to a public test. He never thrust himself into a place of responsibility, or sought distinction for distinction's sake.

He had in college the desire and purpose which he always retained,—to complete himself in every art and every manly exercise. Hence his study of music, not only as a recreation, but as a discipline; not merely to gratify the ear, though exquisitely fond of the art, and receiving from it a refined and exalted pleasure, but also that he might become acquainted with the thoughts and conceptions of men great in musical genius. The Handel Society, which, from the constant changes of its members, must necessarily fluctuate,—the annual losses not always being met by corresponding gains,—was then in a high state of efficiency. For the sake of study and musical acquisition, it boldly grappled with the difficult works of eminent masters, and with whatever necessary imperfectness of actual performance, it was with sure and lasting results of musical ability and taste and knowledge. It was in this society, I suppose, that Professor Putnam first became practically acquainted with some of the great works of Handel and Haydn, Beethoven and Mozart, and with the lighter but yet substantial excellencies of some of the English masters. Here he cultivated and disciplined his nice ear to the instinctive perception of the hidden harmonies of poetry, to the feeling of those finer beauties which hardly admit of expression in anything so clumsy as our actual speech.

The desire for physical accomplishment led him to join a military company then existing in college, although he had no love for such things, but rather a native repugnance to them, and there was then no special demand for the discipline.[319]

The six years following his graduation were divided between instruction in Leicester, Massachusetts, and Newport, Rhode Island, and pursuing his professional studies in the Theological Seminary at Andover. During this time he reviewed and consolidated his knowledge. He brought himself into nearer contact with practical and common life. He enlarged his sphere of observation and the circle of his studies, and was looking forward with great satisfaction to the actual performance of the duties of his profession, when he was invited to the chair of Greek in this college. It was a position entirely suited to his tastes, his capacities, his studies. He brought to it not only ample learning and tastes delicate and cultivated, but the enlarged and generous spirit of a true scholar, and the aptness of an accomplished instructor. His ideal of attainment and of duty was very high, and he aimed at once to fit himself, by the most generous courses of study, to illustrate the more perfectly to his classes the poetry, the eloquence, the philosophy, of the wisest and most refined people of the whole ancient world.

It was with no narrow or exclusive spirit, nor with a merely technical purpose, that Professor Putnam pursued his studies, or directed those of others. Every true book was a nucleus around which all thought and knowledge of similar kind were grouped,—a central point from which his mind radiated in all directions within the sphere of the subject. Could he read Plato and Aristotle without studying the course of ancient philosophy and its influence on the modern? or Demosthenes, without an investigation of the virtues and failings of Athenian statesmen? or Thucydides, without meditation on the causes of the desolation of empires and states? or Homer and Sophocles, without a quick comparison with Dante and Milton and Shakespeare? It was indeed a characteristic of Professor Putnam, and one cause why his knowledge was becoming, had indeed become, at once so ample and so serviceable, that it was not an accumulation of facts disconnected or bound together by mere accidental associations, but an organic growth, every fibre of the most distant branch tracing itself back to the one trunk, and the sap from the living root feeding and nourishing the whole.[320]

In his special profession, Professor Putnam would be allowed to hold rank among the very best. The most kind and winning of teachers, he was the most exacting and stimulating. By questions sharp, pertinent, and various, thoroughly testing the knowledge of the student, he at once made him feel his deficiencies, and inspired him to supply them. Even the dull and careless felt the singular fascination of his look and tone, caught something of the life of his spirit, and were gradually lifted above themselves. Gentle, affable, ready to communicate, dignified, thorough, patient, and learned, never harsh, never repulsive, he was earnest to meet every want of the student. His whole course was marked by unwearied fidelity.

To instruct was an occupation and a duty, to which he made everything else yield. He was thoroughly desirous to help those who came under his care, so revealing to them their own deficiencies, and so placing before them the methods and results of a better scholarship, as to incite them to new exertions, and aid them to independent and vigorous activity. No one, unless very groveling and earthy, could be long under his training, without insensibly catching something of the finer spirit of a beautiful discipline. His own philosophic thought imparted its movement to their minds, and many are they who have gone from these halls, within the last fourteen years, who can trace back to him some of their best methods of study.

Language was, in his view, no dead product, but the finer breath and effluence of the national life, as subtle, as many sided in its aspects, as the national spirit itself,—into the knowledge of which one must grow by slow degrees, bending his pliant mind till it gradually yields to the new channels of thought and expression.

"An unfaithful scholar," says one of his pupils, "was gently yet unmistakably reminded of his delinquency, perhaps by assistance being omitted upon a point which he might easily have ascertained for himself. One whom he saw struggling to learn he invariably helped, and this help was given so kindly that many a one would try to make a good recitation if only to gratify one so much beloved. The[321] best scholars were quickened by his most delicately expressed appreciation of their victories, and even sluggish souls felt an unwonted light and warmth stirring in them when they came into his presence. I remember well our last recitation in Greek. It was from Plato. He started with an idea of the noble philosopher, Christianized it, and gave it to us in a few simple, sublime words, with an attitude and look that melted the hearts of all.

"It has sometimes occurred to me that he could not seem constantly to others as he did to me, like one who had dropped from a higher sphere, to remain a little while in order to draw the hearts that should love him to a purer, higher, and better life. But conversation with others has shown me that it has long been a general impression that he moved in a realm above the common level of even the best men."

There was still another aspect in which Professor Putnam presented himself, which should not be passed over without at least an allusion. Having completed his professional studies, his own tastes and higher aims, no less than the wishes of his friends, induced him occasionally to exercise the functions of the Christian ministry. Hence he sought and received ordination according to the usages of the Congregational churches, and in that relation stood in his lot. With what earnestness and pureness of motive, with what loftiness of purpose and fidelity in his high calling, and acceptance to those who heard him, I need not try to express. But I may say that it was not for want of solicitation that he did not exchange his professorship for places of considerable public importance in the other calling. It was his duty, a belief of his fitness for his post, that kept him from some inviting fields of labor elsewhere.

Having referred in fitting terms to his call to the Andover Theological Seminary, to the closing scenes in his life, and to his death at sea, Professor Brown says in conclusion:

"Few lives were more perfect than his, whose youth gave so fair a promise, whose riper years so fully redeemed the pledge. His presence shall still go with us all, to excite us to new fidelity, to enkindle within us nobler affections, to inspire us with holier purposes."[322]

His classmate Rev. Dr. Furber says:

"The ripe and rare scholarship of my beloved classmate and friend, John Newton Putnam, was the fruit of diligence and the love of study in one whose acquisitions were easily and rapidly made. Mr. Putnam never seemed to be a hard worker, but knowledge was continually flowing to him as by a process of absorption from his early childhood until he became the accomplished and brilliant scholar that he was as professor of Greek. His books were his constant companions, their society was his pleasure and pastime, he preferred it, even in his boyhood, to the sports and recreations for which most boys neglect their studies. When in college he sat up at night after other students were in bed to pursue the study of German and other modern languages not then required by the college course. This he did from the pure love of these studies, without the aid of a teacher, and without the social stimulus of any companionship in such pursuits. And he probably for the sake of study neglected needful bodily exercise every year of his life.

"In the study of languages he found a fascination. The marvelous Greek tongue was of course the richest field for him, the language of a people of the finest and subtlest intellect, and of the highest culture in the art of speech. He seemed at home in that wonderful language as much almost as if it had been his mother tongue. The elegance and vivacity, the felicity and energy of his translations from Thucydides or Plato showed that he not only comprehended his author and saw the subject as he saw it, but that he had fairly caught the glow of the author's mind from the page which he had written.

"So accomplished a student of language could not have been ignorant of his rank among his fellow students; but in all my intimacy with him, boarding at the same table, occupying for a few months the same room, and spending with him more or less time every day either in social intercourse or in the enjoyment of vocal or instrumental music, I never knew him to betray, by word or act or look, a consciousness of his superiority to the poorest scholar in the class.

"Oblivious as he was, apparently, of the deficiencies of[323] others, he was quick enough to perceive their merits. A fine recitation or an eminently creditable performance of any college exercise, no matter by whom, gave him positive enjoyment, which in his nervous and emphatic way he was very apt to express. It is really not too much to say that he appeared to enjoy the successes of others as much as though they had been his own.

"What a help to any college class is the influence of one such man! His connection with the class of 1843, was, no doubt, the presentation to some of its members of an ideal such as they had not formed before; an ideal, not only of enthusiasm for the largest acquisitions and the finest culture, but of that enthusiasm sustained by the love of excellence for its own sake, and not alloyed by any merely selfish ambition to surpass others.

"A spirit of scholarship so high, so broad, so generous as this could be no mark for envy. None of us grudged our classmate his position or his honors. He was the beloved associate, and is now the warmly remembered friend of some of us, and no doubt many of us were more indebted to his example than we were aware of at the time for anything that was well and worthily done by us in our college days.

"I ought not to close this notice without speaking of Mr. Putnam's love of music. Music was born in him as much as Greek was, and he learned one as rapidly as he did the other. When in college he was a valuable member of the Handel Society, his influence being always in favor of the introduction for practice of the standard and classic authors. Haydn's 'Creation' and other works of that great composer were an unfailing source of delight to him. Their naturalness and spontaneity, their brightness and cheerfulness, their artistic finish and exquisite grace, met precisely the corresponding qualities in his own mind. As we often choose those authors who are most unlike ourselves, so he knew how to enjoy the rugged grandeur of less polished writers. He could listen to a mountain chain of choruses in 'Israel in Egypt,' or to a dark and mazy labyrinth of mingled harmony and discord in Beethoven, and wherever he saw the perfection of art or the power of genius, his soul was like a harp of a thousand strings[324] every one of which was alive with vibration. I well remember with what elevation of feeling and intensity of utterance he used in the Handel Society to sing 'The Hallelujah Chorus,' and the concluding chorus of the Messiah, 'Worthy is the Lamb that was slain.' His deeply religious sympathies were touched by the sentiment of these great choruses, and on this account his enjoyment of them was more profound than his enjoyment even of the finished models of Haydn. He knew and felt that he was on a grander theme, and that Redemption was greater than Creation. And it is pleasant to think of him now as saying with a deeper meaning and a more rapturous devotion than he knew on earth, and may we add, a more thrilling musical delight, 'Worthy is the Lamb.'"

We append some of the closing lines of the venerable Dr. Thayer's most touching and eloquent tribute to the character of his beloved and honored pupil: "He did in quality, more than in quantity, beyond any I ever had to do with. He was under more stimulus than mere quiet pleasure in study. He had a most delicate sense of beauty to be gratified, a fine power of discrimination which sought objects for its exercise. Then his love for his mother was a very powerful motive; then too I think he thought of gratifying and honoring his teacher, who loved him and tried to make him a scholar. But better, he loved his Saviour and increasingly studied with humble loyalty to him. Still we must not put Putnam in a wrong place. He was preëminently made for a classical scholar."

Rev. Dr. Leeds adds:

"I became acquainted with Professor Putnam in the winter of 1860-61, and was on intimate terms with him up to the time of his death, more than two years later....

"Of his scholarship, others can speak more fitly than I. All remarked that he was pervaded by that which is beautiful in the wonderful language and literature he taught, as ever a vase by the perfume of its flowers.

"But it is his character on which I love to dwell. Ever after I had become well acquainted with him, he was a delightful illustration to me of the power of love to foster diverse and even opposite elements of character. He had feminine traits,[325] and yet he was thoroughly manly; the gentleness and tenderness of a true woman were his, and so were the dignity and courage of a true man. He could speak, and was wont to speak, and preferred to speak words of kindness the most winning; but he could administer a rebuke longer to be remembered than most men's; though more, perhaps, because it came from him than for any other reason. The union in him of fastidious taste and of uncritical temper was very marked. No man was more sensitive than he to all the proprieties of the occasion; and one might at first fear lest himself should say or do what would jar upon that delicately attuned spirit, for whatever he said or did was perfect in its manner. And yet no one—no one—would listen with more simple enjoyment to the plainest, crudest utterances of others. He had not one word of criticism to offer. He seemed to see—I am confident he did see—only what was good and attractive in them. But one thing could offend him, that which indicated a want of sympathy.

"More than any man I ever knew, he saw the good in every person, and the bright in everything. It was wonderful, it was delightful, it rebuked one, and it quickened one, to note the manifestations of this temper. Nothing, seemingly, could occur that did not present some occasion for gratitude. After the fearful disaster which hurried his life to its close, his message home was—how characteristic of him all who knew him will at once recognize,—'Tell them to thank God for our deliverance!'

"I must not say much more. His friends need no reminders of his innocent, sunny playfulness, or his abounding, sparkling—but never trenchant—wit. As one of them has said of another, 'What bright, graceful conceits often fell from his lips, his soft, dark eye smiling at his own unexpected thought!' And yet, such was his gracious nature that he was the delight of the house of prayer as much as of the friendly circle, the one who would be chosen alike to share our hours of gayety, and to extend to us the sacramental cup. In fine, his qualities were refined, blended, and crowned by love—love which often suggested to others the name of St. John.

"No notice of him would be adequate that did not at least[326] refer to his wife,—fitting companion to such a man. A daughter of Prof. William and Mrs. Sarah Chamberlain, she inherited both the attractive and the sterling traits of her parents. 'Lovely and pleasant in their lives, in their death they were not divided.'"

Esthetic and solid culture have very rarely had a more nearly perfect union in any American scholar than in Professor Putnam. Whether in the privacy of his home, in the recitation room, or before a large audience, his words were always chosen with a marked regard for fitness and beauty. His knowledge of the minutest points of every theme which he discussed was so exhaustive and complete that any attempt to improve would have been almost like carrying light to the sun.

The graces of his heart corresponded with those of his person and mind. His earnest piety was marked and felt by all who came within the sphere of his influence. Few Christian teachers have passed away, at the age of forty, more highly esteemed than Professor Putnam. He died on the return voyage from Europe, near Halifax, October 22, 1863.

In 1851, the chair of Mathematics was rendered vacant by the death of Professor Chase, and he was succeeded by John Smith Woodman, a member of the Rockingham County Bar. He was the son of Nathan and Abigail H. (Chesley) Woodman, and was born at Durham, N. H., September 6, 1819.

Extended experience as a teacher in the South, and foreign travel, had given valuable expansion to Professor Woodman's naturally capacious mind. He was a careful, patient, laborious teacher of the Mathematics. He did not exact excellence from every student, for he fully realized that a lack of native fondness for the studies of this department rendered it impossible for some to appear in the recitation-room, with as full preparation as others. But he strove to have each do the best in his power, and his kindness induced many to put forth earnest effort, who would have been less inclined to do so under a different teacher.

One well qualified to appreciate him says:

"As an instructor in Mathematics, a field proverbially difficult, Professor Woodman had but few equals. Such was his[327] superiority when a student in this department, that there was little difficulty in choosing a successor to the post made vacant by the sudden and untimely death of Professor Chase. The action of the Trustees was most completely justified by the ease and thoroughness with which Professor Woodman took up and carried forward the work of his honored and lamented predecessor.

"In the class-room, however subtle or complicated the subject, or however dull the student lucklessly 'called up,' his demeanor was always evenly calm, without a shade of impatience; he carried a firm, steady hand, master alike of himself and the subject in hand.

"Under his direction the field of Mathematics was not left to mere theoretical cultivation. At an early date, the first class under his care was marshaled in squads under self-chosen captains who were first trained by the professor in practical handling of compass, theodolite, and sextant; and then each led his division to out-door work, taking the various instruments in turn. He was also able to invest even Analytical Geometry and Integral Calculus with charms for some of the class. One student came from a private interview in a high state of enthusiasm over the eloquent suggestiveness of formulæ in the vocabulary of Calculus.

"Written examinations, now so common, were among the methods introduced into his department by Professor Woodman, and that class still remembers the spectacles quietly adjusted, that his near-sightedness might not encourage an illicit use of + and -, and the rigid silence which shut them up to the simple problems written upon the blackboard, notwithstanding adroit questions, ostensibly innocent and necessary.

"In the Chandler Scientific School, to which Professor Woodman was afterwards assigned, he was specially qualified to do good work, because of his thorough mastery of Mathematics by perceptions almost intuitive. Thoroughly at home in its principles, loving them, and honestly loving his pupils, he could luminously and patiently teach the application of those principles in practice, however minute and detailed.

"Mention of Professor Woodman as an instructor would be incomplete, were there no allusion to the force and influence[328] of his character as a man, transparently honest, and grandly true. He taught well from text-books, but his life, so unaffectedly simple and just, gave better, deeper, and more lasting instruction."

An associate in the Faculty says:

"Professor Woodman becoming somewhat weary of the continuous and laborious drill of young men in a department not generally appreciated, and feeling a renewed desire to return to the practice of law, resigned his professorship, and removed to Boston for that purpose. After a year's experience of the practice, or desire of practice, of law, the professor was ready to return to his field of labor in the college. His former department was no longer open, the place having been filled, on his resignation, by the appointment of Professor Patterson. He was, therefore, appointed Professor of Civil Engineering in the Chandler Scientific School. On entering upon his duties, he was made the chief executive officer, under the president, of the department, and continued to hold that relation to the school till his death. Professor Woodman proved himself a thorough, able, and zealous teacher in his new chair, and by degrees became deeply interested in the Scientific Department, and devoted his time and energies to building it up and making it a success. He early became sensible of the importance of the free-hand drawing, and gave it a prominent place in the curriculum of the School, which it has continued to hold. The depth of Professor Woodman's love for the School, and the strength of his desire for its continued prosperity, were made manifest in his will by a generous donation to its funds. Those who graduated from the Chandler Department while it was under the administration of Professor Woodman, will never cease to love and revere his memory."

A classmate, distinguished for his interest in general education, says:

"Professor Woodman was county commissioner of schools, and secretary of the New Hampshire Board of Education, during the year 1850. He was again county commissioner during the years 1852 and 1853. In 1854 he was commissioner and chairman of the board which was composed of[329] the commissioners of the several counties. In the opinion of the most competent judges, Professor Woodman was one of the wisest and most efficient state school officers New Hampshire has ever had. He was admirably qualified for the work of an educator, not only by the cast of his methodical, organizing mind, but by his varied experience and scholastic attainments. He was eminently practical in all his plans for the improvement of the schools, and he knew well how to adapt means to ends. His reports, both as commissioner and secretary, were of a high order of excellence, and they were highly beneficial in promoting the cause of education in the State."

Professor Woodman married Mary Ann, daughter of Stephen Perkins Chesley, of Durham, and adopted daughter of Edward Pendexter. He died at Durham, N. H., May 9, 1871.

In 1853, Professor Clement Long, who was the son of Samuel and Mary (Clement) Long, and was born at Hopkinton, N. H., December, 31, 1806, was called to the chair of Intellectual Philosophy which had been vacated by the resignation of Professor Haddock. He was a thorough teacher. Being himself a most profound thinker, he deemed it his duty to exact a thorough knowledge of every day's lesson by the student. If he had not made himself master of the subject, by learning all that was to be learned from the text-book, any attempt to supply the deficiency, by drawing upon his own resources, would be sure to be followed by the plainest marks of dissatisfaction or merited rebuke on the part of Professor Long. Never indulging in the diffuse or the discursive himself, he never tolerated such a course on the part of the student. A mere glance at the man was sufficient to indicate the richest and most solid type of mind. Those who sat under his instruction, and were capable of appreciating it, will ever remember his efforts in their behalf with the liveliest gratitude.

In a commemorative "Discourse," President Lord says: "He was graduated at this college in 1828, a classmate and intimate friend of the late and lamented Professor Young, and a worthy associate of the many honorable men by whom the class of that year has been distinguished.[330]

"It was here, in a time of unusual religious awakening among the students, that he became a Christian, and, with several of his classmates, made profession of his faith,—a profession ever afterwards honored by a singular devotedness to his Saviour. That he was a regenerate man, and true to his Christian calling, no one who knew him ever doubted. It was manifested by the perhaps best of all evidences, as construed by experienced observers,—the uniform prevalence of an unworldly and super-worldly spirit. He affected nothing, he pretended nothing; but whatever he said or did significant of religious character was traceable, and traceable only, to a believing and loving mind. If any thought him severely religious, that may have been the fault of his critics rather than his own.

"After leaving college, he was for three years a preceptor, principally at Randolph, Vt.; then, for two years, a theological student at Andover. Before completing his term at that institution, he was called, in 1833, to the professorship of Intellectual Philosophy in Western Reserve College, at Hudson, Ohio. After a short term of service he was elected to the professorship of Theology, in the same institution, and received ordination as a minister of the gospel. These changes are all significant of early and distinguished worth.

"In 1851 he received and accepted the appointment of professor of Theology in the Seminary at Auburn, N. Y."

His classmate Professor Folsom says:

"Professor Long was like a precious stone kept long in the lapidary's hands before its brilliancy met the public gaze. I had my home under his father's roof, and sat daily at table with him, during my Junior year. We were colleagues afterwards, together with our classmate Jarvis Gregg, in the Western Reserve College; and they both were members of my family there. We had been Handelians at Dartmouth (as also Peabody), and almost every evening we sang together, at our fireside, from Zeuner's "Harp." How precious the memory of those hours! How often has the uplifting power of all our intercourse been felt! Professor Long, like Professor Young, joined the love of Mathematics with that of Metaphysics, but the bent of his genius was strongly in the direction of the[331] latter, and not least in theological and moral science. He had the enthusiastic regard both of the Faculty and students of the Western Reserve College. He was also a very suggestive and quickening preacher, often at my request taking my place in the pulpit of the chapel. His great modesty, and not easily satisfied ideal, kept him from publishing much in his lifetime; but I have wondered that some of his writings did not find their way into print after his death. He once told me, when urging him to this step, that he hoped, in the course of ten years or so, to be able to prepare something which the ear of the public might not be careless to hear. He had the same clear-cut features that marked Professor Peabody, though of a different pattern,—the latter with outward, the former with inward, gaze."

"In 1853," President Lord continues, "he was transferred to the position which he held in this college till his death, leaving the honorable office which he had so lately assumed, at Auburn, partly out of his great love for his Alma Mater, and partly, to minister to his revered parents in their advanced years.

"In all these relations the qualities which I have suggested laid the foundation of his acknowledged excellence. In all the departments which he successively occupied he was regarded, as among the most learned, able, and effective teachers and preachers of the country. He was competent to every service required of him, and gave to every position dignity and honor. He was distinctively Christian in them all, and made them subservient to no school or party, but to the gospel through which he had been saved.

"Wherein Professor Long was like other men, he was above the generality, and, though he aspired not to lead, was fitted to precede them. Wherein he was unlike them, the difference was more conspicuous. His peculiarities were striking, and in them we perceive his most observable traits, whether of the intellect or the heart.

"I know not whether it were most of nature, or habit, that our friend was so distinguished for acuteness, directness, and singleness of the mind,—a mind not especially intuitive and rapid, not noticeably free in its conceptions, wide in its[332] survey, or comprehensive in its generalizations, moving rather on an extended line than an enlarged area, but subtle and clear as light; sharp, piercing and discriminating as electricity; pointed, direct, and exact as the magnet; conclusive, positive, and decisive as the bolt of heaven. His processes were simple, natural, easy, and continuous, not stiffly regulated by scholastic laws, but strictly conformable, and his results inevitable. Give him his definitions and his postulates which, though not given, he would, like other resolved reasoners after his method, sometimes take, at his own risk, and he would go round or through the circle, or make his traverses in darkness and storm, and never lose his meridian, or be confused in his reckoning; and he would come back precisely to his starting-point laden with success, his points all proved. It was well said of him by a curious and critical observer of scholars, that, as a logician, he was not exceeded in the country.

"Our professor had made large attainments in the science to which he was especially devoted,—the Metaphysics. He read whatever was worth the reading, of which, however, he chose to be an independent judge, but he thought more, so that his attainments were emphatically his own. He was not like what so many now become in this department of study,—a mere follower, imitator, panegyrist,—but a searching critic and judicious commentator. He had a higher range of speculative inquiry than most of the more ambitious men who have exceeded him in popular effect, and he corrected his inquiries by a better logic, and a more simple faith. But I have sometimes thought him too much of a recluse for his greatest profiting in this respect. He loved best the retirement of his own study, and was rarely seen outside of it, except when required by his official duties. He abjured the artificial forms and fashions of social life, the bustling confusions of trade and commerce, and the whirl and finesse of political agitations. He never would stand on a platform, nor be seen at an anniversary, nor harangue a popular assembly. He was happiest in solitude where, undisturbed, he could solve the abstruse problems of ethics, or be a delighted critic of metaphysical theories, or seek to penetrate the mysteries of theology. He[333] was consequently in danger of contemplating his subjects, like so many others of his time, both in Church and State, too much in their refined essence, and too little in their comprehensive practical relations; rather as things, in his judgment, ought to be, than as they are; too much in the light of a fictitious principle, and too little in that of experience, history, and analogy; rather according to God's original constitution than the actual necessities of a fallen state; too much as they may be in the ultimate development of God's moral providence, and too little as they are in its administrative course. Hence, but for the greatest care which, in the main, he exercised, he would have been likely to crowd into his definitions and postulates more than they naturally admitted, or to make them less than they naturally required; to mistake, for the basis of his fulcrum, a speculative subtlety instead of a practical reality; and, consequently, to make his inexorable logic draw too much, or to little, for legitimate practical effect. If, occasionally tempted by the excitement of our present types of speculative and conjectural science, he seemed to overstep the limits which God has prescribed to us in our present probationary state, and to make the human a measure of the Divine, it was done not presumptuously, from a spirit of conceited and ambitious intermeddling with things forbidden, but unconsciously, from an honest desire for knowledge. When he perceived, as he was not slow to perceive, that many of the objects which now so much allure the learned men of the world, who are falsely so called, were not real, but ideal and conceptional only, not actual knowledge verifiable by a day-light test, but shadows and chimeras chasing one another over the moonlit sky, then he retreated. He chose to stop, reverentially, as taught by Scripture, when he must, rather than to be driven back by the cherubim and the flaming sword. Not even Kant, or Coleridge, or any of their living imitators, however congenial their respective tastes for speculative subtleties, could tempt him so to disregard the boundary between reason and faith as to lose sight of Calvary, or mistake an ignis fatuus for the Sun of Righteousness. His college experience, and, I have sometimes thought the genius collegii, with a father's and mother's teachings and[334] prayers, all favored by the Spirit who only searcheth the deep things of God, kept him near and true to the everlasting Word.

"But we forgot all his speculative trials and temptations, we forgot almost that he was not perfect but in part, when, in his sacred character, and in this sacred place, he laid aside his weapons of intellectual warfare, and, with his peculiar meekness of wisdom, simplicity of statement, power of argument, and cogency of appeal, testified to us the great things of the kingdom of God, so far as he had learned them out of the Holy Scripture. Very instructive and affecting it was, when, as sometimes, the aspiring philosopher, the uncompromising logician, the astute economist, the grave and learned dogmatist, renounced these and all other accomplishments of nature, or rather made them subservient to the greater accomplishments of grace. Then we admired, even to tears of thankfulness, how the wise man, in becoming a fool, becomes truly wise; how he who could be great among his fellows on Mars Hill,—great after the fashion of the Areopagus,—could be greater, after a higher fashion, in declaring the God there Unknown; in repeating simply the lessons of that heavenly wisdom which none of the princes of this world knew; and, with a child-like sincerity and earnestness, from his own sense of the sufficiency of redeeming mercy, inviting us to 'The Lamb of God who taketh away the sin of the world.'

"It might seem that one so abstract and speculative, so contemplative and reserved, would naturally be wanting in those sensibilities and affections which are justly reckoned indispensable to the highest excellence of character, and to the happiness, or the relief, of our present state. But appearances do not necessarily represent, but more frequently conceal, realities. I have been permitted to read some of his most familiar letters, which reveal a sunny and cheery side of his character which I had not learned from personal observation. That he had a susceptible and generous heart no man ever doubted. But one must know what he has written to his friends, out of its unperceived fullness, to appreciate those hidden sympathies of his nature which brought him into harmony as well with the outer as the inner world. Few would have a better relish[335] for innocent festivities, or the pleasures of travel, or the grander and finer works of nature or art. Few would be more excited by the sparkle or roar of ocean, the magnificent scenery of Centre Harbor, the sublime panorama of the White Mountains, or the quiet beauties of the Connecticut valley. True, such objects engaged him but for a time. They were not his chief good. He wanted the higher satisfactions of enlarged knowledge, of speculative insight, of reasoning activity, of professional engagement. They were not his work, but his pastime. Yet, when he played, it was with as great enjoyment as any man can have who plays alone, and far greater than they have, or can have, who do naught but play in company, who care for little but sights and sounds, at length sickened and enfeebled by their very tastes, incapable of grave and dignified pursuits, disgusted by their own vanities, remorseful at their own intemperate hilarities, saying, at last, of laughter, 'It is mad, and of mirth, what doth it?' Stoical he may have been, for that belongs, almost of course, to natural magnanimity, and familiarity with large and elevated themes; but ascetic and cynical he was not, and could not have been, with his appreciation of Christian truth, and experience of a Saviour's love.

"The scholar, teacher, preacher, learned, profound, effective, venerable in all relations, has passed away; the good man, regenerate by the grace of God, trusting in the righteousness of Christ, and hoping for salvation only through redeeming blood; the righteous man, stern and inflexible in his integrity, who never dissembled, never professed what he did not feel, never hated, never spoke evil of his neighbor, and could and did say that he was never angry at his brother; the faithful man, who was true to his engagements, kept his post, and, in weariness and painfulness, performed his appointed work till he was struck with death; the husband, father, friend, of whom, in these relations, it were impertinent to speak particularly, while wounded spirits are already telling, too much, how great his value, and how great their loss. He has passed away, dying as he had lived, and taught, and preached,—in faith; peaceful as a little child, and hopeful of that better state where that which is perfect will come, and that which is in part shall be done away."[336]

Professor Long published a sermon before the W. R. Synod in 1847, a discourse on "The Literary Merits of Immoral Books," in the same year, "Inaugural Address at Auburn," in 1858, a sermon in Dartmouth College Church, "Jesus Exalted yet Divine," in 1859, and a memorial sermon on Professor Roswell Shurtleff, in 1861. In 1836, with Professor Gregg, he assumed the editorship of the "Ohio Observer" published at Hudson. In their first address to their readers is this passage: "In relation to the subject of slavery we shall take the high ground that man is man and cannot therefore be treated and used as property without sin, that immediate emancipation is a duty, and that it is therefore the duty of every man to pray and strive in every virtuous way for the abolition of slavery." The last date of an editorial is June, 1837.

Professor Long married Rhoda Ensign, daughter of Alpha Rockwell, of Winsted, Connecticut. He died at Hanover, October 14, 1861.

Propriety forbids more than the briefest reference to a large number of the worthy living, who have been, or who still are numbered among Dartmouth's professors, in the Academical department. Otherwise we might dwell, with profit, upon the name of the able theologian, George Howe; of the eminent linguist, Calvin E. Stowe; of that strong and graceful master of the English, the Latin, and the Greek, Edwin D. Sanborn, who is now just passing the threshold of the "three score and ten," and completing nearly a half century of various and valuable connection with his Alma Mater; of Oliver P. Hubbard, who is still patiently and skillfully unfolding the secrets of science in halls which have echoed his voice for more than forty years; of Samuel G. Brown, the music of whose chaste and charming lectures on Rhetoric still lingers in the ears of a long line of pupils; of Daniel J. Noyes, whose fidelity, courtesy, and kindness in the chairs of Theology and Philosophy have given him a warm place in the hearts of nearly thirty classes; of James W. Patterson, whose pupils have watched the turning of the thoughts of an admired and honored teacher from Natural to Political Science, with unceasing interest, and followed him through[337] the vicissitudes of public service, with undiminished affection; of Charles A. Aiken, the critical and accomplished linguist, whose loss by the college was deemed almost irreparable; of William A. Packard, who, in a kindred department gave early promise of his later success; of Charles A. Young, whose scientific researches have added to the fame of his family, his college, and his country. Nor should the service rendered to the cause of science by Henry Fairbanks and John R. Varney, while professors at Dartmouth, escape our notice.

A proper estimate of the value of the services of those who are now manfully and successfully bearing "the burden and heat of the day," and bidding fair to do so for years to come, in this important field, with its slender pecuniary rewards, of Samuel C. Bartlett, Henry E. Parker, Elihu T. Quimby, Charles H. Hitchcock, John C. Proctor, Charles F. Emerson, and John K. Lord, must be left to a future historian.

The tutor's chair at Dartmouth has been filled by many men of high promise, some going to premature graves, others to what they deemed more inviting fields. Among them we find such names as Calvin Crane, Moses Fiske, Asa McFarland, John Noyes, the value of whose instruction was gratefully acknowledged by Dartmouth's most illustrious son a quarter of a century after his graduation, Thomas A. Merrill, Frederick Hall, Josiah Noyes, Andrew Mack, John Brown, Henry Bond, William White, Rufus W. Bailey, James Marsh, Nathan Welby Fiske, Rufus Choate, Oramel S. Hinckley, John D. Willard, Henry Wood, Ebenezer C. Tracy, Ira Perley, Silas Aiken, Evarts Worcester, Jarvis Gregg, and Samuel H. Taylor. We cannot dwell upon individual merit, nor give even the names of all who have rendered valuable service in this sphere.

The "Indian Charity School," also has had many teachers of distinguished worth. Among them we find such names as Benjamin Trumbull, the historian, to whom we have referred heretofore; Ralph Wheelock, the favorite son of the honored founder, who would doubtless have left to him his official mantle, but for the early failure of his health; James Dean, whose name is indelibly engraven upon the earlier periods of[338] our national history, Jacob Fowler, who well illustrated the value of Christian civilization to the Indian; Caleb Bingham and Elisha Ticknor, whose names are closely interwoven with the educational history of New England's metropolis, Josiah Dunham, Judah Dana, Caleb Butler, William A. Hayes, the intimate and honored friend of Francis Brown, Joseph Perry, John S. Emerson, and Osgood Johnson.

[339]

## CHAPTER XXVII.

MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.—PROFESSORS NATHAN SMITH, REUBEN D. MUSSEY, DIXI CROSBY, EDMUND R. PEASLEE, ALBERT SMITH, AND ALPHEUS B. CROSBY.—OTHER TEACHERS.

In "A Contribution to the Medical History of New Hampshire," by Prof. A. B. Crosby, we find a condensed history of the Medical Department of the College.

"Soon after its formation, the impression became general that the State Society, excellent as it was both in design and execution, did not fully answer the medical wants of New Hampshire. There were those who felt that the young men of the State should have systematic, didactic instruction, and that this could be accomplished only by the foundation of a regularly chartered medical college. This plan was eventually reduced to a demonstration through the energy and talents of one man. It is with profound veneration that I write the name of Nathan Smith. Himself a member of the society, I know not but he here gained inspiration and encouragement for the enterprise from his associates. At the annual meeting of the Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College, in August, 1796, being then a Bachelor of Medicine, not having received the degree of M.D., he made an application to the Board, asking their encouragement and approbation of a plan he had devised to establish a professorship of the Theory and Practice of Medicine in connection with Dartmouth College. After considerable discussion, the Board voted to postpone their final action upon the proposition for a year, but in the meantime a resolution was passed complimentary to the character and energy of Mr. Smith, and promising such encouragement and assistance in the future as the plan might merit and the circumstances of the college admit.[340]

"The records of the college are extremely barren of details respecting the preliminary steps towards a medical establishment, and there are no means of knowing what the action of the Board was the following year. It is evident, however, that some measures must have been taken in relation to the future welfare of the school, for in the year 1798 we find that 'the fee for conferring the degree of Bachelor of Medicine pro meritis be twenty dollars.' The honorary degree of Master of Arts was the same year conferred on Mr. Smith, while it remained for a subsequent Board to discover that his professional attainments merited the rank and title of Doctor.

"Later in the same session it was voted 'That a professor be appointed, whose duty it shall be to deliver public lectures upon Anatomy, Surgery, Chemistry, Materia Medica, and the Theory and Practice of Physic, and that said professor be entitled to receive payment for instruction in those branches, as hereafter mentioned, as compensation for his services in that office.' Mr. Smith was at once chosen to fulfill the laborious, and to us almost incredible duties of this professorship, while the compensation alluded to was for a long time held in abeyance. We also find that in this year the Board adopted the following code of Medical Statutes:

"1. Lectures shall begin the first of October, annually, and continue ten weeks, during which the professor shall deliver three lectures daily, Saturday and Sunday excepted.

"2. In the lectures on the Theory and Practice of Physic, shall be explained the nature of diseases and method of cure.

"3. The lectures on Chemistry and Materia Medica shall be accompanied by actual experiments, tending to explain and demonstrate the principles of Chemistry, and an exhibition shall be made of the principal medicines used in curing disease, with an explanation of their medicinal qualities, and effect on the human body.

"4. In the lectures on Anatomy and Surgery, shall be demonstrated the parts of the human body by dissecting a recent subject, if such subject can be legally obtained; otherwise, by exhibiting anatomical preparations, which shall be attended by the performance of the principal capital operations[341] in surgery. [The lower animals were used to some extent.]

"5. The medical professor shall be entitled to the use of the college library and apparatus gratis.

"6. The medical students shall be entitled to the use of the college library under the discretionary restrictions of the president.

"7. Medical students shall be subject to the same rules of morality and decorum as Bachelors in Art residing at the college.

"8. No graduate of any college shall be admitted to an examination for the degree of Bachelor of Medicine, unless he shall have studied two full years with some respectable physician, or surgeon, and attended two full courses of lectures at some university.

"9. No person not a graduate shall be admitted to such an examination unless he shall have studied three full years, as above, attended two full courses of lectures, and shall, upon a preparatory examination before the president and professors, be able to parse the English and Latin languages, to construe Virgil and Cicero's orations, and possess a good knowledge of common Arithmetic, Geometry, Geography, and Natural and Moral Philosophy.

"10. Examinations shall be holden in public before the executive authority of the college by the medical professor, and candidates shall read and defend a dissertation, etc.

"11. Every person receiving a degree in Medicine shall cause his thesis to be printed, and sixteen copies thereof to be delivered to the president, for the use of the college and Trustees.

"12. The fee for attending a full course of lectures shall be fifty dollars; that is, for Anatomy and Surgery, twenty-five dollars; for Chemistry and Materia Medica, fifteen dollars, and for Theory and Practice, ten dollars.

"13. The members of the two senior classes in college may attend the medical lectures by paying twenty dollars for the full course.

"Besides these statutes, the Trustees voted that Mr. Smith might employ assistance in any of his departments, at his own[342] expense, and that one half part of the fees for conferring the degree of Bachelor of Medicine be his perquisite, and the other half a perquisite to the president of the college.

"The first course of lectures was delivered in the fall of 1797, although Mr. Smith was not elected to his professorship until after his return from Europe, the following year. In the year 1798, two young men were graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Medicine. The next year the Trustees voted to appropriate a room in the northeast corner of Dartmouth Hall to the use of Professor Smith, and it was repaired and furnished for that purpose. The room was a small one, scarcely as large as a common parlor, but still it served for a lecture hall, dissecting-room, chemical laboratory and library, for several years, when another room adjoining was appropriated to the same purpose.

"In 1801, the degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred upon Mr. Smith, and a committee was appointed to confer with him in relation to a salary. A grant of fifty dollars per annum was voted him, upon which he was to allow a debt he owed the college for money loaned. I presume that this latter was furnished him in order to enable him to visit Europe.

"The Trustees about this time made a change in the term of study required for a degree. The new statute fixed the period of three years for academical graduates, and five years for non-graduates."

In 1803 the New Hampshire Legislature granted $600 to Dr. Smith for the purchase of apparatus, and in 1809 $3,450 for "a building of brick or stone for a medical school, sixty-five feet in length, thirty-two feet in width, and two stories in height," Dr. Smith furnishing land for the purpose. He furnished one acre, on which a brick building seventy-five feet in length, two stories in the middle, with wings of three stories, was erected, at a cost of over $4,600, Dr. Smith becoming responsible for the balance. By the terms of the above grants the building and anatomical and chemical apparatus became the property of the State upon the removal of Dr. Smith from the institution, which is with propriety styled the "New Hampshire Medical College."[343]

In 1810 Dr. Cyrus Perkins (created a Doctor upon that occasion) was elected professor of Anatomy. Some trouble having occurred about this time between the college officers and the Medical students, the following articles were added to the laws.

"'1. That each person, previous to becoming a member of the Medical institution, shall be required to give satisfactory evidence that he possesses a good moral character.

"'2. That it be required of medical students that they conduct themselves respectfully towards the executive officers of the college, and if any of them should be guilty of immoral or ungentlemanly conduct the executive may expel them, and no professor shall receive or continue to receive as his private pupil any such expelled person, or recommend him to any other medical man or institution.

"'3. That the executive officers of the college be, and hereby are authorized to visit the rooms of the medical students whenever they think proper.'

"In the year 1812, some important changes were made in the economy of the institution. Up to this time the degree of Bachelor of Medicine only was conferred upon recent graduates, while the degree of M.D. was only allowed in course three years after graduation. This was now changed, and the degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred upon all medical graduates. The term of study was again changed, and fixed at the present standard. Another of the new regulations and perhaps the least agreeable one to the students, compelled candidates to read their theses publicly in the chapel.

"The Faculty was also strengthened by the appointment of Rufus Graves, Esq., as lecturer on Chemistry, making this department, for the first time, a separate branch. Colonel Graves, although a good lecturer, was an unsuccessful manipulator, which caused his dismission in 1815, three years later. During the same year [1812, at Dartmouth] we find that Mr. Reuben D. Mussey, a name thoroughly identified with the success of the school, and with medical progress in New Hampshire, was created a Doctor of Medicine.[344]

"In 1814, Dr. Smith having been absent for a year, it was voted that the salary and emoluments pertaining to the chair of Medicine, be paid to Dr. Perkins, and at an adjourned meeting the resignation of Dr. Smith was received and accepted. The Board then proceeded to elect Dr. Mussey professor of Theory and Practice and Materia Medica. In 1816, Dr. Perkins was excused from lecturing on Surgery, and Obstetrics was added to his chair, instead, while Dr. Mussey assumed the department of Chemistry, in addition to his other labors. In the meanwhile Dr. Smith was reëlected professor of Surgery, but declining to accept, Dr. Massey added a course of lectures on this branch to his already laborious duties. The following year he was somewhat relieved by the choice of Dr. James F. Dana, as lecturer on Chemistry, which office he continued to hold until 1820, when he was elected to a full professorship. In August, 1819, Dr. Perkins resigned his chair.

"By vote of the Board of Trustees, in 1820, they accepted the proffered fraternization of the New Hampshire Medical Society, by sending delegates to attend the annual examinations. The statutes were also altered very materially. By these amendments the Medical Faculty were allowed the sole control of the discipline, etc., of their department. Students coming to attend lectures were not required to give evidence of the possession of a good moral character, as under the old laws. The invidious have alleged that this latter amendment enabled a larger number to avail themselves of the advantages of a medical education than might otherwise do so. The requirements for graduation were at the same time lessened, being now limited to a knowledge of Latin and Natural and Experimental Philosophy, while the examinations were to be private, instead of public, as heretofore.

"It was determined that the Medical Faculty should henceforth consist of:

"1. The president of the College.

"2. A professor of Surgery, Obstetrics, and Medical Jurisprudence.

"3. A professor of Theory and Practice and Materia Medica.[345]

"4. A professor of Chemistry and Mineralogy.

"5. A professor of Anatomy and Physiology.

"Dr. Mussey was elected to the first of the professorial chairs; Dr. Daniel Oliver, of Salem, Mass., to the second; Dr. James F. Dana, to the third, and Dr. Usher Parsons to the fourth. Dr. Parsons remained but two years, when Dr. Mussey was appointed professor of Anatomy, in addition to his other branches. No further change occurred until 1826, when Dr. Dana resigned the chair of Chemistry, which was filled by the election of Professor Hale, who continued to lecture until 1835, when his connection with the college ceased. The following year Dr. John Delamater was chosen professor of the Theory and Practice of Physic, and the present incumbent, Dr. O. P. Hubbard, professor of Chemistry, while in 1838 a great change was made in the Medical Faculty by the resignation of all the lecturers except Professor Hubbard. By the election of the Trustees, the Faculty now consisted of Elisha Bartlett, Oliver Wendell Holmes, John Delamater, Oliver Payson Hubbard, Dixi Crosby, and Stephen W. Williams. Dr. Bartlett resigned in 1840, and was succeeded by Dr. Joseph Roby. Dr. Delamater also left, and Dr. Holmes tendered his resignation. The next year, 1841, Dr. Phelps and Dr. Peaslee commenced their long and useful connection with the school. No farther change was made until 1849, when Dr. Roby resigned and Dr. Albert Smith was elected. In 1867 Dixi Crosby resigned the chair of Surgery, and A. B. Crosby, who had served as adjunct professor of Surgery since 1862, was elected to fill the vacancy. In 1869, Dr. Peaslee, having resigned the chair of Anatomy and Physiology, was transferred to a new chair of the Diseases of Women, while Lyman Bartlett How, M.D., was elected to fill the vacancy. And finally Dr. Dixi Crosby has sent in his resignation of the chair of Obstetrics, to take effect at the ensuing commencement (1870), thus terminating an active connection of thirty-two years with the school.

"Nathan Smith, the founder of the school, was without dispute a great man. He was born at Rehoboth, Massachusetts, September 30, 1762. Incited to enter the profession by witnessing an amputation in Vermont, he devoted himself to acquiring[346] the best preliminary education his means afforded, and eventually entered his profession full of zeal and ambition, resolved to act no secondary part in his chosen vocation. To found a medical college at Dartmouth was the chief desire of his early manhood. Regardless of his own pecuniary interests, he borrowed money to buy the necessary apparatus and appliances with which to commence his course of instruction. When the increasing demands of the institution required a building for its accommodation, it was through his personal efforts that it was secured. The means were raised and the project carried out by Dr. Smith, who, himself, on his own responsibility, furnished a large part of the money. A part, as shown by the records, was also secured by the same gentleman from the Legislature of New Hampshire.

"Dr. Smith was a man of genius. I hazard nothing in saying that he was fifty years in advance of his profession. He was one of those characters who was not only an observing man, but, rarest of all, he was a good observer. Nothing escaped him, and when he had seized on all the salient points of a given subject, he astounded his listeners with the full, symmetrical character of his generalizations.

"As intances in point, let me briefly advert to one or two illustrations. When Dr. Smith entered the profession, everything in the way of continued fever in the valley of the Connecticut was termed typhus. Dr. S. soon became convinced that while true typhus did prevail, there was yet a continued fever essentially different in its character, and so he came to differentiate between typhus and typhoid. Noting carefully the symptoms in these cases, making autopsies whenever a chance occurred, and observing the morbid changes thus revealed, he soon found himself master of the situation. Then he wrote an unpretending little tract, in which he embodied his observations and his inferences. This brochure was undoubtedly the first comprehensive description of typhoid fever written, and covered in a wonderfully exhaustive way not only the clinical history, but the pathology, of this most interesting disease. This noble record of results, obtained by observations made mainly at Norwich, Vermont, and Cornish, New Hampshire, was almost the 'Vox clamantis in deserto.'[347]

"Many years later, in the great hospitals of Paris, Louis made and published his own observations in regard to the same disease, and the whole medical world rang with plaudits of admiration at his genius and learning. But in the modest little tract of Nathan Smith, the gist and germ of all the magnificent discoveries of Louis are anticipated. And thus it is again demonstrated that men of genius are confined to no age and to no country, but whether in the wilds of New Hampshire or in the world's gayest capital, they form a fraternity as cosmopolitan as useful.

"I have recently learned an incident that still further illustrates Dr. Smith's sagacity. While residing in Cornish he had a friend who was a sea-captain, and who, on his return from foreign voyages, was wont to relate to him whatever of interest in a medical way he might have chanced to observe while abroad. On one occasion he told Dr. Smith that on his previous voyage one of the sailors dislocated his hip; there being no surgeon on board, the captain tried but in vain to reduce it. The man was accordingly placed in a hammock with the dislocation unreduced. During a great storm the sufferer was thrown from the hammock to the floor, striking violently on the knee of the affected side. On examination, it was found that in the fall the hip had somehow been set. This greatly interested Dr. Smith, and he questioned the narrator again and again as to the exact position of the thigh, the knee and the leg, at the time of the fall.

"From this apparently insignificant circumstance, Dr. Smith eventually educed and reduced to successful practice the method of reducing dislocations by the manœuvre, a system as useful as it is simple, and as scientific as the principle of flexion and leverage on which it depends. Had this incident been related to a stupid man, he would have seen nothing in it, or to a skeptic, he would have discredited the whole account, but to a man of genius it furnished a clue by which another of Nature's labyrinths was traced out. This system is by far the best ever devised, symplifying and rendering easy the work of the surgeon, while reducing human suffering to its minimum.

"I do not propose to recall to your minds how much he did[348] for Medicine and Surgery; that were the work of days, not a single hour.

"Time would fail me to relate the well authenticated traditions of his skill, his benevolence and his practical greatness. But almost from the inception of his professional life until he left for New Haven, he was the acknowledged leader of his profession in the State, and his reputation came soon to cover the whole of New England. He was the father of several sons, who have since been distinguished in the same profession. The venerable Professor N. R. Smith, of Baltimore, is the eldest, and perhaps the most celebrated, of the survivors."

The venerable Dr. A. T. Lowe adds the following valuable paragraphs:

"In the organization and early history of the Medical department of Dartmouth College Dr. Nathan Smith occupied a preëminent position. For ten or twelve years he was the actual manager and the only professor in the institution, giving three lectures each day, for five days in the week, through the term of ten to twelve weeks. He lectured with great acceptance in all the branches of the profession then taught in the few kindred institutions existing in the country, and he contributed liberally to the pecuniary support of the institution, frequently to his great personal inconvenience. With these accumulated duties to discharge, he faithfully attended to a large practice in Medicine and Surgery, which was daily increasing, and severely tasking his physical as well as his intellectual powers, and his fame, in the line of his profession, soon placed him at its head; and his skill and the history of his remarkable success, so frequently announced, and so well attested, was early recognized and acknowledged, not only throughout his State, but was scarcely limited to New England. By a seeming universal consent Dr. Smith's name stood among the highest in the medical temple of fame.

"Dr. Smith was not what the world would now call a learned man. We may say of him, in this respect, what Ben Jonson said of Shakespeare: 'He knew little Latin and less Greek,' but he had a mind and a power of intellect which as eminently fitted him for a physician, as Shakespeare's genius qualified him to become a dramatist of the highest character;[349] and whatever the occasion, whether it related to the lecturer or teacher, to the surgeon or physician, Dr. Smith could readily exercise his whole moral force for the enlightenment of his pupil, or the health of his patient.

"The writer of these lines became his pupil in 1816; attending him almost daily in his professional visits, to witness his practice and listen to his clinical instruction."

After giving one or two instances of his quick diagnostic ability and his highly successful practice, he continues:

"Dr. Smith was a great and good man. He never appeared to toil for professional fame, but to do good to his fellow-man: and in view of his virtues as a citizen and his justly preëminent skill as a physician, one of his surviving pupils of those early days, who now counts more than four-score years, feels impelled to exclaim,—Honored be the memory of Nathan Smith, the founder, father, and for many years the sustainer of the Medical Department of Dartmouth College; ever recognized by all his friends and acquaintances—and their name was legion—as an honest man and most useful citizen."

Professor Smith married successively, Elizabeth and Sarah, daughters of Gen. Jonathan Chase, of Cornish, N. H. He died at New Haven, Conn., where he had been some years a professor in the Medical Department of Yale College, January 26, 1829.

A commemorative "Address," by Professor A. B. Crosby, contains the following account of Professor Smith's successor:

"Reuben Dimond Mussey was born in Pelham, N. H., June 23, 1780. His father, Dr. John Mussey, was a respectable physician and an excellent man.

"Determined to have an education, although too poor to immediately attain it, he labored on a farm in summer and taught a school during the winter. This he continued to do until, at the age of twenty-one, he entered the Junior class in Dartmouth College, in the year 1801. He continued to teach for his support while in college, and acquitted himself creditably as a scholar, being reckoned in the first third of his class.

"He was graduated in August, 1803, and immediately became[350] a pupil of Dr. Nathan Smith, the founder of Dartmouth Medical College. The following summer young Mussey taught an academy at Peterborough, and studied with Dr. Howe of Jaffrey.

"He completed his studies with Dr. Smith, sustained a public examination, and read and defended a thesis on Dysentery. The degree of Bachelor of Medicine having been conferred upon him in 1806, he commenced practice in Ipswich, now Essex, Mass. Here he practiced successfully for three years, when he settled his business and went to Philadelphia, where he engaged in medical study for a period of nine months. While at Chebacco, now Essex, Mass., he married Miss Mary Sewall, who survived the marriage only three years. He subsequently married Miss Hetty Osgood, a daughter of Dr. Osgood of Salem, who served as a surgeon in the army during the Revolution. Under the instruction of Benjamin Smith Barton, he attended a full course of lectures in the University of Pennsylvania, and was graduated as a Doctor in Medicine in the year 1809. The professors at that time were Rush, Wistar, Physic, Dorsey, Barton, and Woodhouse.

"Drs. Chapman and James gave the course in Obstetrics. Dr. Mussey here distinguished himself by a series of experiments tending to rebut some of the generally received physiological doctrines of the time.

"On his return from Philadelphia he settled in Salem, Mass., and soon afterward formed a partnership with Dr. Daniel Oliver, subsequently a professor in the Dartmouth Medical College.

"These gentlemen gave popular courses of lectures on Chemistry, in Salem, with great acceptance. Dr. Mussey remained in this field between five and six years, and attained a large practice during the last three years, averaging, it is said, a fraction over three obstetric cases a week. He had already distinguished himself as a surgeon, and in the autumn of 1814 he was called to the chair of Theory and Practice at Dartmouth. He gave in addition a course on Chemistry, most acceptably to the students, and engaged in an extended and a laborious practice.[351]

"In 1822, Dr. Mussey was appointed professor of Anatomy and Surgery. Until the close of the session of 1838, he held this chair, and also lectured on Materia Medica and Obstetrics, to meet occasional exigencies in the college.

"In the summer of 1818 he lectured on Chemistry in the college at Middlebury, Vt. In December, 1829, Dr. Mussey left Hanover for Paris, where he remained several months. He passed several weeks in London, visited the great hospitals and museums, both there and in the provinces, and became acquainted with many distinguished men.

"Not far from this time he was invited to fill the chair of Anatomy and Surgery at Bowdoin College, which he did for four years in succession. In 1836 and 1837, Dr. Mussey went to Fairfield, New York, and gave lectures on surgery at the Medical College in that place. During the year 1837 a professorship was tendered him in New York city, Cincinnati, and Nashville, Tennessee. He decided to accept the call to Cincinnati, and for fourteen years was the leading man in the Ohio Medical College. He then founded the Miami Medical College, labored assiduously for its good six years, and then retired from active professional life, though still retaining all his ardor and enthusiasm for his chosen profession. At the close of his professorial duties in 1858, Dr. Mussey removed to Boston, where he spent the remainder of his life, and died from the infirmities of age, June 21, 1866.

"He had ever been from his youth a consistent, devout Christian, and his record is without spot or blemish.

"It was as a surgeon that Dr. Mussey came to be most extensively known. Both as an operative and a scientific surgeon he attained a national reputation.

"He cared not to make a figure, but to benefit his patient; not to gain éclat, but to save human life. He believed much in skilled surgery, something in nature, but most of all in God. So it transpired that on the eve of a great operation he frequently knelt at the bedside, and sought skill and strength and success from the great Source of all vitality. We are told that the moral effect upon the patient, and the peaceful composure that followed, were not the least of the agencies that so often rendered his surgery successful.[352]

"But he was not content blindly to accept the dictum of those who had gone before. Every principle was carefully scrutinized, and whatever he believed to be false he did not hesitate to attack, and so his name came to be associated with surgical progress. As illustrative of this point, some instances may be adduced.

"In the year 1830, and before that period, Sir Astley Cooper had taught the doctrine of non-union in cases of intra-capsular fracture, and it was generally accepted as an established principle at that time. Dr. Mussey carried a specimen to England which he believed showed the possibility of such union taking place. Sir Astley on first seeing it said, "This was never broken," but on seeing a section of the same specimen remarked, 'This does look a little more like it, to be sure, but I do not think the fracture was entirely within the capsular ligament.' John Thompson of Edinburgh, on seeing it, declared 'upon his troth and honor' that it had never been broken. This eminent surgeon, like the disputatious Massachusetts Scotchman, 'always positive and sometimes right,' was in this instance mistaken, as the principle advocated by Dr. Mussey is now established.

"As a surgeon he was bold and fearless, ever willing to assume any legitimate responsibility, even though it took him into the undiscovered country of experiment. He did not do this rashly, but only when the stake was worthy of the risk. There is still living in Hanover a monument of Dr. Mussey's pluck and skill. This man had a large, ulcerated and bleeding nævus on the vertex of his head, which threatened a speedy death. There seemed no way to relieve the patient except by tying both carotids, which was regarded as an operation inevitably fatal. The danger was imminent, and as Dr. Mussey could see no way to untie the knot, he determined to cut it. He tied one carotid, and in twelve days tied the other, following both operations in a few weeks with a removal of the tumor. The recovery was perfect, and the case was, we believe, the first recorded instance where both carotids were successfully tied. This operation gave him great fame both at home and abroad.

"It is not my purpose to attempt an account of the surgery[353] done by this eminent man, only to touch on some of its salient points. Thus he successfully removed an ovarian tumor, at a time when the operation had been done only a few times in the world. He removed a boy's tongue which measured eight inches in circumference, and projected five inches beyond the jaws, and the patient recovered.

"He removed the scapula and a large part of the clavicle at one operation, from a patient on whom he had amputated previously at the shoulder-joint. Dr. Mussey supposed that this was the first operation of the kind [as it was in some respects] in the history of Surgery.

"He several times removed the upper, and portions of the lower, jaw. Dr. Mussey kept no extended records of his operations, but I subjoin a few statements alike interesting to us and creditable to him.

"He performed the operation of lithotomy forty-nine times, and all the patients recovered but four. He operated for strangulated hernia forty times, and with a fatal result in only eight cases. He practiced subcutaneous deligation in forty cases of varicocele, and all were successful. Dr. Mussey operated four times for perineal fistula, twice for impermeable stricture of the urethra, and did a large number of plastic operations with the best results. He also successfully treated a recto-vaginal fistula.

"These are only a fraction of the innumerable operations which he did, yet they show results such as the greatest surgeons in the world would be proud to declare.

"But it is not alone as a surgeon that Dr. Mussey attained excellence. It was as an accurate observer that he early made himself known to the medical world. The habit of his mind was positive; he respected authority, and to the latest period of his life was assiduous in acquiring professional knowledge from books no less than from observation. He delighted to fortify himself in any given position by citing authorities, and always showed that he had informed himself exhaustively in the bibliography of the subject. Yet it was his habit to subject every medical statement to the most rigid tests. While pursuing his studies in Philadelphia, he joined issue with Dr. Rush on some of the physiological doctrines[354] which were generally received at that time. This distinguished man had taught the doctrine of non-absorption by the skin. This was supposed to have been proved by an experiment in which a young man, confined in a small room, breathed through a tube running through the wall into the open air, the surface of the skin being rubbed at the same time with turpentine, asparagus, etc. As no odor of these substances was perceptible in the secretions, it was inferred that no absorption had taken place through the skin, and that it was impossible. Dr. Mussey, believing this doctrine to be fallacious, immersed himself in a strong solution of madder for three hours. He had the satisfaction of getting unmistakable evidence of the presence of madder in the secretions for two days, the addition of an alkali always rendering them red. He repeated this experiment with the same result, and made it the theme of a thesis on his graduation. Some of the Faculty who differed with Dr. Rush on the subject were much pleased with these experiments, and predicted even then for our friend a distinguished career."

Professor Mussey died at Boston June 21, 1866.

We quote from Dr. J. W. Barstow's obituary notice in the "New York Medical Journal," November, 1873, of Professor Mussey's successor.

"Dr. Dixi Crosby, for thirty-two years professor of Surgery in Dartmouth College, died at his residence in Hanover, N. H., September 26, 1873. Dr. Crosby was born February 7, 1800, at Sandwich, N. H., of pure New England stock,—strong in the best Puritan element, where self-reliance, love of justice, and unbending will, formed the basis of character and the mainspring of action. His father's father was a captain in the Revolutionary army, and served with two of his sons at the battle of Bunker Hill. His maternal grandfather (Hoit) was one of Washington's body-guard, and later in life a judge of some distinction. His father, Dr. Asa Crosby, who married Betsey Hoit, was a surgeon of eminence in eastern New Hampshire. At the age of twenty, he entered upon the study of Medicine in the office of his father.

"The practice of a country doctor in New Hampshire of[355] course embraced every department and variety of professional work. But Surgery offered to young Crosby a special charm, and the ardor with which he threw himself into this branch of the profession showed early fruits. From the day when he commenced his Anatomy, his practice and his study went hand in hand. Fearless and original, ready in expedients and ingenious in their use, he observed, he resolved, and he acted.

"In the first year of his study he accompanied his father to a consultation in the case of a man whose leg had been frozen, and whose condition was most critical. It was agreed by the older physicians that amputation at an earlier stage might have saved the patient's life, but that it was now too late to attempt it. Young Crosby urged that the operation be performed, but the elders shook their heads. He even proposed to attempt it himself; but this was received with a storm of disapproval, in which even his father joined, and the thing was pronounced impossible. The doctors then departed, leaving the student to watch with the patient during the few hours which apparently remained of life. During the night young Crosby succeeded in reviving the courage of the man to make a last effort for life. The limb was removed, and the man recovered.

"His second year of study developed still further the growing resources of the young surgeon. Upon one occasion both father and son, while visiting a patient at night, in a distant village, were suddenly called to a case of extensive laceration of the leg, with profuse hemorrhage. The case was urgent, and the patient was sinking. No instruments were at hand. He called for a carving-knife, which he sharpened on a grindstone and finished on a razor-strap, filed a hand-saw, amputated the limb, dressed the stump, left the patient in safety, and drove home with his father to breakfast. The man recovered.

"Before a nature so fearless, and so fertile in expedients, obstacles speedily vanish, and young Crosby found himself in possession of a large and responsible practice, even before taking his medical degree, and at the early age of twenty-three years. The following year (1824) he graduated in[356] Medicine at Dartmouth (having passed his examination in November preceding), and for ten years remained in Gilmanton, in practice with his father. He then removed to Meredith Bridge, now Laconia, N. H., where he practiced for three years; and in 1838 was called to the chair of Surgery in Dartmouth College, then recently made vacant by the resignation of the late Dr. Mussey. In this field Dr. Crosby found at once full exercise for all his large resources of head and heart and hand. As an instructor he was clear, direct, and definite,—imparting, to his pupils his own zeal, and teaching them his own self-reliance. 'Depend upon yourselves, young gentlemen,' he invariably said. 'Take no man's diagnosis, but see with your own eyes, feel with your own fingers, judge with your own judgment, and be the disciple of no man.'

"In his class, he was courteous without familiarity, patient with dulness, but quick to punish impertinence; always kind, always dignified, always genial. The practical view of a subject was the view which he delighted to take; and the dry humor with which he never failed to emphasize his point, at once fixed it in the memory of the class, and made it available for future use. With his office-students, Dr. Crosby was the very soul of geniality and confidence. He saw and measured men at a glance, and was rarely wrong in his estimate of character. Strong in his own convictions, he was yet tender of the infirmities and the prejudices of others, and his generous instincts lost no opportunity for their daily exercise.

"His love of nature was as instinctive and as thorough as his knowledge of men. He transferred the treasures of the woods to his own garden. He studied the habits of birds and insects, and his parlors were adorned with a cabinet of American birds more complete than is often found in the museum of a professed naturalist. He reveled in the 'pomp of groves and garniture of fields,' and his daily drives through the picturesque scenery of the Connecticut valley fed his æsthetic taste, and proved a compensation for fatigue.

"Dr. Crosby, though a surgeon by nature and by preference, was in no modern sense a specialist. His professional labors covered the whole range of Medicine. His professorship included Obstetrics as well as Surgery, and his practice in this[357] department was exceptionally large. His surgical diocese extended from Lake Champlain to Boston. Distance seemed no bar to his influence, and his professional journeys were often made by night as well as by day. Of the special operations of Dr. Crosby we do not propose here to speak in detail. It is sufficient to mention that, in 1824, he devised a new and ingenious mode of reducing metacarpo-phalangeal dislocation. In 1836 he removed the arm, scapula, and three quarters of the clavicle at a single operation, for the first time in the history of Surgery. He was the first to open abscess of the hip-joint. He performed his operations, without ever having seen them performed, almost without exception. Dr. Crosby was not what may be called a rapid operator. 'An operation, gentlemen,' he often said to his clinical students, 'is soon enough done when it is well enough done.' And, with him, it was never done otherwise than well.

"At the outbreak of the rebellion, Dr. Crosby served in the provost-marshal's office at a great sacrifice for many months, attending to his practice chiefly at night. As years and honors accumulated, Dr. Crosby still continued his work, though his constitutional vigor was impaired by the severity of the New Hampshire winters, and by his unremitting labor. At length, having reached man's limit of three-score years and ten, he withdrew from active practice, and in 1870 resigned his chair in the college, to which his son succeeded. From that time it was plain that Dr. Crosby's life-work was nearly done. In his well-ordered and delightful home he found that rest to which his long service in behalf of humanity entitled him. His end was perfect dignity and perfect peace.

"To those of us who had been most intimately associated with our departed friend, who had enjoyed his teachings, his counsels, and his generous kindness, the news of his death came as a heavy shock. But he still lives in the remembrance of his distinguished services, in the unfading affection and gratitude of his pupils, and in the many hearts whose burdens he has lifted. Verily, 'Extinctus amabitur idem!'"

Professor Crosby married Mary Jane, daughter of Stephen Moody, of Gilmanton, N. H.[358]

The following paragraphs relating to one of Dartmouth's most eminent professors, the esteemed classmate of President Bartlett, who says: "Outside of my own family circle, I had no better friend," are from the pen of Dr. T. A. Emmet, of New York.

"Edmund Randolph Peaslee was born at Newton, New Hampshire, January 22, 1814. We have no record of his boyhood, or of his life previous to graduating from Dartmouth College, with the class of 1836. In this institution he occupied the position of tutor from 1837 to 1839, when he entered the Medical Department of Yale College and took his degree in 1840.

"The following year he settled in Hanover, N. H., and commenced the practice of his profession. Without waiting in expectation, he began his busy life by delivering a popular course of lectures on Anatomy and Physiology.

"These lectures indicated so clearly his talents that, in 1842, but two years after entering the profession, he was appointed professor of Anatomy and Physiology in the Medical Department of Dartmouth College, and retained the office until his death. Within a year afterwards, in 1843, he was appointed lecturer, and shortly afterwards professor of Anatomy and Surgery in the Medical School in Maine, connected with Bowdoin College. He filled those two professorships until 1857, when he gave up Anatomy, but continued to lecture on Surgery until 1860. Dr. Peaslee first came to the city of New York in 1851, on receiving the professorship of Physiology and General Pathology in the New York Medical College, then just being established.

"This position he held for four years, when he was transferred to the chair of Obstetrics, and continued to lecture on this branch until the institution was closed about 1860. He, however, did not settle in New York, to the practice of his profession, until 1858. After 1860, he mainly devoted himself to his practice, lecturing little except during the summer or autumn course in Dartmouth College. But to do justice to his subject and compress the whole subject into the space of some six weeks, this being his time of recreation from business, he always delivered at least two lectures a day and frequently[359] more. In 1870, he was elected one of the Trustees of his Alma Mater, which had in 1859 conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Laws. From 1872, he delivered a course of lectures in the Medical Department on the Diseases of Women. Two years afterwards, the course on Obstetrics and the Diseases of Women in the Bellevue Hospital Medical College was divided, when Dr. Peaslee was offered and accepted the chair of Gynæcology. At about this date he also occupied for a short time a professorship in the Albany Medical School. On the reorganization of the Medical Department of the Woman's Hospital of the State of New York, in 1872, he was made one of the Attending Surgeons, and held this position, together with his professorship in the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, at the time of his death.

"In 1857, he published in Philadelphia, 'Human Histology, in its Relations to Descriptive Anatomy, Physiology, and Pathology,' in which were given for the first time, by translation, the experiments of Robin and Verdell on Anatomical Chemistry. But the one great work which will identify him with his generation is that on 'Ovarian Tumors, their Pathology, Diagnosis, and Treatment, especially by Ovariotomy,' published in New York, 1872. To this work he contributed but little original matter, beyond his personal experience, which had been large at that time. He, however, presented a digest of the whole subject in so thorough and masterly a manner that this work is destined to be a classic and a landmark as it were. It will be the future starting-point for the literature of this subject, as an original patent is in the searching of a title. There will be no need to go beyond his researches on this subject, as they are exhaustive.

"For one feature in his work he has often expressed the greatest satisfaction, that he had been able to establish for Dr. Ephraim McDowell the credit of being the first ovariotomist. In consequence of his labors, the world has at length given us credit for this great discovery, of no less value than many others which we can claim to have originated in our country, for the prolongation of life and for the mitigation of suffering.

"Dr. Peaslee, at some time in his life, had lectured on[360] every branch of Medical science. With the exception of Dr. Physic, we have not another instance where the lecturer was equally proficient in the practice. But if we compare the extent of professional knowledge in Dr. Physic's generation and the acquirements of the present day, Dr. Peaslee will stand alone. Notwithstanding the incessant claims of his profession, he kept up through life his collegiate training in the classics, his taste for mathematics, and had acquired the knowledge of one or more modern languages. Few men in the profession were more familiar with the literature of our own language."

Dr. W. M. Chamberlain, who had rare opportunities for appreciating the character and worth of Dr. Peaslee, says:

"The call for a sketch of Dr. Peaslee's professional life and work will be abundantly satisfied by the recorded tributes of his more immediate colleagues and associates, Drs. Barker, Thomas, Emmet, Flint, and others. These are but a part of the testimony which after his death came from far and near. Wherever men were gathered for the study and discussion of medical subjects it was felt that a fountain of knowledge was closed, a leader of opinion was gone, and they made haste to acknowledge their obligations and their loss. He was a member of many such organizations, and almost uniformly advanced to the front rank in position.

"President of the New Hampshire Medical Society; of the New York County Medical Society; the American Gynæcological Society; the New York Academy of Medicine; the New York Pathological Society; the New York Obstetrical Society; the New York Medical Journal Association, etc., etc., he reaped all the honors. Yet no one ever thought of him as a seeker of office. The tribute was always spontaneous, necessary: 'Palmam qui meruit ferat!'

"And these honors were not awarded for any great effort or success in some partial field. He was decorated for service in each specific line, as Physician, Surgeon, Pathologist, Gynæcologist, Bibliographer. His attainments were comprehensive and symmetrical.

"He had the very great advantage of a liberal general education. This gave him his broad outlook upon all departments[361] of science. He had by nature a mathematical and logical habit of mind. This made him the accurate and complete student that he was, both in original investigations and literary research. At the outset of his career he sought the best schools. Just then (1840) reigned a new enthusiasm in the physical and experimental study of the Medical Sciences at Paris. Laennec, Andral, Louis, Malgaigne, Velpeau, and Bernard, were the worthy models and masters of the young American.

"Thus well-endowed, well-grounded, and well-guided, he entered upon a life of professional study, which he pursued with unremitting ardor and diligence even to the end of life.

"It would seem to be a great thing to say of any man that he was never idle, and never unprofitably employed; but it might be more justly said of Dr. Peaslee than of any other person known to the writer. He wasted no work. His conclusions were not reached by intuition or guess, but slowly and surely elaborated, exactly formulated and classified, so as to be always at his command.

"More than any other member of the profession known to the writer did he illustrate each clause of Bacon's category, that 'Reading maketh the full man; writing the exact man; and conversation the ready man.'

"From the first he was an agreeable and satisfactory teacher, year by year, increasingly so; this work he did for thirty-six years; in six Medical Colleges, in five different departments of the curriculum, before nearly a hundred different classes of students. Such training, such practice, made him a teacher in every professional circle. In societies he was wont to be a silent and often apparently an abstracted listener until near the close of the debate; then he would rise and review the whole subject with a memory so comprehensive, a knowledge so complete, and an appreciation so judicial, that nothing more remained to be said. His books and monographs for the time and era of their publication were standard, and will always remain exceptionally valuable. Only the lapse of many years may antiquate but never stale his elegant work on 'Ovarian Tumors,' of which one of his most famous compeers has said that he would 'rather have written it than any other medical work of any time or in any language.'[362]

"In his personal relations to the members of the profession, Dr. Peaslee was genial, charitable, and just. His patients looked to him in perfect confidence and respect, personally as well as professionally. He was as remarkable for the diligent care as for the thorough study of his cases; and at every visit he dispensed with gentle humor the best medicines, faith and hope.

"From youth through middle life he passed in the light of growing knowledge; in the serenity of accomplished duty; in the prestige of gathering fame and fortune; and he died before age or decay had limited his scope of life."

Prof. Peaslee married Martha Thankful, daughter of Hon. Stephen Kendrick, of Lebanon, N. H. He died in New York City, January 21, 1878.

Reliable sources furnish some facts regarding another gentleman long and honorably connected with this Department.

Prof. Albert Smith, M.D., LL. D., was born in Peterborough, N. H. He graduated at Dartmouth College, in 1825, and took his medical degree there, in 1833. He was early successful as a practitioner, and before middle age acquired a high reputation as a medical scholar and thinker.

In 1849, he was appointed professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics in the Dartmouth Medical College, where he continued to lecture till his resignation, in 1870, from which time until his death he was professor Emeritus. In 1857, he delivered his course of lectures at the Vermont Medical College, and also the course at the Bowdoin Medical School, in 1859.

The honorary degree of LL. D. was conferred on him by Dartmouth College, in 1870, and also an honorary degree of M.D. by the Rush Medical College, Chicago, in 1875. He was also an honorary member of the New York Medical Society. As a medical instructor he was included in the first rank of New England professors. His writings also gained him a wide and enviable reputation. Among his publications were a lecture on Hippocrates; also one on Paracelsus, and a commemorative Discourse on the death of Dr. Amos Twitchell, besides various articles in the medical journals and in the transactions of the New Hampshire Medical Society.[363]

With high professional attainments and distinctions Prof. Smith united a personal character of the highest purity, integrity, and nobility. He had been for a long time a member and constant attendant upon the Unitarian Church, and for thirty years a Sunday-school teacher. He was a strong advocate of temperance, and took a deep interest in the cause of education. He represented Peterborough, his place of residence, in the Legislature several times. He devoted the spare hours of his latest years to the preparation of a "History of the Town of Peterborough," which was published in a large octavo volume in 1876. He married Fidelia Stearns, February 26, 1828. Prof. Smith died at Peterborough, February 22, 1878.

The following paragraphs relating to one of Dartmouth's most largely endowed, highly cultivated, and warmly beloved teachers, Prof. Alpheus B. Crosby, who was born at Gilmanton, N. H., February 22, 1832, and was the son of Dr. Dixi and Mary Jane (Moody) Crosby, are from a Memorial "Discourse" by Dr. J. W. Barstow:

"Seven generations of tough New England fibre, combining sturdy physique, thorough individuality and undiluted common sense, form a groundwork on which no modern youth need hesitate to build, while the mellow background of a virtuous lineage well prepares the canvas for whatever of high aim and noble deed shall fill up the fresher foreground of his own life's picture.

"The native temperament of the boy, as I remember him, showed some rare combinations and counterpoises. With an exuberance of animal spirits he had, also, a natural balance of caution. He was ardent, but not hasty; he was self reliant and fearless, but never precipitate; frank and affable, though not easily won by a stranger; fond of experiment, but also intensely practical. He was prompt to decide, but always took time for detail, and pursued perseveringly to the end whatever engaged his attention and his effort.

"His constant association with his father, and with his father's friends, made the boy perfectly at home in the office and in the society of professional men; and almost from his[364] cradle he was accustomed to assist in minor operations and in the general detail of a student's service. Being a discreet lad, he often accompanied the elder Crosby in professional visits; and thus the face of the 'parvus Iülus,' became, early, as familiar as that of the 'pater Æneas,' and grew, later, to be as welcome.

"When chloroform in Surgery was first introduced, Dr. Dixi Crosby went to Boston to study its effects, and was one of the first surgeons in New Hampshire to employ it in his practice. Young Ben was then a school-boy of fifteen. His father, with full confidence in the coolness and self possession of his son, at once commenced training him as an assistant for the administration of the anæsthetic; teaching him to watch the pulse and respiration, and to note all the necessary conditions for its safe employment. And from this time, even long before our friend commenced the systematic study of his profession, he assisted his father, and administered the chloroform in many important operations, sometimes even making long journeys for the purpose. It is interesting to add, also, that in all the years of their practice together, and in all their operations, performed under the use of chloroform, there never occurred a single accident from its administration.

"On graduating at Dartmouth, in 1853, our young friend pursued his medical studies in the office of his father. He attended lectures both at Dartmouth and at the College of Physicians in New York City, and served for one year as interne in the U. S. Marine Hospital at Chelsea, Massachusetts. With the exception of these necessary absences from home, he gave every day of these preparatory years to the assistance of his father in his wide and laborious practice. To this course he was stimulated no less by filial ardor than by his growing professional zeal.

"His medical degree was taken at Dartmouth, in 1856, and instead of beginning to practice, we may say that he continued to practice with his father in Hanover, going in and out as a favorite, both with patients and in society.

"Immediately on receiving his medical degree, Dr. Crosby was appointed demonstrator of Pathological Anatomy in the Dartmouth Medical College, an office which he ably filled for five years.[365]

"At the outbreak of the rebellion, in 1861, he was appointed surgeon of the first regiment New Hampshire Volunteers, for three months' service. This being concluded, he was at once commissioned as Brigade Surgeon of U. S. Volunteers, and soon after promoted to the rank of Medical Director, serving as such on the staffs, successively, of Generale Stone, Casey, Sedgwick, and Peck. His army service was marked by the same strong individuality, the same resolute activity, the same executive talent, which we have seen stamped upon the boy and the youth. Added to all those other qualities, was that same genial humanity which made friends of every one. His brother officers trusted him, depended upon him, and loved him. The private soldiers idolized him, for they saw his quick and constant sympathy for them, and knew that his large and loving heart embraced them all in its tender care.

"In the noble record of his army service, let us not forget, that to our lamented friend belongs the credit of having originated and erected the first complete military hospital on the modern 'pavilion plan' that was built during the war of the rebellion.

"This hospital was visited and admired by surgeons throughout the army, as a model of complete ventilation and drainage. Its plans were extensively copied, and the record of its usefulness is preserved in the archives of the War Department.

"In all his widening range of work and of social activities says Professor Parker, 'his large heart seemed as incapable of being overloaded with friendships as it was inexhaustible in its overflowing friendliness. His personal magnetism held fast old friends, while the keen points of his magnetic nature constantly caught new affinities and drew to him fresh intimacies.'

"In the autumn of 1862, he was appointed adjunct professor of Surgery in Dartmouth, and from that time forward his honors, literally, outran his years.

"The number of his appointments to professional chairs in different institutions, is something beyond precedent in the history of any young American practitioner.

"In 1865, he was invited to the chair of Surgery in the[366] University of Vermont, and in the same year to a similar chair in the University of Michigan.

"Both these positions he accepted, and ably filled for several years.

"In 1870, on the resignation of his honored father at the age of threescore and ten, Dr. Ben was at once called to the chair of Surgery in Dartmouth, and entered upon its duties, still continuing to perform full duty in both his other professorships. He also delivered a course of surgical lectures in Bowdoin College, Maine, during the same year.

"In 1871, he received the appointment of Surgical professor in the Long Island Medical College, in the city of Brooklyn, which he accepted, together with the post of visiting surgeon in the hospital to which the college was attached. His work during this period was extremely arduous, but was performed with the utmost ability and credit.

"In 1872, he was invited to a professorship in the New York University, and also to another (that of Surgical Anatomy) in Bellevue Hospital Medical College in New York City. The former of these he declined, but he accepted the latter and retained it until his death.

"In 1873, Dr. Crosby was invited by the Trustees of Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, to accept the chair of Anatomy, on the resignation of the distinguished Dr. Pancoast.

"This, though not accepted, may be reckoned the crowning honor in his wreath of professional laurels."

For all the qualities which distinguish the model physician, surgeon, teacher, and companion, few names, in all the annals of Medicine, stand higher than that of Alpheus Benning Crosby.

Professor Crosby married at Baltimore, Md., Mildred Glassell, daughter of Dr. Wm. R. Smith. He died at Hanover, August 9, 1877.

In closing this record the valuable services of Parsons, Delamater, Bartlett, Holmes, Hubbard, Roby, Williams, Phelps, Field, How, and Frost should not escape our notice.

[367]

## CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE CHANDLER SCIENTIFIC DEPARTMENT.—THE AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT.—THE THAYER DEPARTMENT OF CIVIL ENGINEERING.

The following account of the Chandler Scientific Department of the college is from the pen of Professor Ruggles and other authentic sources.

The building formerly occupied by Moor's Charity School is now occupied by this Department.

Extracts from Mr. Chandler's will give us an idea of the department of instruction which he wished to establish.

"I give and devise the sum of fifty thousand dollars ... for the establishment and support of a permanent department or school of instruction in the college, in the practical and useful arts of life, comprised chiefly in the branches of Mechanics and Civil Engineering, the Invention and Manufacture of Machinery, Carpentry, Masonry, Architecture and Drawing, the Investigation of the properties and uses of the Materials employed in the Arts, the Modern Languages and English Literature, together with Book-keeping, and such other branches of knowledge as may best qualify young persons for the duties and employments of active life; but, first of all and above all, I would enjoin in connection with the above branches, the careful inculcation of the principles of pure morality, piety, and religion, without introducing topics of controversial theology, that the benefits of said department or school may be equally enjoyed by all religious denominations without distinction....

"To the end that my wishes in respect to the foregoing legacy may be observed, I do hereby constitute a perpetual Board of Visitors, consisting of two persons, who shall, during the[368] term of their respective lives, visit the said department or school as often as they shall deem it necessary and advisable to do so, and at least once in each year one or both of said Visitors shall examine the condition of its funds, and the management and disposition of the same, as well as the management of the said department or school generally....

"The said Board of Visitors shall have full power to determine, interpret, and explain my wishes in respect to this foundation; to redress grievances, both with respect to professors and students; to hear appeals from the decisions of the Board of Trustees, and to provide remedy upon complaint duly exhibited in behalf of the professors or students; to review and reverse any censure passed by said Trustees upon any professor or student on this foundation; to declare void all rules and regulations made by said Trustees relative to this foundation, which in their opinion may be inconsistent with my wishes as herein expressed, or improper or injudicious; to take care that the duties of every professor or other officer on this foundation be intelligently and faithfully discharged, and to admonish or remove such professor or officer either for misbehavior, incapacity, or neglect of the duties of his office; to examine into the proficiency of the students, and to admonish, dismiss, or suspend any student for negligence, contumacy or crime, or disobedience to the rules hereafter to be established for the government of said school or department; and to see that my true intentions in regard to this foundation be faithfully executed.

"And in order that said Board of Visitors may not be limited in their powers by the foregoing recital, I further confer upon the said Board of Visitors all the visitatorial powers and privileges, which, by the law of the land, belong and are intrusted to any Visitor of any eleemosynary corporation....

"As I have perfect confidence in the integrity and ability of my two esteemed friends, John J. Dixwell and Francis B. Hayes, both of Boston, aforesaid, and as I know their capacity to perform what I desire they should do under this proviso of my will, I constitute and appoint them to be the first Board of Visitors."[369]

The committee appointed to draw up the plan for the organization of the school consisted of Rev. Dr. Nathan Lord, Hon. Joel Parker, and Edmund Parker, Esq.

No special meeting of the Trustees was called, as had been contemplated, and the committee made their report at the regular meeting, July 26, 1852, and on the next day the following statutes were adopted:

"Article I. In accordance with the will of the late Abiel Chandler, Esq., "the Trustees of Dartmouth College by this and the following statutes, constitute and organize a school of instruction in connection with the college and as a department thereof, and the said school is denominated 'The Chandler School of Science and the Arts.'

"Article II. The school shall consist of two departments, Junior and Senior. These departments shall be conducted respectively by such officers and according to such rules and regulations as the Trustees shall from time to time appoint and ordain, with the advice and approval of the Board of Visitors, and in subjection always to the will of the Founder.

"Article III. In the Junior department of the school, instruction shall be given in the English language, in Arithmetic and Algebra, in Book-keeping, Physical Geography, Linear Drawing, Geometry, Physiology, Botany, Graphics and use of Instruments, and in such other elementary studies as may be necessary to qualify students for the Senior department.

"Article IV. The Senior department shall comprise the branches of Mechanics and Civil Engineering, the Invention and Manufacture of Machinery, Carpentry, Masonry, Architecture and Drawing; the Investigation of the Properties and Uses of the Materials employed in the Arts, the Modern Languages and English Literature, together with Book-keeping and such other branches of knowledge as may best qualify young persons for the duties and employments of active life, according to the will and injunction of the Founder.

"Article VII. The term of study in the Junior department shall be one year, and in the Senior department two years.

"Article VIII. All students who shall have been admitted[370] to the Senior department and sustained a satisfactory examination at the end of the course before a committee of gentlemen from abroad appointed by the Faculty, shall be entitled to the degree of Bachelor of Science."

Hon. John Kelley and Samuel Fletcher, Esq., having been appointed a committee to consider the question of opening the school, made the following report:

"The Chandler Fund appears to be safely invested and productive. It is therefore recommended, the school shall be opened for instruction at the commencement of the next College Term, and more fully organized as soon as a sufficient number of students shall offer themselves for admission. But as an experiment is to be made, it is not expedient to appoint professors and other teachers, until experience shall prove what teachers shall be required. In the mean time it is recommended that examination of students presenting themselves for admission to the school be made by some member, or members of the Faculty, by the direction of the President, and that the Faculty be a committee to make suitable provision for rooms and instruction until further orders of this Board."

The following resolution was then passed:

"Resolved, That the Chandler School be opened at the commencement of the next College Term."

We give the following extracts from the By-laws which were drawn up by Hon. Joel Parker, and Rev. Silas Aiken, D.D., of Rutland, Vt.:

"Vacations.—In the Senior department the terms and vacations shall be coincident with the terms and vacations in the academical department of the college. In the Junior department there shall be four vacations, one of four weeks, from Commencement, one of two weeks in the winter, and one in the spring and autumn of one week each.

"Tuition.—Every student in the Senior department shall be charged ten dollars each term, or thirty dollars for the year, including all necessary incidentals. In the Junior department the tuition shall be twenty dollars for the year, or five dollars for each term. The bill of every term shall be paid in advance, and no student shall be permitted to go[371] on with his class without an exact compliance with this statute.

"Government.—In other respects the government of the Chandler School shall be administered according to the By-laws of the college, as now established, so far as those laws may be applicable; and until the wants of the School may be more definitely ascertained, the regulation thereof in things not otherwise provided for is submitted to the discretion of the College Faculty."

In the autumn of 1852, the school was organized, and seventeen students admitted, two to the Senior and fifteen to the Junior class. James W. Patterson, who was a student in the theological school at New Haven, was elected tutor, and the new institution placed in his charge. In July, 1854, Mr. Patterson was elected Chandler Professor of Mathematics, and during the college years 1852-53, and 1853-54, in addition to the general management, gave nearly all the instruction in the Chandler School, at the same time discharged the duties of a tutor of Latin in the college proper. In 1854, the first class, consisting of four members, was graduated.

On the death of Professor Stephen Chase, in 1851, John S. Woodman had succeeded to the chair of Mathematics. In 1855, Professor Woodman resigned, to enter on the practice of law in Boston, and Mr. Patterson was elected in his place. During the next year he continued at the head of the Chandler School, and gave the instruction in Mathematics, and allied branches, in addition to his duties as professor of Mathematics in the Academic Department.

In 1856, Professor Woodman was appointed professor of Civil Engineering, and succeeded Professor Patterson in the care of the Chandler School, in which from its opening he had given some instruction. This position he held until 1870, when he was forced to resign on account of failing health, and was succeeded by Professor Edward R. Ruggles, who had occupied the chair of Modern Languages and English Literature since 1866. At the annual meeting of the Board of Trustees in 1857, it was voted that, "The regular course of study in the Chandler School of Science and the Arts, from the present time, shall comprise a term of four years."[372]

In 1862 the name Chandler School of Science and the Art was changed to Chandler Scientific Department of Dartmouth College.

The character and usefulness of the Scientific Department from its foundation to the present time, may best be learned by studying the career of its graduates in successive classes. It will be observed, that the first class of this school graduated less than twenty-five years since, and yet in that brief period, its sons have made for it an honorable record; a record which should bring to it patronage and impart to its students a spirit of scholarly pride and emulation. It might not be deemed proper to go into a detailed account of the labors and successes of individuals among its living graduates but it is only fair to this comparatively youthful department of the college, to say that as lawyers, teachers, scientists, engineers, architects, and in other spheres of practical science, its sons have made for themselves a wide and enviable reputation. The age demands that its institutions of learning shall impart a scholarship that will bring the forces of nature under the control of man, and render the student more efficient in all the industries and business enterprises of the time.

Experience has shown that the Scientific Department of Dartmouth is organized to meet this demand, and is in full and intelligent sympathy with the wants of modern society. From the first its teachers have been able and untiring in their devotion to its permanent prosperity and welfare, and its success has justified their efforts and zeal.

AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT.

The New Hampshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts was established by an act of the State Legislature in 1866. We give the act as recorded in the Revised Statutes.

"Section 1. A college is established and made a body politic and corporate, by the name of the New Hampshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts, whose leading object is, without excluding other scientific and classical studies, and including military tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts,[373] in conformity to an act of Congress entitled 'An act donating land to the several States and Territories, which may provide colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts, approved July 2, 1862;' and by that name may sue and be sued, prosecute and defend to final judgment and execution, and is vested with all the powers and privileges, and subject to all the liabilities, incident to corporations of a similar nature.

"Sect. 2. The general government of the college is vested in nine Trustees, five of whom shall be appointed, one from each councillor district, and commissioned by the Governor, with advice of the council, and four-by the Trustees of Dartmouth College, so classified and commissioned that the offices of three shall become vacant annually; any vacancy occurring shall be filled by the authority which made the original appointment.

"Sect. 3. The Trustees shall appoint a secretary, who shall be sworn, and keep a fair and full record of their proceedings; and a treasurer, who shall give bond for the faithful discharge of his duties, in such sum as the Trustees may require, and shall receive such compensation for his services as they may deem reasonable. They shall also appoint a Faculty of instruction, prescribe their duties, and invest them with such powers for the immediate government and management of the institution as they may deem most conducive to its best interests.

"Sect. 4. No Trustee shall receive any compensation for his services; but expenses reasonably incurred by him shall be paid by the college.

"Sect. 5. The Trustees shall, on or before the twentieth day of May, annually, make report to the legislature of the financial condition, operations, and progress of the college, recording such improvements and experiments made, with their cost and results, including State, industrial, and economical statistics, as may be supposed useful one copy of which shall be transmitted to each college endowed under the provisions of the aforesaid act of Congress, and one copy to the Secretary of the Interior.

"Sect. 6. The Trustees are authorized and empowered to locate and establish the college at Hanover, in connection with[374] Dartmouth College, and, with that Corporation, to make all necessary contracts relative to the terms of connection, subject to be terminated upon a notice of one year, given at any time after fourteen years, and in relation to its furnishing to the college the free use of an experimental farm, all requisite buildings, the libraries, laboratories, apparatus, and museums of said Dartmouth College, and for supplying such instruction, in addition to that furnished by its professors and teachers, as the best interests of its students may require; and also as to any legacy said Dartmouth College may receive from the estate of David Culver. Said Trustees are also directed to furnish, so far as may be practicable, free tuition to indigent students, and to make provision for the delivery of free lectures in different parts of the State upon subjects pertaining to agriculture and the mechanic arts.

"Sect. 7. All funds derived from the sale of land scrip issued to the State by the United States, in pursuance of the act of Congress aforesaid, shall be invested in registered bonds of the State or of the United States, which shall be delivered to the State treasurer, who shall have the custody of the same, and pay over the income thereof, as it may accrue, to the treasurer of the college."

The great work of securing the requisite funds, and laying foundations for this by no means unimportant Department, was committed to the late Professor Ezekiel W. Dimond. His early experience in affairs gave him peculiar fitness for this service. Whether occupied in interviewing legislators and capitalists, or in the planning and erection of edifices, he labored in season and out of season for the accomplishment of his task, and with large success. When the Department went into operation he was one of its principal teachers, and in this sphere he left upon his pupils the impress of a well-read chemist and a devotee to his profession. To his efforts, probably more than to those of any other single individual, is New Hampshire indebted for whatever of success has been attained in this department. Indeed, should the Agricultural College leave its stamp upon the "steep and sterile hillsides," or the more prolific valleys of the Granite State, as it is devoutly to be hoped that in process of time it may, no name probably[375] will be so familiarly associated with the history of its early struggles for existence as that of Dimond.

Nor were Professor Dimond's services to science limited to this department of the College.

In the Academical and Scientific departments his name appears in the list of zealous, painstaking teachers.

Professor Dimond's death in 1876, while yet apparently upon the threshold of a work to which he gave his life, was a public loss.

Of Professor Thomas R. Crosby, Professor Quimby says:

"Entering college in 1839, in the Sophomore class, he bestowed faithful labor on the whole course, while at the same time he did not forget his favorite studies of Medicine and Natural History. Pursuing these in his leisure hours, he was fitted to take the degrees of A. B. and M.D. at the same time, in 1841. With this preparation he entered at once upon the practice of medicine as his life-work, first at Campton, afterward at Hartford, Vt., Meriden, and Manchester. He was one of the active men in originating the Hillsborough Agricultural Society. He had a hand in organizing the State Society, and in preparing the first volume of the Society's Transactions. Nearly at the same time the above society was originated, the publication of the "Granite Farmer" was commenced, and Dr. Crosby was employed to edit it, in which position he did well. He was for a time city physician of Manchester, and came near being elected its mayor. His health having failed in some measure, he removed to Norwich, Vt., the home of his wife's family. For ten years he lived in Norwich and Hanover, engaged in such teaching and practice and study as his health would permit. When our country called for aid in the war of the rebellion he believed it his duty to consecrate his knowledge of Medicine and skill in Surgery to her, and to the noble men who exposed themselves to sickness and wounds in her cause. Upon entering the service he was immediately put in charge of the Columbian College Hospital, in Washington. He assumed the responsibilities of the position with the determination that the men who came under his charge 'should have their rights,' and faithfully did he carry into execution his purpose. He[376] remained in charge of this Hospital until after the close of the war and the sick and wounded were able to be transferred to their homes. The next year he was appointed professor of General and Military Surgery and Hygiene in the National Medical College, it being the Medical Department of Columbian College, which position he filled until 1870. On the opening of the State Agricultural College here, an institution in which he was particularly interested, he was appointed professor of Animal and Vegetable Physiology, in which, and in Natural History in the Academic Department, he taught almost literally till the day of his decease. When unable to meet his classes in their recitation-room he received them in his own study, and there heard their recitations, the last less than forty-eight hours before his death. Thus he fell 'with the harness on.'"

THAYER SCHOOL OF CIVIL ENGINEERING.

Of this department Professor Fletcher says:

"Between the years 1867 and 1871, General Sylvanus Thayer, of Braintree, Massachusetts, by donations amounting in the aggregate to seventy thousand dollars, made provision for establishing in connection with the college a special course of instruction in Civil Engineering. 'The venerable donor, himself a distinguished officer of the U. S. Corps of Engineers, was moved to this munificence, not only by a regard for his Alma Mater, but also by a desire to provide for young men possessing requisite ability a thorough and exclusively professional training.'

"The school was organized during the winter and spring of 1871, by Professor Robert Fletcher, under the immediate direction of General Thayer. The general character and aim of the course are indicated by the following quotation from the Instrument of Gift: 'The requisites for admission to the school shall be of a high order, embracing such studies, at least, as are specified in a paper to be hereto appended, called 'Programme A,' bearing my signature, which programme shall be regarded as an absolute minimum, and which may, in the discretion of the Board of Overseers, created by the[377] 5th article of this Instrument, be extended, but not diminished or contracted in the least degree.'

"'2. The course of study shall extend through at least two years, and the duration of the course may be further extended so as to include another half year, should three or more members of the Board of Overseers judge, after a fair trial of the two years' course, such further extension to be expedient. The studies and instruction of each year shall extend continuously from September first to July first following.'"

"Instruction was begun to a regular class of the engineering course, September, 1871. During the preceding months of the year preparatory instruction had been given. From 1871 to 1873, a preparatory course of two years was contemplated, and during the year 1872-3 was maintained in connection with the higher course. Meanwhile the detailed statement of requisites for admission, styled 'Programme A,' was prepared by Professor Fletcher, under supervision of General Thayer, and with the aid of several professors eminent in the various subjects which it includes. These requirements embrace all the branches of a common school education, a full course of pure Mathematics and a thorough course in Physics, including theoretical Chemistry and Astronomy. The high standard thus established justified the following announcement in the College 'Catalogue.' 'The department is to be essentially, though not formally, post-graduate. The course of study is to be of the highest order, passing beyond what is possible in institutions for general culture, and is designed to prepare the capable and faithful student for responsible positions and difficult service.' It was intended that the Preparatory Department should provide instruction in the subjects embraced in 'Programme A.'

"The decease of General Thayer in October, 1872, deprived the School of his personal supervision. The general direction of its affairs then devolved on the Board of Overseers constituted by his Instrument of Gift and appointed by himself. At that time the Board consisted of Rev. A. D. Smith, D.D., LL. D., president of Dartmouth College, Prof. O. P. Hubbard[378] of New Haven, formerly at Dartmouth College, Prof. George L. Andrews, of the U. S. Military Academy, Gen. John C. Palfrey, C. E., of Lowell, Massachusetts, and Prof. P. S. Michie, of the U. S. Military Academy. The last three gentlemen had been officers in the U. S. Corps of Engineers.

"At its first meeting in May, 1873, the Board decided that it would not be expedient for some time to come to maintain such an auxiliary as a Preparatory Department. It was found that the limited means provided by the founder would allow the attainment of his high ideal only by working within comparatively narrow limits. Without attempting to cover too broad a field, a high standard and thorough work were to be essential features of the course.

"The Board of Overseers holds a meeting at Dartmouth College annually, when it examines carefully into the working of the school, its financial condition, etc., and adopts any measures promising to effect improvement and secure greater efficiency, according to the powers conferred upon it by the Instrument of Gift. The Board also examines the students and recommends such members of the first class as it finds to be qualified, to the Trustees of Dartmouth College for the degree of Civil Engineer.

"The first class which completed the two years' course graduated in 1873. The class of 1877 was the fifth sent out by the school. At that time the whole number of graduates was thirteen. There had been, besides, two who left for professional engagements after the first year of study. The graduates have nearly all obtained honorable positions in the line of the profession soon after graduation, with fair prospects for distinction.

"The nature of the course is such that a large corps of instructors is not required. Careful training and drill in essential and fundamental branches is the aim. Considerable time is devoted to out-door practice but without attempt to make experts in any direction. Accordingly, temporary employment in a professional line is allowed at proper times, such as will conduce to the student's improvement and be more or less remunerative.[379] Thus it is expected that the student will be fitted to advance rapidly and successfully in any 'specialty' to which he may subsequently devote his efforts.

"The school is now hardly in full operation, as some features about the course are still experimental. It has its history yet to make."

[380]

## CHAPTER XXIX.

BENEFACTORS.—TRUSTEES.

From various authentic sources we have the following sketches of Dartmouth's leading benefactors, always excepting the last Royal Governor of New Hampshire, John Wentworth, whose care for all the interests of the Province is a matter of enduring record. Of the distinguished person in honor of whom the College was named, the following account, published in 1779, is from "Collins' Peerage":

"William, the present and Second Earl of Dartmouth, for his more polite education, traveled through France, Italy, and Germany; and, on his return to England, took the oaths, and his seat in the House of Peers, on May 31, 1754. His Lordship was sworn of His Majesty's Privy Council on July 26, 1765; in August following he was appointed first Commissioner of Trade and Plantations, which he resigned in 1766; in August, 1772, he was appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies; and on November 10, 1775, Keeper of the Privy Seal.

"His Lordship married, on January 11, 1755, Frances Catharine, only daughter and heir of Sir Charles Gunter Nicholl, Knight of the Bath; and by her had issue eight sons and one daughter.

"His Lordship is also President of the London Dispensary; Vice-President of the Foundling and Lock Hospitals; Recorder of Litchfield; LL. D., and F. R. S."

The armorial inscription is:

"GAUDET TENTAMINE VIRTUS."

Forbes' Life of Dr. Beattie gives the following interesting paragraph:

"His Majesty (George III.) asked what I thought of my[381] new acquaintance, Lord Dartmouth. I said, there was something in his air and manner which seemed to me not only agreeable, but very enchanting, and that he seemed to me to be one of the best of men; a sentiment in which both their majesties heartily joined. 'They say that Lord Dartmouth is an enthusiast,' said the king, 'but surely he says nothing on the subject of religion but what every one may and ought to say on the subject of religion.'"

Of John Thornton, the devout Episcopalian, the kinsman of Wilberforce, and the most munificent of Dartmouth's early benefactors, almost the sole supporter of the founder for several years, Rev. Thomas Scott, in a memorial "Discourse" says:

"It is worthy of observation, that this friend of mankind, in the exercise of his beneficence, not only contributed his money (which often is done to very little purpose) but he devoted his time and thoughts very much to the same object; doing good was the great business of his life, and may more properly be said to have been his occupation, than even his mercantile engagements, which were uniformly considered as subservient to that nobler design.

"To form and execute plans of usefulness; to superintend, arrange, and improve upon those plans; to lay aside such as did not answer, and to substitute others; to form acquaintance, and collect intelligence for this purpose; to select proper agents, and to carry on correspondence, in order to ascertain that his bounties were well applied: These and similar concerns were the hourly occupations of his life, and the ends of living, which he proposed to himself; nor did he think that any part of his time was spent either happily or innocently, if it were not some way instrumental, directly or indirectly, to the furtherance of useful designs."

"Abiel Chandler was a native of Concord, N. H. In his childhood his parents removed to Fryeburg, Maine, where he labored on a farm till he was twenty-one years of age. He was graduated at Harvard College in 1806, and spent the next eleven years in teaching at Salem and Newburyport, Mass. To the good reputation which he had previously gained as a student, he added that of an excellent preceptor.[382] A little later he commenced a mercantile life at Boston. He was of the house of Chandler and Howard, and afterwards Chandler, Howard, and Company, for more than a quarter of a century, when he retired with a fortune. To numerous relatives he made liberal bequests, with great delicacy and judgment. After his legacy to the college, the residue of his property was bequeathed to the New Hampshire Asylum for the Insane.

"The origin of Mr. Chandler's endowment of the Scientific School is referable to an incident that occurred to him when a young man at Fryeburg. He fell in company with some students of Dartmouth College, and he was impressed by their superiority to himself. He conceived the purpose of being himself a scholar, and he fulfilled it. When, after a few years of honorable industry as a teacher he became a merchant, he saw himself, though now a scholar, ignorant, to a great extent, of the principles and methods of mercantile life. Whereupon he set himself to a new variety of learning. He gained it, and with it gained a fortune. But he saw other men around him, in different spheres, suffering as he had done from a similar want of knowledge,—merchants, traders, ship-masters, artisans, farmers, laborers.

"The Chandler School is the ripened fruit of a well-considered purpose to benefit mankind. He had confidence in the importance of his object, the integrity of his aims, and the wisdom of his advisers. He bestowed his charity with a hearty good-will, and left the event with God."

"John Conant was born in Stowe, Mass., in 1790. His family descended from the French Huguenots who were driven into England by Louis XIV. His father was an industrious and successful farmer. In the district school he was taught the merest rudiments of an English education. In after years, by the aid and sympathy of an intelligent and well-educated wife, he fitted himself to write for the public journals, to lecture on temperance and agriculture, and to perform with credit and honor the duties of important official stations, in town and State. His leisure hours were devoted to study. He collected a small private library of choice books in history, biography, and science, and made them the companions of rainy days and winter evenings.[383]

"At the age of twenty-six, he purchased a farm in Jaffrey, under the shadow of 'the great Monadnock,' on which he labored for thirty-five years, and gathered 'a plentiful estate.' This was accumulated by means of those home-bred virtues, industry, prudence, and economy; for he never, in a single instance, increased his wealth by speculation.

"When the New Hampshire Insane Asylum was occupying the public attention, he contributed liberally to its endowment, and was at one time president of its Board of Trustees, being sole superintendent of the first buildings that were reared.

"Turning his thoughts toward the rising academy at New London, Mr. Conant proposed to add to its literary and scientific departments an agricultural school. He ascertained, however, that his whole estate would be inadequate to the work, and, after making generous donations to the academy, he turned his attention to the Agricultural College at Hanover.

"In his endowment of this institution, along with other things, he has provided a model farm for the college, and founded a scholarship for each town in Cheshire County, twenty-two in all, with an additional one for Jaffrey.

"Mr. Conant was through life a liberal contributor to public enterprises, and a supporter of the gospel, and for twenty years was an active member of the Baptist Church."

Boynton's History of West Point gives the following valuable paragraphs relating to Sylvanus Thayer, by whose munificence to the cause of education he has laid his Alma Mater and his native town under lasting obligations:

"Brevet-major Sylvanus Thayer, of the Corps of Engineers, on July 28, 1817, assumed command as superintendent of the West Point Military Academy, and from this period the commencement of whatever success as an educational institution, and whatever reputation the Academy may possess, at home or abroad, for its strict, impartial, salutary, elevating, and disciplinary government, must be dated. Major Thayer was an early graduate of the academy. He had served with distinction in the War of 1812, and had studied the military schools of France, and profited by the opportunity to acquire[384] more complete and just views concerning the management of such an institution than were generally entertained by educational and military men of that day. The field before him was uncultivated; the period was one when rare qualifications for position were not considered valueless; and, blessed with health, devotion to the cause, and firmness of purpose, he was permitted to organize a system, and remain sixteen years to perfect its operation.

"Immediately after entering upon his duties, the Cadets were organized into a battalion of two companies, with a colonel of Cadets, an adjutant, and a sergeant-major, for its staff; and within the year he created a 'Commandant of Cadets,' to be an instructor of tactics.

"The division of classes into sections, the weekly rendering of class reports, showing the daily progress, the system and scale of daily marks, the establishment of relative class rank among the members, the publication of the Annual Register, the introduction of the Board of Visitors, the check-book system, the preponderating influence of the 'blackboard,' and the essential parts of the Regulations for the Military Academy, as they stand to this day, are some of the evidences of the indefatigable efforts of Major Thayer to insure method, order, and prosperity to the institution. When relieved, at his own request, the upward impetus given to the institution had attracted general observation."

General Thayer evidently believed that "peace hath her victories" as well as war, and nobly acted in accordance with his intelligent, earnest convictions.

"Joel Parker was born at Jaffrey, N. H. After studying in the academy at Groton, where the late President James Walker was one of his schoolmates, he entered the Sophomore class at Dartmouth College in February, 1809, at the early age of thirteen, and graduated in 1811, not yet seventeen years of age. After his graduation he studied law at Keene, and with his brother Edmund at Amherst, and entered the bar of Cheshire County, at the October term in 1817, at the former place, where he at once engaged in practice.

In the year 1821, contemplating a change of residence, he visited the West, and was admitted to practice in the Circuit[385] Court of the United States at Columbus, Ohio, in January, 1822; but, fortunately for his native State, returned in the latter year, and devoted himself assiduously to his chosen pursuit.

Free from domestic cares, affianced only to his profession, he early gained an honorable position by the steady exercise of natural abilities well adapted to its pursuit. He was industrious, thorough, minute, painstaking, cautious, persistent, and untiring. "Judge Parker's mode of practice in the trial of cases," writes an early professional associate, who still enjoys a ripe and honored age, "to take down the testimony in full of the witnesses in writing, and to cross-examine them at great length as to all the circumstances they might know relative to the case, contributed greatly to change the previous practice of the witness' first telling his story of what he knew, followed by a brief cross-examination, with only a few notes, made by the counsel, of the leading points of the testimony."

Of Judge Parker's judicial life in New Hampshire, Charles Sumner, in 1844, wrote: "It will not be unjust to his associates to distinguish. Mr. Chief Justice Parker as entitled to peculiar honor for his services on the bench. He may be justly regarded as one of the ablest judges of the country."

The event which brought Judge Parker more conspicuously before the public, and undoubtedly contributed justly and largely to give him a wide and established reputation for vigor, independence, learning, and capacity, was his controversy with 14 Mr. Justice Story of the Supreme Court of the United States in regard to the proper construction of a clause—it might even be said the meaning of a word [lien]—in the Bankrupt Law of 1841; a controversy which became political in other hands, and threatened to reach the magnitude of a conflict between the United States and New Hampshire.

After the experiences of this generation, such a collision seems trifling; but it involved subjects of grave importance, and was a contest between no insignificant combatants,—not without interest at this day to a student of common or constitutional law.[386]

It began in 1842, when Story and Parker were each in the full vigor of judicial life, and enthusiastic crowds of young men were learning the science of the law from Story's lips. It ended seven years after, when Story had passed away, and Parker was lecturing where Story taught, to young men who now revere the memory of both. He had laid aside the honor and labors of the office which required him to engage in the struggle; and, in the first year of his service as a professor in the school to whose success and reputation Story had so largely contributed, the court which Story had adorned declared the survivor victorious. Like Entellus, he might say,—

"Hic victor cestus artemque repono."

The eminent service rendered to the country and the age, by Judge Parker, while Royall professor of Law at Cambridge, forms a material part of our national history.

Richard Fletcher was a native of Cavendish, Vt. Having graduated at Dartmouth, in 1806, he studied law with Daniel Webster, and commenced practice in Salisbury, N. H. In 1819 he removed to Boston, where he shortly took rank with the very first of legal advocates.

His biographer says: "While in practice before the courts his presence ever commanded the utmost respect. Of good form, of handsome and expressive features, and of most gentlemanly and pleasing address, with his great learning and untiring industry, it is not strange that he should have succeeded at the bar and on the bench.

"He was an orator of great power,—fluent and elegant in diction, bright and sparkling in thought, keen and quick in repartee.

"His care not to be engaged in unworthy causes was a matter of note.

"In political life he found little that suited his tastes, although at different times a member of both the State and National Legislatures.

"Mr. Fletcher was a sincere Christian. His religion was not so much of the aggressive kind, nor did he often urge his views upon others; but it pervaded his entire character, and shone out in all his actions. In his will he made a provision[387] for publishing biennially, a prize essay adapted to impress 'on the minds of all Christians a solemn sense of their duty to exhibit in their godly lives and conversation the beneficent effects of the religion they profess, and thus increase the efficiency of Christianity in Christian countries, and recommend its acceptance to the heathen portions of the world.'"

Few of Dartmouth's alumni have manifested a more affectionate, steadfast devotion to their Alma Mater, than Mr. Fletcher.

Tappan Wentworth was the son of Isaac Wentworth, of Dover, N. H., and was born there February 24, 1802, and died in Lowell, June 12, 1875. His father was a poor man, a boatman running a freight-boat between Dover and Portsmouth.

He was sent first to common schools till he reached the classical school where he studied Latin in a class with the late John K. Young, D.D., Dr. George W. Kittredge, and Hon. John H. White, but was taken from school after having read two books of Virgil. Judge White says: "Tappan was a good scholar, energetic and self-reliant. I was in the Latin class with him, and was told by the father that he was too poor to keep him in school." He then spent about three years in Portsmouth, in a North End grocery store.

From Portsmouth he went to South Berwick, Me., into the stores of the late Benjamin Nason and Alphonso Gerrish, successively, as clerk. He there attracted the attention of Hon. William Burleigh, a then member of Congress from York district, by a spirited article he had written in favor of Mr. Burleigh's reëlection. Mr. Burleigh now offered to take him as a law student, and the young clerk entered upon the study of law, and was admitted to the bar in York County in 1826. After seven years' successful practice in his profession in South Berwick and Great Falls, he came to Lowell, bringing some seven thousand dollars with him.

He now seemed to form his life plan of work, professionally and financially,—diligence in his profession and all possible investments in real estate. At his death his $7,000 had swollen into nearly $300,000, during his forty-five years of Lowell life.[388]

During these years he became a leading member of his profession, was often in offices of trust in city affairs, at different times in both houses of the Legislature, and a member of Congress from 1853 to 1855.

After assigning "pride of ancestry and name" as one reason for Mr. Wentworth's munificence to Dartmouth, Judge Crosby says:

"Another reason for the gift to the college is found in his appreciation of the value, the power, and the beauty of education. He had had hard experience in relation to it. He had hungered for it when he could not get it. He had obtained it in limited departments, by hard work, at great odds and under great embarrassments, when other claims must be postponed in its behalf. And as he looked over our college studies he found many branches he had never pursued and could not approach."

"The fund is not given for scholarships, professorships, libraries, or buildings. It is given for the support of the institution, to make instruction independent, learned and cheap; given to invite the youth to come here, and to give them the best opportunities of cultivation at lessened expense, to lay foundations of learning and mental enlargement for any department in life. It will maintain ten learned professors or twenty tutors, or give 20,000 volumes of books annually, as the honorable Trustees shall think the demands of the college require.

"It may enlarge, repair, or ornament these grounds; it may be turned into laboratories, museums of natural history, or art; it may raise the curriculum to higher studies and extended courses. It is not restrained by his personal judgment and direction in the future, but left to the better judgment of living mind."

Should Dartmouth ever lose her maiden name, she would not hesitate in regard to the new one.

William Reed was born at Marblehead, Mass. Compelled to abandon the hope of a public education, he afterwards engaged in mercantile pursuits, which he followed with great energy and activity and with a good degree of success.

Having by his untiring energy and perseverance, and by[389] his strict habits of economy come into possession of a considerable amount of property, he devoted the latter part of his life to philanthropic and benevolent purposes.

As a citizen he was distinguished for activity, public spirit and true patriotism. The many marks of attention and respect which he received from his fellow-citizens evinced the high estimation in which he was held by the community.

In 1811 he was elected to a seat in the Congress of the United States, a station which he filled for four years with honor to himself, with satisfaction to his constituents, and with advantage to his country.

While the cause of Foreign Missions received the largest share of his Christian sympathies and the largest amount of his charitable donations, yet he was deeply interested in all the benevolent operations of the day. His sound judgment was sought in the management of various public institutions. In 1826 he was elected a member of the Board of Visitors of the Theological Seminary at Andover, and occupied that station until his death. He was for several years a Trustee of Dartmouth; also of Amherst.

Dr. George Cheyne Shattuck was born in Templeton, Mass., in the year 1783, in the sixth generation from William Shattuck, who was born in England in the year 1621, and died in Watertown, Mass., in the year 1672, Dr. Benjamin Shattuck graduated at Harvard College in 1765, and having studied medicine, settled in Templeton. His youngest son inherited thirteen hundred dollars, and this sufficed for his support, fitting for college, and college and Medical education, commenced at Hanover and continued in Philadelphia and Boston, with such addition as he was able to make by school-keeping. There were no public conveyances when he went from Templeton to Hanover, and he bought a horse on which he rode to Hanover and then sold it, taking the pay in board. He received four degrees from his Alma Mater; the first in the year 1803 and the last, of Doctor of Laws, in 1853. He settled in Boston in the year 1807, and for the space of forty-seven years devoted himself to the practice of his profession. He secured the esteem, respect and affection of his patients, and gathered a handsome estate.[390] He gave liberally to his Alma Mater for an Observatory, for books, and for portraits of distinguished alumni. He founded a professorship in the Medical Department of Harvard University and endowed scholarships in the Academical Department. He gave liberally to various charities during his lifetime, as well as to public institutions, and the poor and needy never appealed to him in vain. He died in Boston in the year 1854, in the profession of the faith in which he had been educated both at home and at college.

George H. Bissell was born at Hanover, N. H. He is descended from a family of Norman-French origin, which came from Somersetshire, England. His mother came of Belgic and Holland descent. One of his ancestors was the first settler at Windsor, Ct., in 1628. The late Gov. Clark Bissell, of Connecticut, and Gov. William H. Bissell, of Illinois, were relatives. In 1846, after successful teaching elsewhere, on the organization of the High School in New Orleans Mr. Bissell was elected its first principal over many competitors. Subsequently he was chosen superintendent of the public schools in that city. His remarkable administrative abilities and high qualifications as a scholar were of great service in his onerous position. The schools reached a discipline and prosperity before unknown. He is also a member of the legal profession.

In the development of petroleum Mr. Bissell was a leading pioneer; perhaps he justly deserves the preëminence in this great work. Mr. Bissell is a self-made man. We quote a portion of his letter to President Smith, announcing his munificent donation for a gymnasium:

"In acceding to your wishes, my dear sir, I can but recall that day, now twenty years since, when, leaving Dartmouth, alone and unaided, I felt that 'Tentanda via est, quâ me quoque possim tollere humo.'

"It affords me unqualified pleasure now to be able to gratify a wish then cherished, to aid in some degree my Alma Mater, and in that manner which you assure me is the most effectual."

"Gen. David Culver was born in Lyme, N. H. In the year 1832 he left the parental roof, and after a residence in[391] Hartford, Conn., and New York City, for some years, where in both cities he was actively engaged in lucrative business pursuits, he returned to his beautiful ancestral home in Lyme, in 1855. The residue of his years he spent in pleasant agricultural life, on the old farm of his strongly-endeared childhood, memory, and attachment. In the rural district of this home he was ever apparently content and happy, and, much to his praise, seemed greatly beloved by his neighbors. His townsmen many times by their united suffrage gave him important offices of public trust and confidence. Of the Congregational Church of Christ, in Lyme, he was for many years a highly valued helping member, and for the gospel ministry was a liberal supporter, giving of his means in so quiet a manner that he appeared not to wish his good deeds blazoned to the world.

"For the needy, suffering poor of his personal acquaintance, especially the helpless poor, he had a sympathizing heart, and so deeply pitied them, in many instances, as to greatly alleviate their sufferings by ministering pecuniarily to their relief.

"To the cause of general education in the community,—elementary, common, agricultural, and collegiate,—he was always a warm-hearted, deeply-interested friend. In many instances, to aspiring youth in indigent circumstances, who were striving after the acquisition of the needful knowledge to prepare themselves and others for usefulness, he has been known to bestow pecuniary assistance to aid them on their way.

"And so agreeably bland was he in his mode of conferring his favors, as to greatly augment the value of them, and at the same time heighten the esteem of the recipients for the donor." Outside of her alumni Dartmouth had few warmer friends than General Culver.

Samuel Appleton was a native of New Ipswich, N. H.

His enterprise and his liberality have given his name a conspicuous place in New England history. We append a portion of one of his letters to President Lord, which shows his generous appreciation of liberal culture.

"It affords me much pleasure to have it in my power to do something for the only college in my native State which has[392] done so much to establish a sound literary character in the country. Dartmouth has done her full proportion in educating for the pulpit, the bar, the healing art, and the senate, good and great men who have done honor to their names, to the college, and to the country."

In closing this record, we can only allude to other leading benefactors, among whom are John D. Willard, who gave to Dartmouth some of the fruits of his busy, earnest life. Salmon P. Chase, loyal to his Alma Mater to the last. John Wentworth, who still lives to witness her work. Henry Bond, loving her scarcely less than his kindred, "according to the flesh." Frederick Hall, who gave his money, and what he valued more. John Phillips, whose name will live as long as Dartmouth, or Andover, or Exeter, shall exist. Israel Evans, the patriot divine, who cherished for Washington and Wheelock similar affection. Aaron Lawrence, the conscientious Christian merchant. Jeremiah Kingman, the busy agriculturist, who cultivated his mind as well as his fields. Mrs. Betsey Whitehouse, the parishioner of Abraham Burnham, by whose labors her valuable Christian and general character was largely moulded, and E. W. Stoughton, who fully realizes the close connection between a healthy body and a sound mind.

The services of Dartmouth's Trustees should not be passed over in silence.

We give a statement of the character of the Board half a century ago, when the College was in "middle life," from Mr. William H. Duncan.

"Of the members of that Board, there was Elijah Paine, of Vermont, who had received his appointment as District Judge of the United States for the District of Vermont from Washington, a graduate from Harvard, 'a Roman of the Romans,' one who would have done honor to Rome in her noblest and best days for the purity, integrity, and elevation of his character. Charles Marsh, who held for many years the unchallenged position of the leader of the bar in Vermont, a cousin of that giant in the law, Jeremiah Mason, whom he greatly resembled in many of his intellectual characteristics,—a high-toned gentleman, and a devout and reverend believer[393] in Christianity. Moses P. Payson, a graduate of the College, of the class of 1793, a lawyer of courteous and elegant demeanor, and of high social position. Judge Edmund Parker, a sound lawyer, a man of good sense, and excellent judgment, and above all a man of unspotted character, a brother of the distinguished ex-Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of New Hampshire. Israel W. Putnam, D.D., a graduate of the class of 1809, so long and so favorably known in New Hampshire as a clergyman. John H. Church, D.D., a graduate from Harvard, a man of apostolic solemnity and dignity of character, whose praise is in all the churches. John Wheeler, D.D., an accomplished scholar, afterwards President of the University of Vermont. Bennett Tyler, who was still a Trustee, although he had resigned his position as president, a man of commanding dignity of presence, an unrivaled logician, and one of the best pulpit orators it has ever been the good fortune of the writer to listen to. Judge Samuel Hubbard, of Boston, one of the best lawyers of New England, who for many years was the rival and the peer of the leaders of the Suffolk Bar. When on the bench of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, he was numbered among her most eminent jurists, and was ranked with Fletcher and Shaw. He was a man of the finest sensibilities, and a devout and reverent Christian. Mills Olcott, of the class of 1790, who had been the Secretary and Treasurer of the College before he was a Trustee, whose father had served before him for twenty years in the same capacity, a man of remarkable sagacity and enterprise in business affairs, of assured social position, and of great elegance and dignity of manner.

"And of this body of men was Ezekiel Webster, the elder brother of Daniel, a man of remarkable intellectual endowments; in sagacity and judgment, in the opinion of those who knew them both, fully equal to his distinguished brother, well read, as all the gentlemen of the old school were, in the old English authors; a profound lawyer, and, at times when he could be prevailed upon to speak, as eloquent as his brother; of commanding personal presence, which in no way can be so well described as by borrowing a Homeric epithet, for he was truly a 'king' among 'men.'[394]

"Such was the body of men whose grave and majestic air used to impress the writer of this sketch, when the Commencements came round, in his college days, with the same feeling of awe and reverence with which the barbarians' were inspired when they first looked in upon the Roman Senate, supposing that they were looking upon an assembly of kings."

If to these we add the names of the eminent men who were the colleagues of the founder, and of Nathaniel Niles, Jonathan Freeman, Thomas W. Thompson, Stephen Jacob, Timothy Farrar, Samuel Bell, Asa McFarland, Seth Payson, Samuel Prentiss, George Sullivan, John Aiken, William Reed, Samuel Delano, Samuel Fletcher, Nathaniel Bouton, Silas Aiken, Joel Parker, Richard Fletcher, and the honored Governors of the State, we are fully impressed with the fact that the interests of the college have been in the keeping of wise and prudent guardians.

[395]

## CHAPTER XXX.

LABORS OF DARTMOUTH ALUMNI.—CONCLUSION.

As Dartmouth was founded as an evangelizing agency, and every stone was laid in firm reliance upon Him to whom all was consecrated, there was good ground of hope that it would be a strong and durable pillar in the great temple of Christian learning. Its record is a realization of the hopes of its noble and devoted founders.

In his "Narrative" for 1771 (p. 29) Dr. Wheelock, alluding to the period immediately following his removal to Hanover, says: "there were evident impressions upon the minds of a number of my family and school which soon became universal, insomuch that scarcely one remained who did not feel a greater or less degree of it, till the whole lump seemed to be leavened by it, and love, peace, joy; satisfaction and contentment reigned through the whole. The 23d day of January (1771) was kept as a day of solemn fasting and prayer, on which I gathered a church in this college and school, which consisted of twenty-seven members."

His biographer, writing early in the present century, says: "The college has been repeatedly favored with remarkable religious impressions on the minds of the students. These showers of divine grace have produced streams which have refreshed the garden of the Lord, and made glad the city of our God. The young men in this school of the prophets have, at these seasons, been powerfully and lastingly affected; they have gone forth as 'angels of the churches;' the work of God has prospered in their hands; many of their people have been turned to righteousness."

Of President Tyler's administration it is said that the most remarkable thing was "a powerful revival of religion." All[396] the later decades have been marked by manifestations of the Divine presence in the college. Scarcely a year has passed in which some of its members have not joyfully consecrated intellect and heart and life to the service of Him who gave them.

Not a few have been "bright and shining lights" in the church. Of Jesse Appleton, Rev. Dr. Anderson says: "I have been placed in circumstances to see much of not a few great men in the Church of Christ, but I have been conversant with only a few, a very few, whose attributes of power seemed to me quite equal to his. The clearness of his conceptions was almost angelic. If I am fitted to do any good in the world, I owe what intellectual adaptation I have very much to his admirable training, especially as he took us through his favorite Butler."

Few American divines have had a wider or more varied sphere of influence than Dr. Appleton's classmate, Ebenezer Porter, a pioneer in sacred Rhetoric, one of the originators of the American Tract Society, the most prominent of the founders of the American Education Society, which he adopted as his child and heir, the beloved and honored first president of the oldest Theological Seminary in the United States.

Of Samuel Worcester, the distinguished opponent of Channing, we have the following valuable record: "When the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions was formed, his labors as the Corresponding Secretary, with the whole system now in operation for the conduct of missions abroad, required the same processes of original evolution and determination of principles and rules, as so signally characterized the formation of our Federal government. Here was displayed his peculiar, if we may not say his transcendent, power among his eminent associates. The great value of 'the Constitution of the Board, as a working instrument,' 'the nicely adjusted relations of the voluntary and ecclesiastical principles,' the 'origination of what is peculiarly excellent in the Annual Reports, and also in the Instructions to Missionaries,' and the 'American idea' of 'organizing the missions as self-governing communities,' are justly ascribed[397] to him by the present senior Secretary, [Dr. Anderson] as conclusive witness of his extraordinary 'sagacity' and of his being far 'in advance of the age.'"

Philander Chase could found parish and diocese and seminary with equal facility, performing a work for the Episcopal Church in America unrivaled by that of any contemporary.

Nor should we overlook such names as Asa Burton, teacher of teachers in theology, who could successfully measure swords with Emmons; Samuel Wood, whose impress never left the mind of Webster; Daniel Story, a pioneer of Marietta; Mase Shepard, Jonathan Strong, Walter Harris, Ethan Smith, Alvan Hyde, William Jackson, Rufus Anderson, the honored father of a not less honored son; John Fiske, Abijah Wines, Eliphalet Gillett, whose home missionary zeal in Maine made a lasting impression upon the rising state; Kiah Bailey, who first effectually moved the springs which gave to the same State the Bangor Theological Seminary; John Smith, an earnest and honored teacher in that Seminary; Theophilus Packard, whose pupils have performed honorable service for the Master in both hemispheres; Peter P. Roots, Bezaleel Pinneo, Asa McFarland, Caleb Jewett Tenney, a leading founder of the East Windsor (now Hartford) Theological Seminary; Thomas A. Merrill, Abraham Burnham, George T. Chapman, John Brown, Daniel Poor, the pioneer in Christian learning in Ceylon and Madura; Austin Dickinson, to whom the world is under large obligations for a higher type of periodical literature; Levi Spaulding, the worthy coadjutor of Poor; Nathan W. Fiske, Daniel Temple, who carried the first missionary printing-press to Western Asia, and made for classic lands a Christian literature; William Goodell, the leading founder of two flourishing Christian missions on heathen soil, and the translator of the whole Bible into the Armeno-Turkish language; Ephraim W. Clark, John S. Emerson, and Austin H. Wright, of similar spirit; Benjamin Woodbury, Aaron Foster, a leading founder of the American Home Missionary Society, and John K. Lord, whose early death in the Queen City of the West, was as the falling of "a standard-bearer."

To these we might add many eminent living heralds of the[398] cross, and a Hovey and a Townsend in leading Theological Seminaries. We cannot more fitly close on this head than by remarking that of the last forty-four subjects in the second volume of Sprague's invaluable "Annals of the Pulpit," eleven were Dartmouth alumni, while all the others, save eight, numbered her alumni among their teachers.

Dartmouth has an honorable record in the various departments of Law and in statesmanship. Most naturally we dwell upon the name of Daniel Webster, towering in strength and grandeur, like the mountain beside which he was born, amid the surrounding granite, who left the impress of his genius upon the jurisprudence of his native State, upon the Constitution of his adopted State, and upon nearly every conspicuous page of America's civil or political history for half a century; who loved Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill with an undying affection, dwelling alternately beside the one or the other; who cherished as the apple of his eye his Alma Mater and the nation for whose service she had prepared him; who in early life and middle life and old age advocated the universal brotherhood of man, whether pleading in behalf of the oppressed African, or the oppressed Greek, or the oppressed Hungarian; who gave all his sympathy and all his influence in aid of every pursuit, enterprise, and institution which could ennoble the human race; who made all other human law pay homage to the Constitution of his country, and all human law to the Divine Revelation; who gave to Dartmouth a more enduring fame throughout America, and to America a more enduring fame over the whole earth: of Levi Woodbury, who as Governor of his native State clearly comprehended and carefully regarded its various interests; as a Senator commanded the profound respect of the National Legislature; as a Cabinet minister, inaugurated "a series of reforms which pervaded the whole department, and penetrated to every branch of the service," and who upon the Supreme Bench of the United States gave judicial opinions which are "monuments of patient research, ripe, and rarely erring judgment, enlarged and liberal views, and eminent attainments:" of Thaddeus Stevens, of whom his biographer says: "Thoroughly radical in all his views, hating slavery with all[399] the intensity of his nature, believing it just, right, and expedient, not only to emancipate the negro but to arm him and make him a soldier, and afterward to make him a citizen, and give him the ballot, he led off in all measures for effecting these ends. The Emancipation Proclamation was urged upon the President by him, on all grounds of right, justice, and expediency; the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was initiated and pressed by him:" of Rufus Choate, who combined in more majestic and graceful proportions than any other American lawyer, the ripe scholar and the successful advocate; who with the beauty and power of his language could captivate a jury, a popular audience, or the American Congress with equal facility; who gave to English literature some of its most brilliant gems, and who in his immortal eulogy upon Webster, in the opinion of competent judges, gave to the world one of the most finished and impressive examples of elegiac eloquence to which it has listened since the days of Pericles: and of Salmon P. Chase, who, when our government needed, gave to it the "sinews of war," and in the eloquent language of Evarts, "Whether by interposing his strong arm to save Mr. Birney from the fury of a mob; or by his bold and constant maintenance in the courts of the cause of fugitive slaves, in the face of the resentments of the public opinion of the day; or by his fearless desertion of all reigning politics to lead a feeble band of protestants through the wilderness of anti-slavery wanderings, its pillar of cloud by day, its pillar of fire by night; or, as Governor of Ohio, facing the intimidations of the Slave States, backed by Federal power and a storm of popular passion; or in consolidating the triumphant politics on the urgent issue which was to flame out into rebellion and revolt; or in his serene predominance, during the trial of the President, over the rage of party hate which brought into peril the coördination of the great departments of government, and threatened its whole frame,—in all these marked instances of public duty, as in the simple routine of his ordinary conduct, Mr. Chase asked but one question to determine his course of action,—'Is it right?'"

Nor should we forget others who have left a lasting impression[400] upon the jurisprudence of New England, and indeed our whole country. Among them Samuel S. Wilde, who had few peers as an advocate in Maine, or as a judge in Massachusetts; Ezekiel Webster, who as lawyer and statesman left a monument in New Hampshire which shall never crumble; Richard Fletcher, "whose legal acumen, clear, distinct, and precise statement, closely reasoned argument, and conscientious mastery of his subject, adorned the bench no less than the bar;" Joseph Bell, who as advocate and legislator, in ability as in station, towered above most of his associates; Ichabod Bartlett, "the Randolph of the North," who could measure swords with Mason or Webster or Clay, without either shield or shame; and Joel Parker, who honored alike the bar, the bench, and the lecture-room.

As members of one branch or the other of our National Legislature, we record other honored names in alphabetical order:

Samuel C. Allen, who voted alone in his place in Congress, in favor of suffrage without regard to color. Helium Allen, Lemuel H. Arnold, Samuel Bell, Samuel N. Bell, Silas Betton, Abijah Bigelow, John Blanchard, Daniel Breck, Elijah Brigham, David Brunson, Joseph Buffum, Dudley Chase, Daniel Chipman, Martin Chittenden, Daniel Clark, in every public position a leading spirit, Judah Dana, Samuel Dinsmoor, Daniel M. Durell, Ira A. Eastman, Thomas M. Edwards, Walbridge A. Field, Benjamin F. Flanders, Isaac Fletcher, George G. Fogg, Sylvester Gilbert, Calvin Goddard, Daniel W. Gooch, John N. Goodwin, George Grennell, James W. Grimes, pioneer statesman of the far West, Matthew Harvey, Henry Hibbard, Henry Hubbard, a man of rare abilities and influence, Jonathan Hunt, Luther Jewett, Joseph S. Lyman, Asa Lyon, Rufus McIntire, Charles Marsh, George P. Marsh, the honored son of an honored father, Gilman Marston, Ebenezer Mattoon, Jeremiah Nelson, Moses Norris, John Noyes, Benjamin Orr, Albion K. Parris, James W. Patterson, whose eminent abilities and elaborate culture have placed him in the foremost rank of the present generation of New England statesmen, Charles H. Peaslee, Edward C. Reed, Erastus Root, Joseph Richardson, Eleazer W. Ripley,[401] equally fearless as a soldier and a statesman, Ether Shepley, alike conspicuous for mental and moral powers, John S. Sherburne, George A. Simmons, who by his own efforts attained rare eminence, Peleg Sprague, Samuel Taggart, Amos Tuck, a pioneer in philanthropic politics, John Wentworth, who in large measure maintains the reputation of an ancient and honored family, Phineas White, Leonard Wilcox, Charles W. Willard, Hezekiah Williams, and William Wilson. To which should be added the names of James C. Alvord and Sylvanus Backus, who were elected to Congress, but did not live to take their seats.

When Daniel Webster entered the American Senate, five of its twelve New England representatives were Dartmouth alumni. Their labors in Congress form a part of the history of every Administration of our National government.

Amos Kendall, beside large usefulness, in other spheres, was an honored Cabinet Minister.

Amos T. Akerman has been similarly honored, as Attorney General of the United States.

The names of Charles B. Haddock, George P. Marsh, George G. Fogg, and Edward F. Noyes, deserve honorable mention in connection with public service abroad.

The names of Samuel Dinsmoor, the younger, John Hubbard, Ralph Metcalf, Peter T. Washburn, Nelson Dingley, and Benjamin F. Prescott should be noticed, as State Governors, in addition to several who have added this honor to others, of which we have already made mention.

In Judicial life many names attract our notice beside those, which have been mentioned in other connections; among them Nicholas Baylies, Nicholas Emery, Nathan Weston, Ira Perley, Jonas Cutting, Benjamin W. Bonney, Isaac F. Redfield, Robert R. Heath, Andrew S. Woods, William H. Bartlett, John S. Sanborn, and Benjamin H. Steele, of the deceased, and William G. Woodward, Timothy P. Redfield, George F. Shepley, James Barrett, Jason Downer, Jonathan E. Sargent, Lincoln F. Brigham, Oliver Miller, and Charles Doe, among the living. Nor should we forget that of living members of the American Bar few names have been honored more in the East than that of Charles B. Goodrich, and few[402] names have been honored more in the West than that of James F. Joy.

Dartmouth has contributed largely to American Education.

Bowdoin's first two presidents were Joseph McKeen and Jesse Appleton.

Thomas C. Upham was one of its honored Faculty for more than forty years.

Oren B. Cheney was a leading founder of Bates College, in later years.

James Marsh, John Wheeler, and Joseph Torrey were successively presidents of Vermont University, and each left upon it a most valuable and durable impression.

William Jackson and Thomas A. Merrill inscribed their names indelibly upon the foundations of Middlebury College, which numbers Benjamin Labaree and Calvin B. Hulbert among its honored presidents.

Zephaniah S. Moore, as president of Williams College, gave to it the fruits of his valuable experience at Dartmouth, and materially enhanced its usefulness; nor should we omit the name of its earnest friend and guardian, Alvan Hyde.

In naming the leading founders of Amherst College, Professor Tyler does not hesitate to place first, Rufus Graves, and next, Samuel F. Dickinson. The value of Dr. Moore's services as first president has been referred to in a previous chapter.

A record of its obligations to Professor Nathan Welby Fiske is a material part of its history.

The biographer of George Ticknor says no one contributed more than he toward the impulse which has resulted in Harvard's progress during the last half century.

Amos Kendall was the honored founder of the College for Deaf Mutes at Washington.

John M. Sturtevant has an honored place in the history of education for the Blind in the South.

Jonathan P. Cushing resuscitated Hampden Sydney College when life was nearly extinct, and made it again "a power in the land."

Philander Chase, in founding Kenyon and Jubilee Colleges, gave to the Episcopalians of the West two of their leading literary institutions.[403]

John M. Ellis founded Illinois College, which, with the influences that centered around it, in large measure "gave character" to the State.

Not less plainly did he write his name upon the foundations of Wabash College, and not less plainly have Charles White, Edmund D. Hovey, and Caleb Mills written their names upon the superstructure.

A proper estimate of the valuable labors of Joseph Estabrook, Stephen Foster, and George Cooke, successively presidents of the College of East Tennessee, can only be made by those who are familiar with the history of the institution.

Drury College, so admirably located, bears the impress of Nathan J. Morrison.

Beyond the Rocky Mountains, Samuel H. Willey and George H. Atkinson will ever be honored among the leading founders and guardians of the College of California, and the Pacific University.

No history of American education will be complete which does not portray the earnest and valuable labors, in numerous other collegiate institutions East, West, North, and South, of a long roll of Dartmouth alumni; among them, beside many others, already noticed, Joseph Dana, James Dean, Josiah Noyes, Frederick Hall, George T. Chapman, James Hadley, Rufus W. Bailey, Benjamin F. Farnsworth, George Bush, Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Oramel S. Hinckley, Samuel Hurd, Caleb S. Henry, John Kendrick, Charles D. Cleaveland, Leonard Marsh, Forrest Shepherd, Charles B. Dana, Nathaniel S. Folsom, Jarvis Gregg, Milo P. Jewett, Diarca H. Allen, Kendrick Metcalf, Jacob H. Quimby, John B. Niles, Daniel F. Richardson, Amos Brown, Calvin Tracy, John C. Webster, Edmund Q. S. Waldron, Augustus Everett, Erastus Everett, Jonas De F. Richards, Abner H. Brown, Henry L. Bullen, George P. Comings, David Dimond, Charles H. Churchill, Amos B. Goodhue, Joshua J. Blaisdell, Artemas W. Sawyer, Mark Bailey, Gideon Draper, Joseph O. Hudnut, Henry E. J. Boardman, Charles S. Farrar, Nathan S. Lincoln, John Ordronaux, John M. Hayes, Daniel Putnam, Martin H. Fisk, Isaac A. Parker, Ephraim March, William E. Barnard, Ambrose W. Clarke, Amos N. Currier, Richard C. Stanley, Albert[404] S. Bickmore, George S. Morris, and John W. Scribner. It is hardly possible to overestimate the influence of these men in shaping the thought and life of our country.

If we turn to academies we find that Mark Newman, Osgood Johnson, and Samuel H. Taylor, especially the two latter, were largely instrumental in placing Phillips Academy, at Andover, at the head of such institutions in America. Few schools of the kind have a more brilliant record than Kimball Union Academy, and few American educators have acquired more permanent renown than Cyrus S. Richards.

The labors of Amos J. Cook at Fryeburg, of John Vose at Atkinson and Pembroke, of Andrew Mack at Gilmanton and Haverhill, of John Hubbard at New Ipswich, of Ezra Carter at Peacham, of Clement Long and William Nutting at Randolph, of James K. Colby at St. Johnsbury, of Ebenezer Adams at Leicester, of Proctor Pierce at Deerfield, of Caleb Butler at Groton, and Benjamin Greenleaf at Bradford, constitute a vital portion of the history of academic education in New England. Nor must we forget that such men as Albert C. Perkins, at Exeter, C. F. P. Bancroft, at Andover, and Homer T. Fuller, at St. Johnsbury, are still laboring in this important sphere, while Hiram Orcutt is performing valuable service in a somewhat similar sphere at West Lebanon. Worcester Free Institute is under large obligations to Charles O. Thompson and John E. Sinclair.

If we turn to the metropolis of New England we find that John D. Philbrick has made her schools and school-houses in their leading features models for a world, fit successor to Elisha Ticknor, the leading founder of her primary schools, and Caleb Bingham and John Park, who in large measure revolutionized female education in America.

Beaumont Parks taught successfully for forty years in Indiana and Illinois; Charles E. Hovey founded the Illinois Normal School—worthy followers of Daniel Story at Marietta, the pioneer professional teacher of the West.

John Eaton, as Commissioner of General Education, has stamped his name, indelibly, upon our country's history.

In Literature, Dartmouth has a worthy record.

In Philosophy, the names of James Marsh, Thomas C. Upham, and Caleb S. Henry, command universal respect.[405]

In History, the names of George Ticknor, Joseph B. Felt, Joseph Tracy, George Punchard, Samuel Hopkins, John Lord, and Edwin D. Sanborn, will live as long as our language.

In Scientific popular literature, the names of Abel Curtis, who is believed to have given to America its first English Grammar in a separate and distinct form, of Caleb Bingham, who followed in his footsteps and enhanced the value of his work, of Daniel Adams, who gave to the world the invaluable Arithmetic, of Benjamin Greenleaf, whose mathematical works have added materially to the usefulness of his long and busy life, of Charles D. Cleaveland and Alphonso Wood, are stars of the first magnitude.

In Periodical literature, the names of John Park, David Everett, Thomas G. Fessenden, Asa Rand, Russell Jarvis, Absalom Peters, Nathaniel P. Rogers, Ebenezer C. Tracy, Amasa Converse, Henry Wood, Nathaniel S. Folsom, Alonzo H. Quint, and Henry A. Hazen, deserve especial notice.

In Polite literature, the names of Nathaniel H. Carter, Charles B. Haddock, Rufus Choate, George P. Marsh, Richard B. Kimball, and John B. Bouton, command universal admiration.

The writings of Samuel L. Knapp, Henry Bond, and Nathan Crosby are valuable contributions to American Biography.

In Professional and Classic literature, the alumni of Dartmouth have done a good work. We can only glance at leading names, many of which have been mentioned in their more appropriate places. Among them are Asa Burton, Jesse Appleton, Ebenezer Porter, Samuel C. Bartlett, Alvah Hovey, Luther T. Townsend, Isaac F. Redfield, Silas Durkee, Edmund R. Peaslee, W. W. Morland, F. E. Oliver, Jabez B. Upham, Edward H. Parker, Joseph Torrey, Nathan W. Fiske, George Bush, and Alpheus Crosby.

In Industrial literature, the names of Henry Colman and John L. Hayes will be honored so long as agriculture and manufactures shall have a prominent place among human pursuits.

In Medicine, a goodly proportion of her most eminent sons have given to Dartmouth their personal services as teachers; we have only to recall in this connection the honored names[406] recorded in a preceding chapter,—Mussey, Perkins, Crosby, and Peaslee. But other names claim our notice. Amos Twitchell, by tireless industry and fidelity in his regular professional work, and his boldness and skill as an operative surgeon, gained a reputation equaled by few in New England, and extending to the Old World. The name of George C. Shattuck shines with equal lustre, as the benefactor of his Alma Mater, and the friend of suffering humanity in the metropolis of New England.

Luther V. Bell wrote his name as plainly upon the foundations of the McLean Asylum, at Somerville, as did his honored father, Samuel Bell, upon the jurisprudence of New Hampshire. The name of John E. Tyler is scarcely less conspicuous upon the superstructure.

New Jersey will never forget her obligations to Lyndon A. Smith for the earnest efforts which gave to that State a similar institution. Nor should we be silent in regard to the services of living men who are now conducting or prominently connected with similar institutions; among them, Jesse P. Bancroft, Clement A. Walker, John Ordronaux, Homer O. Hitchcock, William W. Godding, and John P. Brown.

As Medical lecturers, we cannot fail to notice other honored names; among them, Josiah Noyes, Joseph A. Gallup, James Hadley, Jesse Smith, Arthur L. Porter, Gilman Kimball, Benjamin R. Palmer, Noah Worcester, Abner Hartwell Brown, Nathan S. Lincoln, and Phineas S. Conner.

A reference to all the living medical alumni of Dartmouth, who are acting the part of useful practitioners or teachers, added to the above, would take us to nearly every leading medical institution, and nearly every family, in our broad land.

In Productive industry and the development of our national resources, the alumni of Dartmouth have an honorable place.

Eastern New England will never be unmindful of her obligations to William A. Hayes, for his successful efforts to introduce a better grade of wool than had ever before been produced in that region; nor will the country or the world forget their obligations to his honored classmate, Henry Colman, the American pioneer in scientific agriculture. The[407] names of Thomas G. Fessenden and Amos Brown also deserve notice in this connection.

Petroleum, instead of being at the present time a leading American product, might have remained, in large measure, in its ancient bed, but for the skillful, persevering enterprise of George H. Bissell and Francis B. Brewer.

In Railroad enterprise, the names of Erastus Hopkins, Thomas M. Edwards, and Francis Cogswell, in the East, and James F. Joy, in the West, are "familiar as household words."

The sons of Dartmouth have performed honorable service in the field. More than a score were soldiers of the Revolution. Among them John S. Sherburne, who lost one of his limbs; Absalom Peters, whose efficient service in Vermont contributed largely to the protection of our Northern frontier; and Ebenezer Mattoon, who by forced marches with his gallant men furnished cannon which "told" at Saratoga.

In the War of 1812-1815 they acted well their part. Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, at Lundy's Lane, after General Scott had been disabled (with the aid of the gallant Miller), wrested victory from an almost triumphant foe, on the bloodiest field of the war.

In that War, too, Sylvanus Thayer gained a measure of the renown which has rendered the name of the most efficient founder of the Military Academy at West Point illustrious in both hemispheres.

In the late War one of the most valuable coadjutors of two of its leading captains—Grant and Sherman—was Joseph Dana Webster.

In letters of living light we write many other names, among them Charles and Daniel Foster—par nobile fratrum—Samuel Souther, Charles Augustine Davis, Isaac Lewis Clarke, Calvin Gross Hollenbush, Valentine B. Oakes, Franklin Aretas Haskell, Arthur Edwin Hutchins, Lucius Stearns Shaw, Horace Meeker Dyke, Edwin Brant Frost, William Lawrence Baker, Charles Whiting Carroll, George Washington Quimby, George Ephraim Chamberlin, Charles Lee Foster, Henry Mills Caldwell, and Stark Fellows, who at Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg, the Wilderness, Cold Harbor, and elsewhere, gave their lives in defense of the American Union.[408]

No aggregation of volumes would adequately portray the whole work of Dartmouth's alumni. In quiet places, the great majority, day by day, and year by year, have performed their allotted tasks. In such places all over America, and in other lands, they have built their most enduring monuments. The calm lustre of their lives is almost as widely diffused as the morning light.

Eleazer Wheelock founded the college, in faith and hope, for the enlightenment and evangelization of future generations in that mighty storehouse of thought and action, central New England.

John Wheelock carried forward the work with energy and zeal, and a large measure of success.

Francis Brown gave a valuable life for the protection of his still youthful Alma Mater.

Daniel Dana was a man of kindred spirit, and not less devoted to his work.

Bennet Tyler magnified his office, and, laboring in season and out of season, added "goodly ornaments."

Nathan Lord added new halls, new departments and modes of instruction, gave larger prestige, and left the impress of a great mind upon two thousand pupils.

Asa D. Smith added yet other halls, secured new endowments, and provided a long line of scholarships, for the development of latent talent, and the encouragement of genuine worth.

Samuel C. Bartlett brings to the accomplishment of his task the name of an ancient and honored family, and the experiences of an earnest and fruitful life.

Dartmouth has blessed New England and Old England, North America and the whole world.

Her location, unrivaled in many respects by that of any sister institution, her history, so full of romance and of reality, and her work, recorded first in the history of the eighteenth century, and indelibly impressed upon the history of the nineteenth, all warrant the hope that her walls may stand, through all the ages of the future, strong as the everlasting hills, and beautiful as the celestial dome.

[409]

## APPENDIX.

A LIST

OF THE

ENGLISH SUBSCRIBERS TO DR. WHEELOCK'S
INDIAN CHARITY SCHOOL OR ACADEMY.

LONDON.
| £. | s. | d.
His Most Gracious Majesty | 200 |  |
Mr. Isaac Akerman | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Atkins | 5 | 5 | 0
Messrs. Adair, Jackson & Co. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Ames | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Joseph Armitage | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Joseph Aldersey | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Ebenezer Atkinson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Allovine | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Ashworth of Daintree | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Atwell, A. B. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Anther |  | 10 | 6
Anonymous |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Andrews |  | 5 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Axford |  | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Sam. Brewer's Collection | 141 | 2 | 6
Messrs. Day. Barclay & Sons | 31 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Brine | 20 | 0 | 0
Robert Butcher, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Bradney | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Diederick Beckman | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Bonus | 10 | 10 | 0
Messrs. Bland & Barnett | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Thomas Brooks | 10 | 10 | 0
Jam. & Hen. Baker, Esqs. | 10 | 10 | 0
Thom. Smalley Browning, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
John Bond, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Bank Note, K 483 | 10 | 0 | 0
Sir —— Blackmore | 6 | 6 | 0
Robert Bird, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Bradney | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. B. W. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Blunkett of Peckham | 5 | 5 | 0
John Buchanan, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Clement Bellamy | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Geo. Baskerville | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Michael Barlow | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Bayley | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Frederick Ball | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Jonathan Bond | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Bowles | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Bush | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Richard Brown | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. William Butler | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Guy Brian | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. J. Bosley | 2 | 2 | 0
Dr. Bragge | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Bragge | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Jonathan Bowles | 2 | 2 | 0
—— Brooks, Esq., of Cambridge | 2 | 2 | 0
[410]Mr. Joseph Burch | 2 | 2 | 0
B. C. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Blakesly | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Henry Burder | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Burkitt | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Charles Bowles | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. B-f-t | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Braithwaite | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Barnardistone | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bassingtine | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Brown |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Biggs, Junior |  | 10 | 6
A Banker's Clerk |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Wt. B. |  | 7 | 0
Mr. Ball |  | 5 | 3
Mr. John Baker |  | 5 | 3
Mr. William Baker |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Coles | 20 | 0 | 0
Messrs. Capel, Hanbury, Oswald & Co. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. James Crafts | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Cross | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Cranch, in the Borough | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. James Cox | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Clempson | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Lawrence Charlesson | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Creswell, of Stourbridge per Mr. Micklin the Mercer | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Cross | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Champion | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Compson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Collier | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Colebrooke | 1 | 11 | 6
C. T. F. | 1 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Cox | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Cowper | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Coombes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Cooper | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Cooper | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Cobb | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Crooke |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Clarke |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Henry Cowling |  | 10 | 6
Rt. Hon. William, Earl of Dartmouth, a Trustee and President | 50 | 0 | 0
Messrs. Deberdt & Burkitt | 20 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Dick | 5 | 5 | 0
D. T. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Davis | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Dermer | 5 | 5 | 0
Phil. Dotton, Esq., of Plymouth, per Mr. Sheppard | 2 | 17 | 0
Mr. Darnford | 2 | 2 | 0
Miss Dixon | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Dewn | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Denne | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Donald | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Deethait | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Duncan | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. D. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Dickers, per Dr. Gibbons | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. D. D. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Dudds |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Dell |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Davis |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Zephaniah Eade | 6 | 6 | 0
Mrs. Anna Eade | 6 | 6 | 0
Mr. Samuel Ewer | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edwards | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. E. H. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Elliott | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Eaton | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Fothergill | 21 | 0 | 0
A Friend of the Cause | 20 | 0 | 0
Mr. Fuller & Son | 10 | 10 | 0
Thomas Fletcher, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Forsitt | 5 | 5 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Ford. | 5 | 5 | 0
Dr. John Ford | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Fisher, Sen. | 5 | 5 | 0
Messrs. Flight & Halliday | 5 | 5 | 0
Messrs. Freeman & Grace | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Fletcher | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. George Flower | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Fassett | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. F. P. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Flight | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. David Field | 1 | 1 | 0
A Friend in the Country |  | 10 | 0
Sir John Griffin Griffin | 20 | 0 | 0
Mr. William Grace | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Daniel Gallopine | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Gerrish | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Gale | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Gumley | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Grainger | 5 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Geere, Sen., collected by him | 4 | 14 | 6
Mr. Robert Griffiths | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Daniel Goodwin | 3 | 7 | 6
Mr. John Geere, of Hythe | 3 | 3 | 0
Thomas Gibbons, D.D. | 2 | 2 | 0
[411]Mr. Walter Gelly | 2 | 2 | 0
G. E. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Griffin | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Joseph Gibbon | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Gardner | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Grote | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Nellaby Gibson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Gould | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Gould | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. G. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Ann Gusthart | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Samuel Gordon | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Owen Griffith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Good |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. G——s |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Gardiner |  | 5 | 0
Isaac Holles, Esq. | 100 | 0 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Holden's collection of Deptford | 51 | 2 | 0
Sir Charles Hotham, a Trustee, deceased | 50 | 0 | 0
Mrs. Halsey | 50 | 0 | 0
Charles Hardy, Esq., a Trustee | 25 | 0 | 0
Mr. Robert Hodgson | 20 | 0 | 0
Sir Joseph Hankey and partners | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. William Hervey | 10 | 10 | 0
Edward Hollis, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Thomas Hollis, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Richard Hawtyn | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Peregrine Hogg | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Hugh Humstone | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Hose & Son | 5 | 5 | 0
Richard Hill, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Thomas Hall, Esq., of Harnfel Hall, near Henley | 5 | 5 | 0
Messrs. Higgins, Garrett & Hartfield | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Joseph Hart | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Horrocks | 3 | 3 | 0
Miss Hillier | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Howell | 2 | 12 | 6
Mrs. Ann Holloway | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Heckley, per Dr. Gibbons | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Holdgate | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Houston | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Heathfield | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Horton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Nathaniel Hillier | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hett | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hunt |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Heath |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Harley |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Hatt |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Hunter |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Harle |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Hatham, of Loughborough |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Halford and Son |  | 7 | 6
Mrs. H. P. |  | 5 | 0
I. S. | 20 | 0 | 0
Mr. Jackson, of the Temple | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Thomas Justis | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Jones | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Edward Jefferies | 2 | 2 | 0
J. P. | 2 | 2 | 0
I. R., per John Sabatier | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Jefferys | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Jacomb | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Jackson, Basinghall St. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. J. G. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Judd |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Jeffreys |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Philip Jones, at Upton in Worcestershire |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Robert Keen, a Trustee | 25 | 0 | 0
Mr. William Kelly | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. King | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Kennedy | 2 | 2 | 0
Miss Kingsley | 1 | 1 | 0
Samuel Lloyd, Esq. | 21 | 0 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. John Langford's | 13 | 0 | 0
Mr. George Lowe | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Thomas Lowe | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Laurence | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. L. F. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Luck | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. L. G. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Robert Lathroppe | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. L. G. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. L. D. | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. John Lefevre | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Dr. Langford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Lavington | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Lawrence |  | 10 | 6
His Excellency, General Monckton | 21 | 0 | 0
Mr. B. Mills | 20 | 0 | 0
Messrs. R. H. & R. Maitland | 10 | 10 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Martin's Collection at Deptford | 5 | 10 | 0
Mr. James Mabbs | 5 | 5 | 0
John Mills, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
[412]Mr. Thomas Maltby | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Thomas Mason | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Samuel Moody | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Maine, of Kensington | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Thomas Mayor | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Marlow, per Dr. Gifford | 5 | 5 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Madan | 5 | 0 | 0
Mr. Millet | 4 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Molineaux | 3 | 6 | 6
Mr. Mangles | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Brough Maltby | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Messenger | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Matthews | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Peter Mallard | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Morris | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Mace | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Matravers | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Moggridge | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss March | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. M. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Marston | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. D. Maitland | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Morrison | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Murray |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Mason |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Munday |  | 10 | 6
M. C. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Robert Newton, per Charles Steer | 50 | 0 | 0
Mr. Ric. Neave & Son | 21 | 0 | 0
Mr. Edw. Thomas Nelson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. and Mrs. Noyes | 2 | 2 | 0
Miss Nichols | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Noton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Abraham Ogier | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Orton | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Olney | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Oldham | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Oliver |  | 10 | 6
Thomas and Richard Penn, Esqs. | 50 | 0 | 0
Messrs. Pewtress & Robarts | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. James Pearson | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Pomeroy | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Rachel Phipps | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Michael Pearson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Prettyman | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Rowland Page | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Prentice | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Page | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. P. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Price | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Chancey Poole | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Petree | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Parks | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Pitts | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Prettiman |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mary Parker |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Payne |  | 10 | 6
Mr. N. Paul |  | 5 | 3
The Rev. Mr. Phillips |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Peakes |  | 2 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Romaine's Collection at St. Anne's, Black Friar's | 107 | 13 | 3
Samuel Roffey, Esq., a Trustee | 50 | 0 | 0
Mrs. Roffey, of Lincoln's Inn Fields | 10 | 10 | 0
Marchioness of Rockingham | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Samuel Rickards | 10 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Russel | 10 | 0 | 0
Mrs. Radcliffe | 10 | 0 | 0
Mr. Henry Rutt | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Robarts | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Matthew Randall | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. George Rutt | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. and Mrs. Rawlins | 2 | 2 | 0
Miss Rymers | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Robin | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Russel, of Greek Street | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Stephen Roe |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Rumley |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Robarts |  | 5 | 3
Right Hon. Earl of Shaftesbury | 81 | 10 | 0
Mr. Samuel Savage, a Trustee | 100 | 0 | 0
Samuel Sparrow, Esq. | 50 | 0 | 0
Rev. Dr. Stennett's Collection | 42 | 10 | 11
The Rev. Mr. Charles Skelton's Collection | 13 | 13 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Stafford and his Friends | 10 | 10 | 0
William Stead, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Robert Stuart | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Baron Smythe, a Trustee | 6 | 6 | 0
Mr. Samuel Stainton | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Sherland Swanstone | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. James Smith | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. J. Short | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Striteal | 5 | 5 | 0
The Rev. Sam. Martin Savage | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Sainsbury Sibley | 5 | 5 | 0
[413]Mr. Smith (partner with Mr. Nash) | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Sowdon | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Thomas Smith | 3 | 3 | 0
S. W. | 3 | 3 | 0
Messrs. Simmonds & Co. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Self | 2 | 12 | 6
The Rev. and Hon. Mr. Shirley | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. R. Saddington | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Sarney | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Joseph Smithers | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Somerhayes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. S. G. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Seaber | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Shrapnell | 1 | 1 | 0
S. F. | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Spilsbury | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Savage | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Still | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Spicer | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Sheppard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Sparks | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Slow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Shickle |  | 18 | 0
Mr. Statham |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Francis Simpson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Stibbs |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Scott |  | 5 | 3
S. S. |  | 5 | 3
John Thornton, Esq., a Trustee and Treasurer | 100 | 0 | 0
Barlow Trecothick, Esq. | 21 | 0 | 0
Sir John Toriano | 20 | 0 | 0
Sir John Thorold, Bart. of Cranwell | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. William Tatnall | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Thomas Turville | 10 | 10 | 0
A Lady Unknown, per Mr. Thompson | 10 | 10 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Thomson | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Townsend | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Robert Trevors | 2 | 2 | 0
T. B. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robert Territ | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Tredway & Bayley | 1 | 1 | 0
T. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Twelves | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Thorne | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Timothy Topping | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Taylor |  | 12 | 0
Mrs. Tomkins |  | 10 | 6
Miss Ann Tayleure |  | 10 | 6
A Person Unknown | 50 | 0 | 0
A Gentleman and several Ladies to be unknown | 30 | 9 | 0
James Vere, Esq. | 20 | 0 | 0
Mr. Vowell the Stationer | 2 | 2 | 0
A Providential Guinea | 1 | 1 | 0
A Lady Unknown | 5 | 5 | 0
A Person Unknown | 2 | 2 | 0
Ditto | 2 | 2 | 0
Cash Unknown | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown | 10 | 10 | 0
Unknown, four entries, each | 1 | 1 | 0
A Lady Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Unknown, nine entries, each |  | 10 | 6
Ditto, per Rev. Mr. Traile |  | 10 | 6
Ditto, per Rev. Mr. Franks |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Veck |  | 10 | 6
Unknown, four entries, each |  | 5 | 5
Wm. Wilberforce, Esq. | 25 | 5 | 0
Mr. Rich. Wilson and Lady | 25 | 5 | 0
Dan. West, Esq., a Trustee | 25 | 0 | 0
Samuel Wordsworth, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Miss Ann Wordsworth | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Wallaston | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Stephen Williams | 10 | 10 | 0
Messrs. Welch & Rogers | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Thomas Whitehead, per Rev. Mr. Romaine | 6 | 14 | 9
Mr. Jonathan Wathen | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Rob. Waller, at Gosport | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Nathaniel Weeks | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Robert Watkinson | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Thomas Wilson | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Moses Willatts | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. George Wilkinson | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Willatts | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Wathen & Son | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. James Walker | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Mary Ward | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Wheelar | 3 | 3 | 0
Messrs. Thomas & John Wellings | 2 | 2 | 0
Dr. Wray | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Woodroffe | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Walker, in Whitechapel | 2 | 2 | 0
[414]Mr. Walcot, of Dartmouth | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Whiten & Co. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wilson | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Watson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Caleb White | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Wolmer | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wells | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Samuel Williams | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Waddilove | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wilton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wells | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Withers | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wallis | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Wordsworth |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Dr. Worthington |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Welch |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Williams |  | 5 | 3
Mr. William W. |  | 4 | 0
X. Q. | 50 | 0 | 0
Y. R. | 1 | 1 | 0
Z. |  | 5 | 3
Total in London | £3165 | 3 | 8
COLLECTIONS AT ABINGDON, IN BERKSHIRE.
Mr. Joseph Butlar | 21 | 0 | 0
Mr. Joseph Tomkins | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. William Tomkins | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Tomkins | 10 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Tomkins | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Nathaniel Roberts | 5 | 5 | 0
Rev. Mr. John Moore | 2 | 2 | 0
Miss Palmer | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Flight | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Elizabeth Flight | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Fuller | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Fuller | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Daniel Turner | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Elizabeth Turner |  | 10 | 6
The Public Collection | 5 | 6 | 6
DONATIONS AT ASHBURTON, IN DEVONSHIRE.
The Rev. Mr. Bradford, of Buckfastleigh | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Richard Bennett, etc. | 1 | 14 | 3
Mrs. Mary Berry |  | 13 | 0
Mrs. Susannah Bennett |  | 3 | 0
Mr. Cocksley |  | 10 | 6
Miss Eals |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Peter Fabyon, etc. | 1 | 6 | 9
Mr. Nicholas Fabyon, etc. |  | 15 | 0
Mr. James Furman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Harris | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Leaman |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Naylor, vicar of Ashburton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Walter Park and Family | 2 | 0 | 0
Mrs. Mary Rennell, etc. |  | 18 | 9
Mrs. Sowter |  | 10 | 6
Miss Soper and Sister, each |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Soper |  | 5 | 3
Messrs. John, Richard & Moses Tozer | 1 | 16 | 6
Mr. Nicholas Tripe |  | 10 | 6
A Person Unknown |  | 7 | 6
Samuel Windeat |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Winsor |  | 5 | 3
The Rev. Mr. Waters |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Waters' | 8 | 16 | 7
DONATIONS AT ST. ALBANS IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
Collected at Rev. Messrs. Hiron's and Gill's | 22 | 2 | 2¼
DONATIONS AT ASHFORD, IN KENT.
Mr. Benjamin Harrison | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Brook's | 9 | 1 | 9¾
Do. at Rev. Mr. Gillabrand's | 5 | 0 | 0
DONATION AT ASHBORN, IN DERBYSHIRE.
Collected at Rev. Mr. Rawlins' | 2 | 8 | 11
DONATIONS AT AULCESTER, IN WARWICKSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Broadhurst's | 2 | 4 | 5
DONATION AT APPLEDORE, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Evan's | 8 | 0 | 0
BRISTOL.
[415]Mr. Ariel | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. P. Allard | 1 | 1 | 0
T. & M. Allard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Allison | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robert Atkins | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Arnold | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Apthorp | 1 | 1 | 0
John & Fran. Bull, Esqs. | 10 | 10 | 0
Miss Brown | 5 | 5 | 0
Miss Sarah Barrow | 3 | 0 | 0
Mr. Britton | 2 | 12 | 6
Sarah, Mary, and Nathaniel Britton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Bull and Miss Bull one guinea each | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Blake | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Bright | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Brice | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Badcocke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Bryant | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Beverston | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Jas. and Miss Brown | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Daniel Brown |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Baker |  | 5 | 0
Mr. John Collett | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. James Cowles | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Robert Coleman | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Robert Cottle | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Francis Collins | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Mr. Cook of Dington | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Cowles | 2 | 2 | 0
Lady Croston | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Cheston | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Collins | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Richard Champion | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Ric. Champion, Jr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Champion | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Chandler |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Carpenter |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Cottles' men |  | 4 | 0
Mr. Henry Durbin | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. D. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Davis | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Dugdale | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Edward Daniel | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Dallaway | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Dafforn |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Day |  | 10 | 6
Mr. E. Daniel |  | 2 | 6
Mrs. Drew |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Daniel |  | 2 | 6
Mr. John Evans | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Thomas Evans | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Edwards |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Edwards |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. E. H. |  | 5 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Evan's Meeting | 30 | 0 | 0
Rev. Mr. Wm. Foote | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Frampton | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. George Fownes | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Farnall | 1 | 1 | 0
A Friend |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Frame |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Francis |  | 4 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Foot's, at Kally Hill | 6 | 10 | 7
Mr. Gordon | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Jos. Green | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Garlick | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Gomond | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. George | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Mr. Grand, Rector of Durham | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Griffith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Granger | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robert Gordon | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. J. Gordon | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Grimes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Joanna Gough | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Gorton |  | 10 | 6
Collected at Mr. Gillard's, Castle Green | 11 | 0 | 9
Mr. R. A. Hawksworth | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Hazle | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Harris | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Mark Hartford, Jr. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Hale | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Hale | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Howard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Hibbs | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Haddocke | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Howlett and Rainsford |  | 15 | 9
The Rev. Mr. Hart |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Haines |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Hill |  | 10 | 6
Mr. George Harris |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hollister |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hopkins |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Harmer |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Howell Harris |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hewlett and Children |  | 11 | 0
Mr. Hinton |  | 4 | 0
[416]Collected at Mr. Harwood's | 6 | 11 | 4
Capt. James | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. James Ireland | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Mary Johnson | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Jillard | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Elizabeth Johnson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. James | 1 | 7 | 0
John Jennys, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Mary Jackson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Iredel | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Sam. Johnson |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. King | 4 | 4 | 0
The B. of K——'s Lady | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. E. King |  | 2 | 6
Collected at Kingswood | 6 | 4 | 0
Harford Lloyd, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Thomas Ludlow | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Christopher Ludlow | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Ludlow | 3 | 3 | 0
From two Ladies | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Ledyard | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Lawle | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Lloyd | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Isaac Ludlow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Treat Ludlow | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Lyne | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Llewellyn, etc. |  | 14 | 6
Miss Ludlow |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Lewis |  | 10 | 6
Mr. R. Ludlow |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Lemon |  | 5 | 3
Hon. and Rev. Mr. M. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Meyler, Sen. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Merlott | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Munkley | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Milliard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Maynard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Martin | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Moss | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Moore | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Morgan |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Maxwell |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. M. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. J. Maynard |  | 2 | 6
Mrs. —— |  | 5 | 0
Mr. John Needham |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Nash |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Overbury | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Owen | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Owen |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Pynock | 2 | 2 | 0
Widow Poole, Broad Street | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Peach | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Parsons | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Poole, Bridewell Lane | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Pollard and Pierce | 1 | 16 | 6
Mr. Purnall | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Parstow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Purnall | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Power and Children |  | 15 | 6
Mrs. Price |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Parry |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Power |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Charles Prosser |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Poole |  | 10 | 6
Collected at Chelwood, by Dr. Pearce | 13 | 5 | 6
Ditto, at Peaulton | 7 | 1 | 0
William Rewees, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Roscoe | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Rienke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. R. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Rogers |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Rogers | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Rowles |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Storck | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Stonehouse, Mill Hill | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Edward Stanfell | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Joseph Sievier | 2 | 12 | 6
Mr. Isaac Stephens | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. B. Stevenson | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Dr. Stonehouse | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Symes | 1 | 1 | 0
Counsellor Skidmore | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Seymour | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Simmonds and Woodman | 1 | 1 | 0
Samuel Sedgeley, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Shapland |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Daniel Searnell |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Smith |  | 2 | 6
Sundry small ones |  | 6 | 6
Mr. Josiah Taylor | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Townsend | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Tomlinson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Teague |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Thomas's Meeting | 15 | 6 | 1
Unknown, 2 entries, each | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown | 1 | 11 | 0
Unknown, 2 entries, each | 1 | 1 | 0
Ditto, 3 entries, each |  | 10 | 6
Samuel Webb | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Peter Wilder | 5 | 5 | 0
[417]Mr. Edward Whatley | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Willis, in Rosegreen, Kingswood | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. F. Weaver | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Samuel Waterford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Daniel White | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Jos. and Charles Whittuck | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Watts |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Woodward |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Abraham Whitluck |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Wills |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Whituck |  | 2 | 6
Mr. Williams |  | 5 | 0
Mr. J. Watts |  | 5 | 0
A Widow |  | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Whitfield's Tabernacle, Mr. Rowand's, £3 4s | 25 | 6 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's Room | 23 | 15 | 0
BRADFORD, IN WILTSHIRE.
Mr. Humphrey Trywell | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Saunders | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Towgood and Mr. Baines |  | 10 | 3
Collected at Rev. Messrs. Haine's, Skirven, and Foote's Meetings | 18 | 14 | 8
The Rev. Mr. Spencer and Friends | 7 | 14 | 0
BRIDGEWATER, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
Counsellor Allen | 1 | 1 | 0
Thomas Allen, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Counsellor Bingford, etc. | 1 | 3 | 0
Rev. Mr. Burroughs |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Chubbs |  | 5 | 3
James Hervey, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Stansbury |  | 5 | 0
Dr. Taylor | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wilson's | 10 | 15 | 6
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Harris's | 2 | 8 | 0
BRATTON.
Mr. John Blatch | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Ballard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Ann and Eleanor Ballard |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mary Drewett | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Eleanor Ellis |  | 5 | 0
Mrs. Eleanor Froud | 1 | 19 | 6
Mr. Henry Phipps Rendall |  | 5 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Rendall |  | 5 | 0
Jeffery Whitaker, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Thomas Whitaker | 1 | 1 | 0
The General Collection | 1 | 7 | 0
BIDDIFORD, IN DEVONSHIRE.
George Buck, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Charles Davie, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Greening | 1 | 1 | 0
Walter Shallabar, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Saltren | 1 | 7 | 0
Unknown |  | 5 | 3
Rev. Mrs. John Whitefield | 2 | 2 | 0
Collected at Rev. Mr. Samuel Lavington's | 35 | 19 | 6
BARNSTAPLE, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Collected in Barnstaple | 31 | 15 | 6
From the parishes of Withredge and Thelbridge |  | 17 | 1
BLANFORD, IN DORSETSHIRE.
Edward Madgwicke, Esq. | 4 | 4 | 0
Mrs. Gifford | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Thomas Roe and Dr. Pultney, etc. | 1 | 2 | 0
Mr. Matthew Cummings | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Henry Field | 2 | 2 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Field's | 13 | 16 | 5
BREMISTER, IN DORSETSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bryant's | 9 | 6 | 0
BRIDPORT, IN DORSETSHIRE.
Miss Whitty |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Rooker's | 31 | 5 | 6
[418]Ditto at Rev. Mr. Sutton's | 11 | 18 | 0
BROUGHTON.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Steel's | 11 | 0 | 0
BOURTON, ON THE WATER.
William Snooke, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Beddom's | 19 | 10 | 0
BROOMSGROVE, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
From an unknown lady, per Mrs. Blackmore, of Manchester | 6 | 6 | 0
Collected at Rev. Messrs. Phillips', Jenkins', and Butterworth's | 20 | 17 | 8½
BEDWORTH.
Rev. Mr. Howlett, a clergyman |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Saunder's | 9 | 14 | 9
BEDFORD, IN BEDFORDSHIRE.
Mr. Belsham | 2 | 0 | 0
Joseph Barham, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bayley | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Berthray |  | 10 | 6
Messrs. Costins | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Custerson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Dunton |  | 3 | 0
Mr. Franklin |  | 5 | 0
William Foster, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
John Howard, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Hensman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. King | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Leach |  | 10 | 6
Messrs. Negus | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Odell | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Palmer, Sen. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Palmer, Jr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Joshua Symonds | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Sanderson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wilsher | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wells |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Symmonds | 13 | 6 | 7½
BINGLEY.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lilley's | 11 | 1 | 1½
BRADFORD, IN YORKSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Crabtree's | 6 | 18 | 3½
Rev. Mr. Sykes, Vicar |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. —— |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected by ditto of his people | 5 | 5 | 0
Ditto of the Rev. Mr. Wesley's people | 8 | 0 | 0
BIERLEY.
Richard Richardson, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Stillingfleet | 6 | 16 | 6
BURSTALL, IN YORKSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 6 | 6 | 4¼
BURY, IN SUFFOLK.
Mr. Crosbie | 10 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Crosbie | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Robert Hayward | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Robinson and Son | 6 | 6 | 0
Mr. Cumberland and Sons | 6 | 6 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Cumberland | 5 | 5 | 0
Miss Crosbie | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Joseph Frost | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Mr. B. Mills, Rector | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss M. Crosbie | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Hollman | 1 | 1 | 0
Unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Charles Darby and Wife |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Umfreville |  | 12 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Saville's | 3 | 18 | 10¾
Mrs. Lucas | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Darby | 1 | 1 | 0
[419]Mrs. Wright | 1 | 1 | 0
—— Palmer, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Lyng | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Knock | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Ely | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Chaplin |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Mast |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mast |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Leech |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Sleckles |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Webster |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Bullen |  | 8 | 0
Mr. Rutter |  | 5 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lincoln's | 4 | 18 | 10
BRAINTREE AND BOCKING, IN ESSEX.
Mr. Gamaliel Andrews | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Boosey, Sen. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Boosey, Jun. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Boosey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Barnet | 1 | 1 | 1
Mr. Thomas Bennet |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Barber |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Crackenthorp | 10 | 10 | 0
John Churchman, Esq. | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Darcy Clark | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Church | 1 | 16 | 0
Mr. Thomas Davey | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Davidson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Death | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Anne English | 6 | 6 | 0
Mr. John English | 3 | 3 | 0
Deacon Fuller | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Fordham |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Harriott | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Halls | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Dr. Hall, Dean of Bocking | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Josline |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Lambert | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Isaac Livermore | 1 | 6 | 0
Mr. Thomas Lake | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Livermore, Glazier | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Mayor | 6 | 6 | 0
Rev. Mr. Powell, Rector | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Quincey |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Reeve | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Richard Sayer | 6 | 6 | 0
Dr. Stapleton | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Joseph Saville | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Tabor | 6 | 6 | 0
Mr. Samuel Tabor | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Anne Tabor | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown | 2 | 1 | 6
Ditto, per the Rev. Mr. Davidson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Watkinson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Watkinson |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Davidson's | 33 | 9 | 9
BERKHEMPSTEAD, IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
The Rev. Mr. Bland |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Duncom |  | 5 | 0
—— Noyse, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Noyse |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Thompson |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Sexton's | 7 | 3 | 6
BASINGSTOKE, IN HAMPSHIRE.
His Grace the Duke of Bolton | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Burroughs |  | 10 | 6
—— Castle |  | 10 | 6
—— Covey |  | 10 | 6
Mr. England | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Hinchman |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Ingham |  | 10 | 6
Collected at Rev. Mr. Ingham's | 4 | 9 | 10
Mr. Portsmouth |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Payton | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Russell | 1 | 1 | 0
From Sundries | 3 | 4 | 0
Mr. Vicary |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Underwood |  | 10 | 6
BRIGHTHELMSTONE, IN SUSSEX.
Collected of Mr. Beach and other Friends of Religion | 8 | 1 | 9
BEACONSFIELD, IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
Mr. Samuel Anthony | 2 | 2 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Darby's | 7 | 7 | 9
BEVERLY, IN YORKSHIRE.
[420]Collected at the Rev. Mr. Harris' | 4 | 12 | 8¾
BOSTON, IN LINCOLNSHIRE.
Brought by Mr. Robert Barlow | 10 | 10 | 0
BUNGAY, IN SUFFOLK.
Mr. Thomas Prentice | 5 | 5 | 0
Collected and sent by the Rev. Mr. Newton, near Norwich | 1 | 17 | 0
BEWDLEY, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
Collected by the Revs. Messrs. Skeys | 20 | 3 | 3
BATH.
The Right Rev. the Bishop of Derry | 10 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Browne | 10 | 0 | 0
Mrs. B. Bethell | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Bethell | 5 | 5 | 0
William Blake, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Bearsley | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Bleakley | 1 | 1 | 0
Thomas Bury, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Countess of Charleville | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Colborne | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Colborne | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Cox | 1 | 1 | 0
Governor Dinwiddie | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Dr. Dechair | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. E—— | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Frank | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Frank's | 26 | 10 | 4½
Dr. Gusthart | 2 | 2 | 0
Hall Atfield, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Hoare | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Hervey |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Jones |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Jessie | 1 | 1 | 0
Major Maine | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Allen | 1 | 1 | 0
Andrew Millar, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Richard Marchant | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Edward Marchant | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Magee | 1 | 1 | 0
John Miller, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Moysey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Parker | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Parsons | 11 | 8 | 11
James Roffey, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Revead | 1 | 1 | 0
William Roffie, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Hon. Richard Salter | 5 | 5 | 0
The Rev. J. Sparrow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Shally | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Speering |  | 5 | 0
Unknown |  | 5 | 3
John Wentworth, Esq., Governor of New Hampshire | 21 | 0 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 6 | 1 | 5
BROMPTON.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Potts | 2 | 0 | 6
CHALFORD.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Phene | 6 | 6 | 0
CROSCOMBE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Watkins | 1 | 13 | 0
CALUMPTON, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Collected at Rev. Messrs. Cassel's and Morgan's | 5 | 9 | 3
CULMSTOCK.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Gillerd's | 5 | 1 | 6
CREDITON, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Rev. Mr. Hart, Vicar |  | 11 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. J. Berry's | 30 | 0 | 0
CHUDLEIGH, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Joel Orchard's | 11 | 13 | 6
CREWKERN.
The Rev. Mr. Taggart | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Cox |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Blake's | 17 | 4 | 4
COVENTRY, IN WARWICKSHIRE.
[421]The Rev. Dr. Edwards and three of his parishioners | 3 | 13 | 6
Collected of the Rev. Messrs. Jackson's and Lloyd's people | 56 | 7 | 2½
Collected of the Rev. Mr. Butterworth's people | 10 | 19 | 6
Collected of the Rev. Messrs. Simpson's and Alcott's people | 39 | 14 | 10¼
Mr. Cleve | 1 | 16 | 0
Mrs. Tibbits | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Mayor | 1 | 1 | 0
CIRENCESTER, IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
The Rev. Mr. Davis | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Freeman | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Kimber | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wilkins | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Johnson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Wavel |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Francis Turner. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Reeve and Unknown |  | 10 | 0
CHELTENHAM, IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev.
Mr. Dunscomb's | 9 | 4 | 9
CARLISLE, IN CUMBERLAND.
The Rev. Mr. Robinson |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Mills | 8 | 14 | 7
CASTLE HEDINGHAM.
The Rev. Mr. Ford | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. U. | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Ford's | 12 | 14 | 3¾
COGGESHALL, IN ESSEX.
Mr. John Abbott | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Buxton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Bott |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Choate | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Choate |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Decks | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. —— |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Dowdle |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Fordham |  | 10 | 6
Dr. Godfrey | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Edward Harrington |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Elizabeth Mason |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Midcalf |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Petto |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. E. Powel |  | 15 | 0
Mr. Robert Rist | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Seach | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Robert Salmon | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Shuttleworth |  | 10 | 6
Unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Urwine | 3 | 13 | 6
Mrs. Urwine |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Wright | 2 | 2 | 0
Two Widows |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Petto's | 7 | 9 | 7
CAMBRIDGE.
Of Mr. Robinson, by a Person unknown | 21 | 0 | 0
Ebenezer Hollick, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Richard Forster | 5 | 5 | 0
Miss Patterson | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Eaton | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Lincoln | 2 | 2 | 0
Dr. Randall, Professor of Music | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Robinson | 1 | 7 | 0
Mrs. Biggs | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Purchase | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Hawthorn | 1 | 1 | 0
Alderman Gifford | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Jones (Ely) | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Mayor | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Penticross & Decoetligon | 1 | 1 | 0
Unknown, by Mr. Brooks | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Lancaster and Mrs. Halsall |  | 15 | 9
Dr. Smith, Vice-Chancellor |  | 10 | 6
Mr. N. V. Stephens |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Juet |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Pike |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Lake |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Blows (Whittier) | 0 | 10 | 6
Mr. Rayner (Duxford) |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Robinson's | 22 | 10 | 3½
[422]Collected at the Rev. Mr. Saunders' | 17 | 5 | 5
CLEAVERING.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Reynolds' | 5 | 12 | 8½
CHESHAM IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
—— Scotto Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Dr. Rumsey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Lasenby | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Harden | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Putnam |  | 13 | 0
Mr. Hepburn |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Wheeler |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Priest |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Putnam |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Simson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Treacher |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Spooner |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Cock's and Mr. Spooner's | 6 | 8 | 8
CHEYNES.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Cromwell's | 4 | 8 | 6
COLNBROOKE, IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Woodman's | 6 | 12 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Leighton, of Uxbridge | 1 | 1 | 0
CRANBROOKE, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Noyse's and Dobb's | 7 | 8 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Colville's of Goodhurst |  | 17 | 6
CANTERBURY, IN KENT.
The Rev. Mr. Perronet | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Benge | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Delasay |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Claris | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Lapine |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Sheldon's and Chapman's. | 15 | 17 | 2
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Perronet's | 2 | 3 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 2 | 16 | 8
CHATHAM, IN KENT.
William Gordon, Esq., and Lady | 2 | 2 | 0
—— Brooks, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Craddocke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Poley |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Stubbs |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 2 | 0
Collected at Messrs. Neal's & Meremeth's | 3 | 10 | 6½
Collected at the Tabernacle | 11 | 2 | 2¾
THE DEVIZES IN WILTSHIRE.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Benj. Fullar and the Rev. Mr. Henry Williams | 28 | 7 | 0
DARTMOUTH, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Adams' | 23 | 10 | 6
DORCHESTER, IN DORSETSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lamb's | 12 | 12 | 5
Persons unknown, sent to Messrs. Pewtress & Robarts | 2 | 2 | 0
DUDLEY, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Handcox's | 12 | 12 | 10¼
DERBY.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Thomas White's | 5 | 14 | 9
DEDHAM.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bingham's | 13 | 13 | 6
DURHAM.
[423]Collected at the Dissenting Meeting | 2 | 18 | 7½
DOVER, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Holt's and Ashdown's | 8 | 1 | 6
DENTON, IN NORFOLK.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Bocking | 7 | 10 | 0
A Clergyman |  | 10 | 6
A Gentleman |  | 7 | 6
DEAL, IN KENT.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. John Say | 3 | 15 | 8
EXETER, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Mr. Joseph Allen | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Addicott | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Andrews | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Abbot |  | 10 | 6
A. C. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Charles Barring | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Bellfield | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Buckland | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Caleb Blight |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Britland |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Bowrug |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Bastard |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Bidwell |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Elizabeth Battersby |  | 5 | 3
Benjamin & Elizabeth Binham, each |  | 1 | 0
Mr. Cranch | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Coade | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Carter, per Mrs. Trowbridge | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Clark | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Peter Clark | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Clark | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Coleman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Coward | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Coffin, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Clark & Mayne |  | 11 | 0
Mr. Cross |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Charlock |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Coffin, Jr. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Thomas Coffin |  | 10 | 6
Miss Coffin |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Casely |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joel Cadbury |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Catbury |  | 5 | 0
Mr. John Cadbury |  | 5 | 0
John Duntze, Esq. | 6 | 6 | 0
Mrs. Dickers | 4 | 4 | 0
John Duntze, Esq., Sr. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Durnsford |  | 10 | 6
Capt. Dawson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Dennis |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Durnsford |  | 5 | 3
Mrs. Evans | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Ann Enty | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Richard Evans | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Matthew Frost |  | 10 | 6
Dr. Glass | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Thomas Gearing | 2 | 2 | 0
Madam Gould | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. Jonathan Green | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. James Green | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Thomas Glass | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Grant | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Gifford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. G. A. Gibbs | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Glyde, widow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Gifford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Gillett | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Glyde |  | 12 | 6
Mr. Samuel Glyde |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Grigg |  | 5 | 3
Mr. John Holmes, Jr. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Mary Hollworthy | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Harris | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Hallett, widow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Hillman, widow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Hornsey |  | 10 | 6
Miss Handlugh |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Holmes |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Hogg |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Richard Hale |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hornsey |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Hartsel |  | 5 | 3
Mrs. Jones, widow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Jerwood | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Herman Kattencamp | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Abraham Kenneway | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Wm. Kenneway, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Kenneway | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Kent | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Kelley | 1 | 1 | 0
Matthew Lee, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Lee | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Lavington | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Luke |  | 10 | 6
[424]Capt. Luke |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Luke |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Luscombe, Sr. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Humph. Mortimore | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Samuel Milford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Mandrott | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Dr. Musgrave | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Musgrave, M.D. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Katharine Moore |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Moore |  | 11 | 6
Mr. Killow Nation | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. James Newman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Ogburn |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Samuel Parminter | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Praed | 3 | 12 | 0
Mr. John Vowler Parminter | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Pope (widow) | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Pope | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Parminter | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Peckford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Phillips | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Matthew A. Paul | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Pittfield | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robert Prudom |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Pengelly |  | 10 | 6
Paddington Meeting | 1 | 19 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Chancellor Quick | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Reed | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Ridler | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Reeves |  | 4 | 0
Mrs. Stockes, by the Rev. Mr. Towgood | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Thomas Smith | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Short | 2 | 2 | 0
The two Miss Shepherds | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Stoodley | 1 | 16 | 0
Mr. John Stephens | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Charles Stoodley | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Sealey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Shorland | 1 | 1 | 0
John Shapley, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joshua Saunders | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Score |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Sweetings |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Strong |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Spry |  | 10 | 6
S. C. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Sams |  | 1 | 0
Mrs. Skinner |  | 2 | 6
Mr. Jonathan Tucker | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Stephen |  |  |
Mr. William Tucker | 1 | 11 | 6
Towgood | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Townsends | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Tozer and Davis | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Tozer | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Micajah Towgood | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Tanner |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mary Trowbridge |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Turner |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Tucker |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Henry Tarrant |  | 6 | 9
The Rev. Mr. Tarrant |  | 5 | 3
Unknown, per Rev. Mr. Towgood | 3 | 12 | 0
Ditto, per ditto | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Vowler | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown | 3 | 3 | 0
Ditto | 1 | 9 | 0
Ditto | 1 | 3 | 6
Ditto | 1 | 1 | 0
Ditto |  | 15 | 9
Ditto, per Mrs. Pope |  | 10 | 6
Ditto |  | 10 | 6
Ditto |  | 6 | 9
Ditto, per Mr. Morris |  | 5 | 3
Ditto |  | 5 | 3
Ditto |  | 5 | 0
Ditto |  | 5 | 0
Ditto |  | 3 | 6
John Waldron, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Waymouth | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Henry Waymouth | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Waymouth | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Mary Waymouth | 1 | 10 | 0
Miss Waymouth | 1 | 7 | 0
Mrs. Sarah Waymouth | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Withers | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Joshua William, Sr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joshua William, Jr. |  | 10 | 6
James White, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Franklin Waldron | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Williams | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Whites |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Edward White |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the New Meeting | 25 | 8 | 5½
Ditto at Bow | 19 | 9 | 9½
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. William's | 5 | 17 | 5½
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Lewis' | 3 | 17 | 9
Ditto at the New Baptist Meeting | 3 | 16 | 6
EVERSDEN.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bond's | 3 | 17 | 0
EVERSHAM, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
[425]Collected at the Rev. Mr. Cardale's | 4 | 11 | 2½
Rev. Mr. Cardale | 2 | 2 | 0
FROOME, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
Mr. T. Bunn | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Smith | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. and Mrs. Bayley | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Walter Sheppard | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Sheppard | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Allen | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Mortimer's House | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Housdon | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Burril | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Sheppard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Z. Bailey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Handcock | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Handcock | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Clarke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Pritchard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Henry Allen | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Matthews | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Dan. and Mrs. Letitia Wayland | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. J. Allen and Mrs. Rachel Tymball | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Henry Sheppard |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Lacey |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Griffith |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Ames |  | 10 | 6
Mr. James Jordan |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Benjamin Ball |  | 10 | 6
Some Silver |  | 12 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Kingdon | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Kingdon's | 18 | 18 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Sedgefield | 2 | 2 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Sedgefield's | 12 | 16 | 6
FARNHAM, IN SURREY.
Rev. Mr. John Wigmore |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
FOLKSTONE, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Whitehead's | 13 | 6 | 6
GLOUCESTER.
Alderman Harris and Friends | 7 | 7 | 0
Esquire Wade | 2 | 2 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Dickinson's | 13 | 14 | 3
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. N. Phene's | 52 | 6 | 9
Sent afterwards by Rev. Mr. Phene | 2 | 17 | 0
GLASTONBURY, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
The Rev. Mr. Phillips | 1 | 1 | 0
GOSPORT, IN HANTS.
Mr. Robert Waller | 5 | 5 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Williams | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Williams' | 39 | 4 | 2
GILDERSOM.
The Rev. Mr. Ashworth's Collection | 4 | 0 | 0
GUILDFORD, IN SURREY.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Chamberlain's | 1 | 18 | 0
GODALMING IN SURREY.
The Rev. Mr. Ring | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Ring's | 2 | 3 | 0
GRAVESEND, IN KENT.
Collected by Mr. Occom at the Meeting | 1 | 11 | 3¼
HITCHIN, IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
John Radcliffe, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Miss Ann Ireland | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Brown | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Simson | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. John Dearmer | 4 | 4 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Hickman | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Vincent | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Dermer | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Thomas Dermer | 3 | 3 | 0
[426]Mr. Richard Tristam | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Gutherage | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. William Wiltshire, Jr. | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. W. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Stephens | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Goodwyn | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Brown | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Creasey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Isaac Field | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Philip Rudd | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hide | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Sukey Field | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Childs | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Moore | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Baldock |  | 15 | 9
Mrs. Flack |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Henry Croesy |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Wiltshire |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Newman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Patternoster |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Warby |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Crawley |  | 10 | 6
Miss Sally Smith |  | 5 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hickman's | 13 | 7 | 8½
Collected at the Rev. Mr. James' | 84 | 0 | 7
HULL BISHOPS.
The Rev. Mr. Haskell | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Downing |  | 10 | 6
Thomas Drake, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Robert Daw |  | 5 | 0
HALL STOCK.
Collected by Mr. Occom |  | 15 | 9
HARBOROUGH, IN LEICESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Addington's | 28 | 1 | 6
HOOKNORTON.
The Rev. Mr. Whitmore | 2 | 3 | 0
HAWORTH.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hartley's | 12 | 6 | 5½
HALLIFAX, IN YORKSHIRE.
Dr. Leigh, Vicar | 10 | 10 | 0
Collected of the people of the Established Church | 13 | 18 | 0
Mr. John Lea | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Benj. Dickinson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Jeremiah Marshall | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. James Kershaw | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. David Stansfield | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Buck | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Joseph Hollings | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at Halifax Meeting | 10 | 13 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Knight's | 4 | 4 | 8½
HECKMONDWAKE.
Rev. Mr. James Scott | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Priestly, Sr. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Joseph Priestley | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Priestley | 5 | 5 | 0
By Sundry Persons | 1 | 16 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Scott's | 16 | 3 | 4½
HULL, IN YORKSHIRE.
The Corporation of Hull | 21 | 0 | 0
The Corporation of the Trinity House, at Hull | 21 | 0 | 0
Alderman Watson & Son | 10 | 10 | 0
Alderman Wilberforce | 10 | 10 | 0
Alderman Cogan | 5 | 5 | 0
Robert Wilberforce, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
William Thornton, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
H. Etherington, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Joseph Sykes, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. P. Green | 4 | 4 | 0
Joseph Pease, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Arthur Robinson, Vicar | 2 | 2 | 0
Cornelius Cayley, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Benjamin Blaydes, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Nathaniel Maisters, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Robert Macfarland | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Frances Wilkinson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Jane Wilkinson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Richard Moxon, etc. | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Clarke | 1 | 1 | 0
Gardner Egginton, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Spivie | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hickson | 1 | 1 | 0
[427]Mrs. Hannah Hall | 1 | 1 | 0
Peter Thornton, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
A Providential Guinea | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Ann Thompson |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Lydia Finley |  | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Burnet's | 24 | 0 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Beverly's | 17 | 0 | 0
HADLEY, IN SUFFOLK.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Tom's | 13 | 2 | 1
HALSTEAD, IN ESSEX.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Field's | 23 | 9 | 0
HEMPSTEAD IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
Dr. Wiltshire | 10 | 10 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Jones | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Whitehead, etc. | 1 | 11 | 6
The Rev. Dr. Sterling. | 1 | 1 | 0
Rich. Richardson, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Collett | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Squires |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Dearmer |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Hews, Curate |  | 2 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Jones' | 11 | 5 | 1
HIGH WICKHAM, IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
Mr. Carter | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Smithson | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Price | 2 | 12 | 6
Mr. Allnut and Children | 2 | 12 | 6
Mr. Edmund Ball | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Hartley's Family | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Haydon | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Shrimpton | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Hollis | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Hannon | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Aldersey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Salter | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Grove | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Blackwell | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Ives | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Llewellin, Clergyman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Galpin | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Kiddle |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Crouch |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Gibbons |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Goodwin |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Doney |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Lee |  | 5 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Smithson's | 7 | 7 | 11¼
HENLEY.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Gainsborough's | 8 | 14 | 10½
HORSHAM, IN SUSSEX.
Mr. Thos. Shelley, Jr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Shelley |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Thomas' | 3 | 17 | 0
Collected at the Baptist Meeting | 1 | 4 | 0
HYTHE, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Clarke's | 7 | 9 | 0
Rev. Mr. Smith, Clergyman |  | 10 | 6
HERTFORD.
From an Unknown Friend, by Rev. Mr. Saunders | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Isaac Rudd | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Jeeves | 2 | 2 | 0
Dr. Samuel Rogers | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Whittenburg and Children | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Upton and Children | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Sprat | 2 | 2 | 0
Richard Isles, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Miss Isles | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Dimsdale | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Came | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Chamberlain | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Gatward | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Haynes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Man | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Lawrence | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Rackstraw | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Haynes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Young | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Worsley | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Flack | 1 | 1 | 0
[428]Mr. Thomas Plows |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Page |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Saunders |  | 10 | 6
Miss Martha East |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Hanscombe |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Harrod |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. John Saunders | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. J. Wood |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Saunders' | 20 | 11 | 9
IPSWICH, IN SUFFOLK.
Mr. John Barnard | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. John Flindall | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. John Turner | 3 | 3 | 0
Miles Wallis, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. George Nolcut | 2 | 2 | 0
Messrs. John and Jos. Flindall | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Ralph Hare | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John May Dring | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Scott | 2 | 7 | 3
Mr. Daniel Wade and two Sisters | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown | 1 | 12 | 6
Mr. Ralph | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Ralph's Sister |  | 10 | 6
Mr. George Death | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Abbot | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Abbot | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Philip Dikes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Byles | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. J. Hall | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Paul Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Beardwell | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robert Sporle | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Clarke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Clark |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Scott |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Lathbury |  | 5 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Edward's | 33 | 8 | 6
KINGSBRIDGE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Curtis' | 12 | 0 | 0
KETTERING, IN NORTHAMPTONSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Boyce's | 20 | 7 | 3
From several of Mr. Boyce's people | 6 | 6 | 9
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Browne's | 3 | 13 | 6
From Rev. Mr. Matlock |  | 14 | 6
Mr. Buswall |  | 2 | 0
KIDDERMINSTER, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
The Rev. Mr. Fawcett, in Books | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Watson | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Broome and Son | 10 | 10 | 0
Messrs. Cranes | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Joseph Austin | 6 | 6 | 0
Messrs. John & Francis Lea | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Nich. Pearsall and Son | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Jefferys and Son | 4 | 4 | 0
Mrs. Longmore | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Henry Penn | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Bate | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Nicholas Penn | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Symonds | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Francis Best | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Orton | 2 | 2 | 0
Dr. Johnstone | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Richardson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Read | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Talbutt | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. John Wilkinson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Aaron | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Butler | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Pearsall | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Baker | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Lea | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Lea | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Harper | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hanbury | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hornblower | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Hill | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Richardson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Cooper | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Wright | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Broom, Sr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Symonds |  | 10 | 6
By Sundry Persons | 14 | 2 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Fawcett's | 21 | 4 | 7½
KEPPIN.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Whitford's | 6 | 17 | 8
KEIGHLEY.
[429]Collected at the Rev. Mr. Neil's | 5 | 5 | 0
LUTON, IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hall's | 6 | 7 | 6
LUTTERWORTH, IN LEICESTERSHIRE.
Collected at Rev. Messrs. Dowley and Kidman's | 16 | 15 | 2
LIVERPOOL, IN LANCASHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Johnson's | 16 | 10 | 7
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 8 | 8 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Endfield's | 15 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hall's | 11 | 13 | 4
Collected by Sundries | 9 | 6 | 0
LEEDS, IN YORKSHIRE.
Lady Margaret Ingham | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Medhurst | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. C. Barnard, in Testaments | 4 | 4 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. John Edwards' | 15 | 3 | 10½
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Thomas Whittaker | 14 | 14 | 0
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Wesley's People | 8 | 1 | 6½
LINTON, IN CAMBRIDGESHIRE.
Mr. Haylock | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Barker |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Curtis's | 5 | 2 | 1
LEWES, IN SUSSEX.
Collected of Sundries and at Rev. Mr. Johnson's | 20 | 4 | 10¾
LONG MILFORD.
Henry Moore, Esq. | 6 | 6 | 0
Hon. Wm. Campbell, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Robert Cook, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
William Jennings, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
—— Kedington, Esq. | 1 | 16 | 0
Mrs. Bradley | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hubbard's | 11 | 17 | 10
MINCHIN HAMPTON, IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Francis' | 5 | 10 | 6
M. H. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Innell |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Fuller |  | 5 | 0
MODBURY.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Moore's | 3 | 14 | 1
MARTOCK.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bakers | 4 | 3 | 1
MILBORNE PORT.
Collected by Mr. Scott | 2 | 15 | 6
MORLEY.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Morgan's | 8 | 0 | 0
MELBORN, IN CAMBRIDGESHIRE.
Mr. Forster | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Cooper's | 14 | 9 | 3¾
MARGATE, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Purchase's | 4 | 13 | 8
MAIDSTONE, IN KENT.
Mrs. Prosper | 5 | 5 | 0
The two Mrs. Maynard's | 3 | 12 | 0
The two Miss Todds | 3 | 3 | 0
[430]Mrs. Travers | 3 | 3 | 0
Dr. Milner | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Fullagar | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Wicking | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Sawkins | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Beal Boreman | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Heath | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Savage | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Polhill | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Sharp | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Prentice | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Winter | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Pierce | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Harris | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Jesser | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Dawson |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Dean |  | 10 | 6
Messrs. Knowlden & Blythe |  | 9 | 6
Mr. Bleigh |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Leicester |  | 2 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Lewis', Jenkins', and Wyethe's | 17 | 9 | 0
Collected by Mr. Occom | 7 | 18 | 9½
MORPETH.
Unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Trotter's | 12 | 11 | 3¼
NEWTON ABBOTT.
Rev. Mr. Peter Fabian | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Hewgo, Curate of Newton |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Tozer | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Flammark | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Westcott | 1 | 0 | 6
Mr. John Matthews | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Tozer and Family | 1 | 13 | 6
Mr. William Flammark |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mary Matthews |  | 10 | 6
Sundries | 4 | 9 | 6
NEWPORT, IN THE ISLE OF WIGHT.
Thomas Urry, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Kirkpatrick | 5 | 5 | 0
Dr. Cook | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Sharp | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Trattle | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Stephen Leigh | 1 | 11 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Sturch | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Richard Cooke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Cooke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Temple | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Clarke | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Atkins | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Till | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Brown | 1 | 1 | 0
Counsellor White | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Holliere | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Whitehead | 1 | 1 | 0
Farmer Cook | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Douglas | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Caleb Cook | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Cowlam |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Upward |  | 10 | 6
Messrs. Lucas & Hollier |  | 10 | 6
Captain Pike |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Nichols |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Wilson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Taylor |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Edwards |  | 10 | 0
Sundry persons | 1 | 2 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Atkins' | 7 | 8 | 10½
Sent afterwards by Mr. Kirkpatrick | 18 | 1 | 6
NORTHAMPTON.
Rev. Mr. Ryland | 1 | 1 | 0
Joseph Churchill, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Edward Whitton |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Timms |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Dicey |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Win |  | 4 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Rylands | 20 | 11 | 8½
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. Hextal's | 24 | 3 | 0
NOTTINGHAM.
Collected at Rev. Messrs. Sloss' and Allistone's | 41 | 15 | 9
Capt. Scott | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected of Rev. Mr. Wesley's people, by ditto | 2 | 11 | 8½
Collected of Dr. Eaton's people |  |  |
Mr. Fellows | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Burden | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Immings | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Benj. Bull and Son | 1 | 1 | 0
[431]Mr. Seagrage | 1 | 1 | 0
Alderman Hornbuccle | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Foxcroft | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. J. Buxton |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Wilkinson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Stubbins |  | 10 | 6
By Sundries | 1 | 0 | 6
NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LINE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Willotts | 8 | 5 | 0
NAMPTWICH, IN CHESHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Haughton's | 8 | 3 | 9
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
Mayor and Corporation | 21 | 0 | 0
Sir Walter Blackett | 10 | 10 | 0
Collected of Sundries | 3 | 8 | 0
—— Cookson, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Joseph Ord, Esq. | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Airy | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Widdrington & Gibbons | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Stoddart, etc. |  | 16 | 6
Mr. Donaldson | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lowthian's | 21 | 4 | 11½
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Ogilvie's | 15 | 15 | 0
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Shields | 15 | 4 | 3½
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. Richardson's | 8 | 18 | 8
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Atkins' | 13 | 10 | 0
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Murray's | 23 | 8 | 0
Ditto by the Rev. Mr. Wesley | 6 | 3 | 1
Ditto by Rev. Mr. Peel, of Hexham | 2 | 18 | 0
Ditto, and paid into the Bank | 3 | 6 | 6
NORWICH, IN NORFOLK.
Mr. Mayor | 1 | 1 | 0
John Ruggles, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Scott & Sons | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Wm. Barnet & Son | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Thomas Paul | 3 | 3 | 0
Rev. Mr. Tapps, Curate of St. George's | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Mr. Philip Pyle | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Dr. Wood | 2 | 2 | 0
Dr. Peck | 2 | 2 | 0
Alderman Crowe | 2 | 2 | 0
Alderman Woods | 2 | 2 | 0
Aldermen Ives and Jeves | 2 | 2 | 0
Alderman Rogers | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Lincoln | 2 | 2 | 0
Messrs. Day and Watts | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Woodrow | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Jeremiah Pestle | 2 | 2 | 0
Charles Weston, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Claxton Smith | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Stephen Gardiner | 2 | 2 | 0
Philip Stannard, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Corsbie | 1 | 3 | 0
Mr. Baldy and others | 1 | 3 | 0
Mr. Patterson and Sister | 1 | 11 | 6
Rev. Mr. Burcham | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Cubit | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robert Sewell | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Firth | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hinsman | 1 | 1 | 0
Capt. Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Harvey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Ives | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Sidley Reymes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Wheeler | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Gimmingham | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Reymes | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hopson | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Smith & Barlow | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Dr. Newton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Beardman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Partridge | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Pie (10s. 6d.) and others | 1 | 9 | 0
Mr. Whinnard |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Ferguson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Ollyett |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Wiggit |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Shalders |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Beavers |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Dr. Wood's Chapel | 32 | 1 | 6
Alderman Marsh | 3 | 3 | 0
Samuel Wiggett, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. James Tompson | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Coldham | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Bayley | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Taylor | 2 | 2 | 0
Peter Finch, Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
[432]Mr. William Carter | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Nasmith | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Fell | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. John Hoyle | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Bruckner | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Charles Marsh | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Manning | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Smith, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Philip Taylor | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Charles Dalrymple | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Wright Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Martineau | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Baldy | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Peter Fromow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Barrow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Chamberlain | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Pointer | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Lessingham | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Newman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Bird | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Frederick Friday |  | 10 | 6
Mr. J. Trull |  | 5 | 3
Miss Lincolnes |  | 5 | 3
Mr. Christopher Newman |  | 5 | 0
Mrs. Newman |  | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hoyle's Chapel | 8 | 11 | 6½
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Fisher's Chapel | 5 | 18 | 0
NAYLAND.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bloomfield's | 6 | 13 | 2
NEWBERRY, IN BERKSHIRE.
Rev. Mr. Reader | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Merriman | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Mr. Penrose, Mayor, etc. | 2 | 2 | 0
From Sundries | 9 | 10 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Reader's | 6 | 17 | 0
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. Lewis' | 1 | 3 | 6
NORTH SHIELDS.
Mr. Pearson | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Rae's | 8 | 0 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Dean's | 8 | 3 | 4
NORTH ORAM.
Mrs. Horton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Wainhouse |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Holmes |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hesketh's | 3 | 0 | 3
OLNEY AND NEWPORT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Drake's | 9 | 4 | 7
The Rev. Mr. Bull |  | 10 | 6
OXFORD, ETC.
From Merton College | 5 | 5 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Kilner | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Stillingfleet | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Blaney | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Kent | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Archdale Rook | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Plater | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Fox | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Samuel Fox | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Prime |  | 5 | 3
Collected at Burford, per Mr. Darby | 1 | 9 | 1
Ditto at Whitney, per ditto | 1 | 10 | 0
OSSET.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Haggerstone's | 4 | 15 | 6
OAKHAM, IN RUTLANDSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Panting's | 3 | 6 | 2
PLYMOUTH, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Mr. William Kingdom | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. William Sheppard | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Bayley | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Clarke | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. William Deane | 5 | 5 | 0
Rev. Mr. Zachary Mudge | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Culme | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Jones | 2 | 2 | 0
Messrs. William and Philip Cookworthy | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Mignam | 2 | 2 | 0
[433]Mr. John Fox and Son | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Francis Cock | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Henry Pitt Sutton | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Joseph Squire | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Harris | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Batt | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Connell | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Holdens | 1 | 6 | 3
Mr. William Phillips, Mayor | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. John Bedford | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Leach | 1 | 1 | 0
Major Yeo | 1 | 1 | 0
Capt. B——g | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Huxham | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Mudge | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Collier | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Browne | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Sugars | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Frey | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Roger Trend | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Charles Fox | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Vivian | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Snook | 1 | 1 | 0
Anthony Porter, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Widow Elworthy | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Pierce | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Julian | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. D. Jardine | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Kinsman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Ann Gwennap | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Peter Bayley | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Gibbs | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Loval | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Bickford |  | 19 | 6
Mr. Sherdevoyne |  | 13 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Dodge |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Gandy |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Lemoyne |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Miotts, Jr. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Michael Nichols |  | 10 | 6
Mr. P. Lyman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. George Perry |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Jacob Austin |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Cock |  | 10 | 6
Miss Jennys |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Stone |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Wilcocks |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Bicknar |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Pearce, Jr. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Elias Romery |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Erthur |  | 10 | 6
—— Julian, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Ellery |  | 10 | 6
Mr. J. Wills |  | 10 | 6
J. Moorshead, Esq. |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Collier |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Champion |  | 10 | 6
Mr. How |  | 10 | 6
Mr. J. Symonds |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Pearce |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Freeman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Husbands |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Wallis |  | 10 | 6
Dr. Scott |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Fuge |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Omony |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Perry |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Tope |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Putt |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Henry Hewer |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Burt |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Captain Sparks |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Dunsterfield |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Carter |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Dengey |  | 10 | 6
Mr. James |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Lovell |  | 10 | 6
Sundry persons | 2 | 19 | 3
Ditto | 2 | 14 | 6
Ditto | 2 | 4 | 6
Ditto | 1 | 10 | 9
Ditto | 1 | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Mends' | 15 | 15 | 7¼
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Rennel's | 9 | 15 | 0
Ditto at the Tabernacle | 7 | 15 | 8½
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Gibbs' | 4 | 18 | 8
PLYMOUTH DOCK.
Hon. Commissioner Rogers | 5 | 5 | 0
John Lloyd, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Blackmore | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Poleman | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Samuel Young | 1 | 16 | 0
Hon. Col. Burleigh | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Philip Justice | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Ralph Paine | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Vincent | 1 | 1 | 0
Madam Durrell | 1 | 1 | 0
Major Campbell | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Wolcombe | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Colvil | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Jane | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Heath | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. John Stokes |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Austin |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Moore |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Atkinson |  | 10 | 6
[434]Mr. Nicholas Mercator |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Crossman |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Hooper |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Spry |  | 10 | 6
Mr. George Patrick |  | 10 | 6
Mr. James Howell |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hinckstone |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Matthew Watson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Scott |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Brooking |  | 10 | 6
Mr. James Helling |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Nash |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Row |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Robert Jeffery |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Phillips |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Dillon |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Ivey |  | 10 | 6
Mr. P. Langmaid |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Rodds |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mary Bennett |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Lawrence Rowe |  | 10 | 6
Captain of Marines |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Weggan |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Mullis |  | 10 | 6
Mr. May |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Harding |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Baron |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Jeffery |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Lampen |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Weston |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Hatcher |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Yeo |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Linzee |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Robert Bennett |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Sundry persons | 4 | 5 | 9
Ditto | 1 | 7 | 3
Ditto |  | 8 | 9
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Tabernacle | 22 | 0 | 0
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 4 | 17 | 0
STONEHOUSE (A PARISH BETWEEN PLYMOUTH AND THE DOCK).
Madam Farr | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Marshal | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bogue |  | 10 | 6
Captain Ball |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Gillard |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Binney and Banwick |  | 10 | 6
POOL, IN DORSETSHIRE.
Mr. Samuel Clark | 5 | 5 | 0
Mrs. Green | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Pike | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Joliff and Ladies | 1 | 11 | 0
Rev. Mr. Nairn, Rector | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Sutton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Green | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bird | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Hyde | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Milner | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. D. Durrell | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. George Olive | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Martin Kemp | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Frances Welch | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Miller | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Elizabeth Pike | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bayly, Mrs. Pain, and Mrs. Campbell | 1 | 0 | 6
Rev. Mr. Ashburner |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Sherran |  | 10 | 6
Mr. James Bristowe |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Budden |  | 10 | 6
Mr. J. Budden |  | 10 | 6
Mr. G. Durrell |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Tito Durrell |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Oliver, Sen., and Mrs. Oliver, Jr. |  | 15 | 9
Mr. Thomas Stephens |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Farr Strong |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Thompson |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Haseldon |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Frith |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Bird |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Taverner |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Sweetland |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Mary Linthorn |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Richard Rix |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Basset |  | 5 | 3
Mrs. Jolliff |  | 5 | 3
Mr. J. Stodely |  | 5 | 3
Mrs. Elizabeth Christian |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Lacey |  | 2 | 6
Mr. Spurrier |  | 2 | 6
Sundry Persons | 2 | 17 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Howell's | 7 | 18 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Ashburner's | 7 | 0 | 6½
PORTSMOUTH, IN HANTS.
Mr. William Pike | 10 | 10 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Walter, Chaplain to the Dock |  | 10 | 6
[435]Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wren's | 25 | 11 | 4½
PORTSMOUTH COMMON.
Mr. Pierson | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Whitewood & Unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Millard |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Daniel Hayward |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Thomas Symms |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lacey's | 5 | 5 | 9
Collected at the Tabernacle | 4 | 2 | 10½
PERSHORE, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
Mr. Samuel Rickards | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Rickards | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Dark |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Beal |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Ash |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Smith |  | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Ash's | 7 | 7 | 6
PUDSEY.
The Rev. Mr. Wainman | 1 | 1 | 0
Unknown |  | 2 | 6
PINNER.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Madgwick's. | 10 | 1 | 9
RUMSEY, IN HANTS.
The Rev. Mr. J. Samuel | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Comley | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Thomas Comley | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Comley | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Tarver | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Clement Sharp, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Clement Sharp, Jr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Madgwicke | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Newman | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bernard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Waldron | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Richard Sharpe | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Fanner | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Newlands | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Hewlett and Sisters | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Collier | 1 | 1 | 0
Sundry Persons unknown | 1 | 11 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Samuel's | 11 | 4 | 9
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Finch's | 3 | 3 | 0
RINGWOOD, IN HANTS.
Mr. N——n | 5 | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Wright's and Horsey's | 16 | 2 | 0
ROTHWELL, IN NORTHUMBERLAND.
Collected at the Rev. Moses Gregson's | 16 | 15 | 0
RAWDON.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Aulton's | 11 | 15 | 6
ROTHERHAM, IN YORKSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Thorp's, and the Rev. Mr. Moult's | 21 | 18 | 9½
A Private Benefaction, sent by Rev. Mr. Moult | 1 | 1 | 0
ROYSTON, IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
Mrs. Ward | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Edward Fordham | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Fordham | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Joseph Forster | 1 | 6 | 0
Mr. George Fordham | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Coxall | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. Butler | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Beldham | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Wright | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Phillips | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Newling | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Coxall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Philips |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Beldham |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wells' | 6 | 10 | 1½
READING, IN BERKSHIRE.
The Mayor | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Merrick | 1 | 1 | 0
[436]Rev. Mr. Camble | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Noon | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Davidson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. King | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Girl | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Harrison |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Willats |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Noon |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Noon's | 18 | 11 | 7¾
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Armstrong's | 7 | 2 | 5
A Clergyman and a person unknown, by the Rev. Mr. Armstrong | 2 | 2 | 0
RAMSGATE, IN THE ISLE OF THANET.
Unknown | 5 | 0 | 0
Mr. George Rainier | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. John Garret | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Bradbury | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Cornelius Friend | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Daniel Friend | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Elizabeth and Sarah Friend | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Abbot | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Curling | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Kemp | 1 | 1 | 0
Unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Small, Jr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Cracraft |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bradbury's | 11 | 13 | 9¾
SAFFRON WALDEN, IN ESSEX.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Gwenap's | 70 | 10 | 0
SOUTHWELL, IN HERTFORDSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Field's | 12 | 10 | 6
SHIPTON MALLETT, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
The Rev. Mr. Jellard | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Stephenson | 1 | 11 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Jellard's | 13 | 0 | 0
SOUTH MOULTON, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bishop's | 5 | 5 | 0
SALISBURY, IN WILTSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Williams's | 9 | 17 | 10
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Phillips' | 2 | 0 | 6
SHERBORNE, IN DORSETSHIRE.
Mr. Samuel Foot | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Goadby | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lewis's | 15 | 0 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Thomas's. | 5 | 17 | 9
SOUTH PETHERTON, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
Mr. Toller | 1 | 16 | 0
Masters John and Thomas Toller |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Ostler | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Channing | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Anstice | 1 | 1 | 0
Messrs. Adams, Phillips, & Vaux |  | 15 | 6
Mr. Chapman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Lock |  | 10 | 6
Sundry Persons | 1 | 11 | 3
Rev. Mr. Thomas |  | 5 | 3
The Rev. Mr. Kirkup |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Kirkup's | 14 | 10 | 0½
SOUTHAMPTON, IN HANTS.
Madame Rollestone | 10 | 10 | 0
Mr. Bartholomew Bray | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. & Miss Messer & Mr. Bulkley | 2 | 12 | 6
Rev. Mr. Rooke, V. of St. Michael's | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Wm. Kingsbury | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Walter Taylor | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Taylor, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Taylor | 1 | 1 | 0
—— Norris, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Bissault | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Percival | 1 | 1 | 0
[437]Mr. Peter Bernard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Thomas Bernard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Bernard | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Bernard |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Raymond |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Heckwich |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Forithorne |  | 2 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Kingsbury's | 9 | 1 | 0
STOURBRIDGE, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Edge's | 21 | 10 | 4
STRETTON, IN WARWICKSHIRE.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Richard Alliot of Coventry | 6 | 10 | 0
SOUTH SHIELDS.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Rae's | 3 | 14 | 0
SUNDERLAND, IN DURHAM.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lee's | 7 | 11 | 0¾
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Waugh's | 9 | 9 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Somervil's | 11 | 9 | 0¼
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 2 | 17 | 0
STOCKTON, IN DURHAM.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Blackie's | 8 | 4 | 0¼
STROUD, IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Ball's | 18 | 19 | 0
SAINT-NIOTS.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Davis' | 6 | 18 | 1¼
SHEFFIELD, IN YORKSHIRE.
Collected of the Rev. Mr. Pye's People.
Mr. Benjamin Roebuck | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Samuel Greaves | 3 | 3 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Pye | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Vennor | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Parker | 2 | 2 | 0
Messrs. John & Roger Wilson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Samuel Wilson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Roebuck, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bennett | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Winter | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Windle & Mr. Love | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Bridges | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Smith, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Nutt | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Holy |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Andrews |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Marshall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Loy |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Robert Hall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Wilson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Worrell |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Parkin |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Littlewood |  | 10 | 6
By Sundries | 1 | 13 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Pye's | 15 | 12 | 0
Collected of the Rev. Messrs. Evans's and Dickinson's People.
Mrs. Eddowes | 1 | 16 | 0
Mr. Shore, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Robarts | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Robarts | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Evans | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Hall of Stannington | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Simmons |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Kaigh |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Hall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Haynes |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Marshall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Nathaniel Hall |  | 10 | 6
From Sundries |  | 19 | 9
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Evans' and Dickinson's Meeting | 7 | 3 | 9
Collected of others in Sheffield.
Messrs. Broomhead | 2 | 2 | 0
[438]Mr. G. Greaves | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Fenton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Roger Wilson |  | 10 | 6
Mr. G. Woodhead |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Winter |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 2 | 6
Mr. Kenyon and two others |  | 15 | 6
Mr. Matthews |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Moore |  | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Bryant's | 5 | 5 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 2 | 17 | 0
SUTTON, IN ASHFIELD.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Wilson's | 4 | 0 | 8
STAMFORD, IN LINCOLNSHIRE.
Rev. Dr. Wilberforce | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Jackson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Wingfield | 1 | 1 | 0
Middleton Trollop, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Adams | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Torkington |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Woodroffe |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. John Ralph |  | 10 | 6
Dr. Tathwell |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Delamore |  | 5 | 0
STOW MARKET, IN SUFFOLK.
The Rev. Mr. Archer | 1 | 1 | 0
SUDBURY, IN SUFFOLK.
—— Gainsborough, Esq. | 10 | 10 | 0
Mrs. Margaret Fenn | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Burket, Sen. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. Holman | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. Thomas Burket | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. John Burket, Jr. | 2 | 2 | 0
Rev. Mr. Heginbothom | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Holman, Jr. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Stow | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Watkinson of Lavingham | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Stockdell (Clark) | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Darby | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Shepherd | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Barker |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Addison |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Ellis |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Holman |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Holman |  | 10 | 6
Miss Holman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Brabrook |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Thomas Stow |  | 10 | 6
Mr. English |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Pawlett |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Heginbothom's | 4 | 12 | 6
Thomas Fenn, Esq. | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. T. Fenn, Jr. | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Fenn | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Thomas Gibbons | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Addison | 1 | 16 | 0
Mr. John Ralling | 1 | 11 | 6
Mr. William Gibbons | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Abraham Greggs | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Chaplain |  | 10 | 6
Miss Ralling |  | 10 | 6
Miss Burket |  | 10 | 6
Miss Stow |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Lombard's | 2 | 7 | 3
STAMBORNE.
The Rev. Mr. Hallam | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Hallam's | 10 | 18 | 11¼
SHOREHAM, IN KENT.
The Rev. Mr. Perronett and Friends | 1 | 16 | 9
SEVEN OAKS, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Stenger's | 5 | 6 | 8
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. Bligh's | 2 | 11 | 10½
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. Wesley's | 1 | 13 | 6
SHEERNESS, IN KENT.
Collected at the meeting | 5 | 6 | 9
SOUTHWOLD, IN SUFFOLK.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Hurrion | 11 | 16 | 6
TETBURY, IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
[439]Collected by the Rev. Mr. Phene | 10 | 10 | 10
TROWBRIDGE, IN WILTSHIRE.
Mrs. Turner | 2 | 12 | 6
Mrs. Temple | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Whittaker | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Amos Simon | 1 | 1 | 0
Esquire Mortimer | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. James Shrapnell and son |  | 11 | 6
Mr. Butlar |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Waldron's | 16 | 18 | 0
Ditto at the Rev. Mr. Cross' | 15 | 6 | 6
Ditto at Mr. Rawling's | 2 | 4 | 8
TAUNTON, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
Governor Pool | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Blake | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Wascot | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Welman | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Follaquire | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Halliday | 2 | 2 | 0
The Rev. Mr. William Johnson | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Kirkpatrick | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Jefferies, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Joseph Jefferies | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Follaquire | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. John Ward |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Joshua Toulmin |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Handcocke |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Stone |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Harrison |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Norma |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Joseph Cornish |  | 10 | 6
Mr. William Stow |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Peacock |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Reed |  | 10 | 6
Dr. Cabble |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Thomas Grove |  | 10 | 6
Mr. J. Furnival |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Nobb |  | 10 | 6
A Lady unknown |  | 10 | 6
Miss Smith |  | 5 | 0
Mr. J. Burcher |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Jowitt |  | 2 | 6
Unknown |  | 2 | 6
Ditto |  | 2 | 0
Mr. Slowar and a poor Widow |  | 3 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Johnson's | 19 | 4 | 1
TOPSHAM, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Mrs. Fryer | 4 | 4 | 0
Mr. John Fryer | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. William Elliott | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. William Kennaway, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Simon Morris | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Burgess | 1 | 1 | 0
Madam Collier | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Woolcombe |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Thomas |  | 10 | 6
Captain William Sherville |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Reynolds |  | 10 | 6
Captain Coleman |  | 10 | 6
Mr. George Culverwell |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Watton |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Samuel Hill |  | 10 | 6
Miss Bultell |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Pitts |  | 10 | 6
Unknown |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Love |  | 5 | 3
The collection | 27 | 4 | 3
TOTNESS, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Reynell's and Chapman's | 27 | 6 | 0
TAVISTOCK, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Mr. Thomas Windiat | 5 | 5 | 0
Mr. John Rowe | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Roger Lang | 1 | 1 | 0
Richard Turner, Esq. | 1 | 1 | 0
A person unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Lavington |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Jago |  | 7 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Dowdell's | 8 | 2 | 5
TEWKSBURY, IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
John Humphries, Esq. | 10 | 0 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Jones | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Hayward |  | 10 | 6
From sundries | 1 | 19 | 0
[440]Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Graham's and Haydon's | 21 | 0 | 10
TIVERTON, IN DEVONSHIRE.
Mr. Parsons | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Lewis | 3 | 3 | 0
Mrs. Mary Moore | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Hamilton | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Glass | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Lewis | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Bosley | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Atherton | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Smith | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Ensmarch, Sen. | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Isaac Ensmarch | 1 | 1 | 0
Miss Ensmarch | 1 | 1 | 0
A person unknown | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Follett |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Glass |  | 10 | 6
The Rev. Mr. Kiddall |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Zelby |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Gilbert |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Frank Besly |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Besly, Jr. |  | 10 | 6
Mrs. Lane |  | 10 | 0
Mr. Barn Besly |  | 5 | 3
Mrs. Munt |  | 5 | 3
Mrs. Kiddall |  | 3 | 0
Mr. Anstey |  | 2 | 6
Mrs. Hudford |  | 2 | 6
Mrs. Lachgate |  | 2 | 6
Mr. Raddon |  | 2 | 6
Mr. Small |  | 2 | 6
Mr. James |  | 2 | 0
Mr. Rathew |  | 1 | 6
Mr. Gill, Jr. |  | 1 | 0
Mr. Knight |  | 1 | 0
Mrs. Stone |  | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Kiddal's | 2 | 9 | 9½
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Follett's | 2 | 4 | 0
Sent to be added to the above, per Mr. Parminter | 2 | 8 | 0
THAXTED.
Mr. Daniel Haddon | 3 | 3 | 0
Mr. Thomas Saward | 2 | 2 | 0
Mrs. Haddon | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Parry's | 6 | 4 | 0
TUNBRIDGE WELLS, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Shepherd's and Arnold's | 6 | 0 | 10
Rev. Mr. Johnson |  | 10 | 6
TENTERDEN, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Handcock's | 24 | 8 | 2
UFCULM.
Richard Clarke, Esq. | 1 | 11 | 6
Mrs. Elizabeth Churley | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. Mr. Lamport |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. Greenway |  | 10 | 6
Rev. Mr. John Windsor, Rector |  | 10 | 6
Mr. Nicholas Wreford |  | 5 | 0
Unknown |  | 5 | 0
Mrs. Hill |  | 4 | 0
Mr. Hucker |  | 4 | 0
The Quakers | 1 | 16 | 0
Unknown |  | 2 | 0
The collection | 3 | 1 | 6
UPPINGHAM, IN RUTLANDSHIRE.
Collected at the meeting | 3 | 14 | 3¾
UPTON, IN WORCESTERSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Jones' | 18 | 7 | 7
Mr. Brockhurst | 1 | 1 | 0
Mrs. Skinner | 1 | 1 | 0
The Rev. Mr. Steele |  | 7 | 6
WESTBURY, IN WILTSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Mylett's | 14 | 11 | 3
WARMINSTER, IN WILTSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Fisher's | 15 | 3 | 1
WELLINGTON, IN SHROPSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Field's and at the Rev. Mr. Day's | 23 | 12 | 10
WAREHAM, IN DORSETSHIRE.
[441]Sundry subscriptions sent to the Rev. Mr. S. Reader | 29 | 0 | 10
Collected at the Rev. Mr. S. Reader's | 9 | 4 | 8
WILTON, IN WILTSHIRE.
Edward Baker, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
Major Seward | 1 | 7 | 0
Rev. Mr. Gardner | 1 | 1 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Gardner's | 10 | 0 | 8
WINCHESTER.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Boarman's | 5 | 18 | 3
WELLINGBOROUGH, IN NORTHAMPTONSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Grant's | 9 | 1 | 1
WARWICK.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Kettle's | 5 | 13 | 4
WELFORD.
Mrs. Bakewell | 2 | 2 | 0
Unknown, per sundries | 8 | 6 | 6
Ditto |  | 14 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. King's | 4 | 1 | 6
WORCESTER.
The Rev. Mr. Blackmore | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Cooke | 1 | 1 | 0
By private subscriptions | 21 | 5 | 3
A donation from the Public Fund | 7 | 13 | 3
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Urwick's and Pointing's | 21 | 2 | 6
WOLVERHAMPTON.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Cole's, etc. | 33 | 19 | 3½
WEST BRAMWICH.
Collected at the Rev. Messrs. Robin's, Stillingfleet's, and Griffith's | 42 | 8 | 8½
WALSALL, IN STAFFORDSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Llewellin's | 10 | 3 | 0
WAKEFIELD, IN YORKSHIRE.
James Milnes, Esq. | 3 | 3 | 0
John Milnes, Jr., Esq. | 2 | 2 | 0
Mr. Richard Lamb | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. John Lamb |  | 10 | 6
Collected at the Rev. Mr. William Turner's | 11 | 15 | 9
WOODBRIDGE, IN SUFFOLK.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Palmer's | 18 | 9 | 3½
By sundries | 2 | 4 | 0
Brought by Mr. Field to be added to ditto | 2 | 7 | 4
WATESFIELD.
The Rev. Mr. Harmer | 1 | 1 | 0
Given by the Trustees | 5 | 5 | 0
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Harmer's | 5 | 6 | 0
Sent afterwards |  | 16 | 0
WATFORD.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Medley's | 30 | 0 | 0
WHITCHURCH, IN HAMPSHIRE.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Meek's | 8 | 17 | 5
WINGHAM.
Collected by the Rev. Mr. Chapman | 2 | 15 | 0
WOOLWICH, IN KENT.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. McGregor's | 2 | 0 | 0
WRENTHAM, IN SUFFOLK.
[442]Collected by the Rev. Mr. Sweetland | 20 | 0 | 0
YEOVIL, IN SOMERSETSHIRE.
Mr. Bullock | 1 | 1 | 0
Mr. Gilson | 1 | 1 | 0
Dr. Dumaresque | 1 | 1 | 0
Rev. F. C. Parsons |  | 10 | 6
Dr. Daniel |  | 10 | 6
Mr. John Taylor |  | 10 | 6
Collected by Rev. Mr. Evans | 6 | 4 | 3¾
YARMOUTH, IN NORFOLK.
Collected at the Rev. Mr. Whiteside's | 19 | 14 | 3
Ditto at Rev. Mr. Howe's | 27 | 10 | 0
| ————
Total | £9,494 | 7 | 7½

Donations in Scotland amounted to about £2,500.

PROPOSED DONATIONS WHICH DETERMINED THE LOCATION OF THE COLLEGE AND SCHOOL AT HANOVER IN 1770.

The King's most gracious Majesty, by advice of his Excellency John Wentworth, Esq., his Majesty's governor of the province of New Hampshire, and of his council, a Charter of the township of Landaff, about 24,000 acres.

Honorable Benning Wentworth, Esq., late governor of New Hampshire, 500 acres, on which the College is fixed in Hanover.

Hon. Theodore Atkinson, Esq., 500 acres.

Theodore Atkinson, Jr. Esq., one right.

Hon. Mark H. Wentworth, Esq., one right in Plainfield.

Hon. J—— Nevin, Esq., half a right.

William Parker, Esq., half a right in Piermont.

Hon. Peter Levius, Esq., one right in Piermont.

Hon. Daniel Warner, Esq., one right in Leichester.

Hon. John Wentworth, Esq., one right in Thetford.

Hon. Daniel Pierce, Esq., 500 acres.

Samuel Livermore, Esq., 300 acres in Chatham.

Walter Bryent, Esq., one right in Burton.

John Moffat, Esq., one right in Masons-Claim.

Matthew Thornton, Esq., one right in Castleton.

Mr. Ebenezer Smith, 100 acres.

Phillips White, Esq., 250 acres in Wentworth, and 250 in Warren.

Col. Jonathan Grulley, 125 acres in Wentworth, and 125 in Warren.

John Phillips, Esq., seven rights in Sandwich.

Col. Nathaniel Folsom, one right in Sandwich.

Col. Nicholas Gilman, 100 acres in Sandwich.

Samuel Folsom, Esq., 50 acres in Sandwich.

Mr. Enoch Poor, 100 acres in Sandwich.

Col. Clement March, one right in Addinson, and one right in Leichester.

Robert Fletcher, Esq., 100 acres.

John Wendal, Esq., one right in Barnard.

Walter Bryent, Jr. Esq., one right in Burton.

Hunking Wentworth, Esq., half a right in Barnard.

Reuben Kidder, Esq., half a right in Campton.

Col. Jonathan Moulton, 250 acres in Orford, 250 in Piermont, 250 in Relhan, and 250 in Moultenboro'.

Mr. John Moulton, 100 acres in Moultenboro'.

Mr. Moses Little, two rights in Saville.

Mr. Samuel Emerson, 100 acres in Saville.[443]

Mr. William Moulton, 300 acres in Stonington.

Mr. James Jewet, 100 acres in Stonington.

Mr. Adam Cogswel, 100 acres in Stonington.

Col. Jacob Bayley, 240 acres.

Timothy Bedel, Esq., 80 acres.

Capt. John Hazen, 240 acres.

Benjamin Whiting. Esq., 240 acres in Newbury and Topsham.

Israel Morey, Esq., 400 acres in Orford, and other towns, handy for the use of the school.

Mr. Noah Dewey, 80 acres in Orford.

Capt. Noah Dewey, Jr., 80 acres in Orford.

Mr. Thomas Sawyer, 80 acres in Orford.

Mr. Daniel Tillotson, 80 acres in Thetford.

Mr. Benjamin Baldwin, 104 acres in Thetford.

Mr. Ebenezer Baldwin, 104 acres in Thetford.

Mr. Daniel Cross, 40 acres in Farley.

Mr. John Chamberlain, 120 acres in Canaan.

Mr. Samuel Gillett, 40 acres in Thetford.

Mr. Ebenezer Green, 80 acres in Thetford, and 80 acres in Lyme.

Mr. Fredrick Smith, 176 acres in Strafford.

Mr. Abner Chamberlain, 40 acres in Thetford.

Mr. John Sloan, 56 acres in Lyme.

Mr. William Sloan, 80 acres in Lyme.

Mr. Alexander Murray, 40 acres in Lyme.

Mr. David Sloan, 24 acres in Lyme.

Mr. Thomas Sumner, 130 acres in Gilsom.

Oliver Willard, Esq., 750 acres land and £20.

| £. | s. | d.
Capt. Zadock Wright | 3 | 7 | 6
Lieut. Joel Matthews | 1 | 13 | 9
Mr. Paul Spooner | 1 | 13 | 9
Mr. John Laiton | 1 | 13 | 9
Mr. Christopher Billings |  | 6 | 9
Mr. Charles Killam |  | 16 | 10½
Mr. Timothy Lull | 1 | 0 | 3
Mr. Asa Taylor |  | 13 | 6
Mr. Zebulon Lee |  | 16 | 10½
Mr. John Johnson |  | 11 | 3
Mr. Matthias Rust |  | 11 | 3
Capt. Francis Smith | 9 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Stevens, Jr. | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. Robert Miller | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. Abel Stevens | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. Reuben Jerold | 2 | 5 | 0
Mr. Willard Smith | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. Adam Clark | 2 | 5 | 0
Mr. Charles Spalding | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. Daniel Short | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. Josiah Russel | 2 | 5 | 0
Mr. Josiah Russel, Jr. | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Daniel Woodward | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. William Cutler | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Josiah Colton | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Joseph Smith | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Stevens | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. William Bramble | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Joshua Dewie | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Elisha Marsh | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. Christopher Pease | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Strong | 4 | 10 | 0
Mr. David Bliss |  | 15 | 0
Mr. Elijah Strong | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. Ebenezer Bliss | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Daniel Pinneo | 6 | 0 | 0
Mr. Thomas Miner | 3 | 0 | 0
Mr. Nathaniel Holbrook | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Henry Woodward | 3 | 0 | 0
Mr. Abel Marsh | 4 | 10 | 0
Mr. Lionel Udal | 4 | 10 | 0
Lebanon Proprietors, 1440 acres.
Mr. Thomas Storrs, 20 acres.
Capt. Nathaniel Hall, 50 acres.
John Salter, Esq., 50 acres.
Mr. Nathaniel Storrs, 50 acres.
Mr. Constant Southworth, 100 acres.
Mr. Huckens Storrs, 100 acres.
Mr. Amariah Storrs, 20 acres.
Mr. Nehemiah Easterbrook, 50 acres.
Capt. Samuel Storrs, 50 acres.
Mr. Aaron Storrs, 200 acres.
Mr. Huckens Storrs, Jr., 100 acres.
Mr. Jedediah Hebard, 100 acres.
Mr. Oliver Griswould, 100 acres.
Mr. Levi Hyde, 100 acres.
Mr. Israel Gillet, 100 acres.
Mr. Rufus Baldwin 100 acres and | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. John Gillet 100 acres and | 1 | 10 | 0
[444]Mr. Eliezer Robinson, 50 acres and | 2 | 5 | 0
Mr. Charles Hill | 7 | 10 | 0
Major John Slapp | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. Joseph Wood | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Silas Waterman | 1 | 2 | 6
Mr. John Griswold |  | 15 | 0
Mr. David Bliss |  | 15 | 0
Mr. Joseph Martin | 1 | 2 | 6
Mr. Benjamin Fuller |  | 7 | 6
Mr. Azariah Bliss | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. William Dana | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. William Downer | 3 | 7 | 6
Mr. Joseph Tilden | 4 | 14 | 6
Mr. Samuel Mecham | 1 | 7 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Wright | 2 | 14 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Parkhurst, 50 acres land.
Mr. David Rowland, 200 acres.
Mr. Josiah Wheeler, 50 acres.
Mr. Jacob Burton 67 acres, and | £1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Ebenezer Ball, 33 acres.
Mr. Thomas Murdock, 33 acres and | £0 | 10 | 0
Mr. Elisha Crane, 33 acres and |  | 10 | 0
Mr. Philip Smith, 33 acres and | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Joseph Hatch, 33 acres and | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Josiah Burton, 20 acres.
Mr. Israel Brown, 27 acres and | £0 | 10 | 0
Mr. Daniel Baldwin, 13 acres and | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. Francis Fenton, 33 acres.
Capt. Hezekiah Johnson, 80 acres and | £1 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Serjeant, 40 acres and | 2 | 10 | 0
Mr. Timothy Bush, 40 acres and | 2 | 0 | 0
Mr. Peter Thatcher, 40 acres and |  | 15 | 0
Mr. Daniel Waterman, 24 acres and |  | 15 | 0
Mr. John Slafter, 40 acres and | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Samuel Hutchinson | 2 | 10 | 0
Mr. Medad Benton | 2 | 0 | 0
Mr. John Hatch | 2 | 10 | 0
Mr. Samuel Partridge | 2 | 5 | 0
Mr. Elisha Partridge |  | 10 | 0
Mr. Jonas Richards |  | 10 | 0
Mr. John Hutchinson | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Elisha Burton | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. Nathan Messenger |  | 5 | 0
Mr. John Wright | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Aaron Wright | 1 | 10 | 0
Mr. Francis Smalley | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Joseph Ball | 1 | 0 | 0
Mr. Jonathan Ball |  | 5 | 0
Mr. Samuel Brown | 2 | 5 | 0
Mr. Samuel Waterman |  | 7 | 6
Mr. Samuel Partridge, Jr. |  | 10 | 0
Mr. Ebenezer Jaques |  | 7 | 6
Mr. Timothy Smith, 90 acres land.
Mr. Jonathan Curtiss, 120 acres and | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Davis, 40 acres.
Mr. John Ordway, 90 acres.
Maj. Joseph Storrs, 110 acres.
Mr. John House, 100 acres.
Mr. Jonathan Freeman, 40 acres.
Mr. Nathaniel Wright, 40 acres.
Mr. Otis Freeman, 40 acres.
Mr. Gideon Smith, 21 dollars.
Mr. Nath. Woodward, 16 acres land.
Mr. Isaac Bridgman, 40 acres.
Mr. Knight Sexton, 80 acres and | £15 | 0 | 0
Mr. James Murch | 30 | 0 | 0
Mr. Simeon Dewey, 50 acres land and | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. Benjamin Rice | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. Asa Parker, 50 acres.
Mr. Edm. Freeman, Jr., 40 acres.
Mr. Isaac Wallbridge, 40 acres and |  | 18 | 0
Mr. David Mason | 2 | 0 | 0
Mr. Jeremiah Trescot |  | 18 | 0
Mr. Habakkuk Turner | 7 | 10 | 0
Mr. Samuel Rust |  | 15 | 0
Mr. Edmond Freeman, 50 acres.
Mr. William Johnson, Jr. | 1 | 2 | 6
Rev. Gideon Noble, 40 acres.
Mr. Abner Barker, 30 acres.
Mr. Prince Freeman, 50 acres.
Mr. Abel Johnson | 1 | 2 | 6
Mr. William Johnson | 3 | 15 | 0
Mr. Russel Freeman |  | 18 | 0

It should be remarked that many of the above named were unable to fulfill their promises. The College received in all about 10,000 acres of land.

EXTRACT FROM HANOVER TOWN RECORDS.

[445]"Met according to adjournment, November 12, 1770. The following vote was passed:

"Whereas, John Wright, David Woodward, Edmund Freeman, Otis Freeman, Isaac Walbridge, Isaac Bridgman, and John Bridgman, have agreed to give the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, D.D., 300 acres of land in this town, voted, that the above-mentioned persons may give deed of 300 acres of land in the land now lying undivided among the proprietors, as follows, namely, to begin at Lebanon line at the bound of a lot of land lately given by the Hon. Benning Wentworth, Esq., to the Trustees of Dartmouth College; then in the east line of said lot about 300 rods, to the southwest bound of the 17th hundred-acre lot west of the half-mile line, then south sixty-four degrees, east about 168 rods, or so far as that a line to run parallel with the first-mentioned line and running to Lebanon will make 300 acres, said land to lie to the above-mentioned persons for so much in their next division on the respective original rights they now own; i. e. to John Wright 40 acres, to David Woodward 50 acres, to Isaac Bridgman 50 acres, to Edmund Freeman 40 acres, to Isaac Walbridge 40 acres, to Otis Freeman 50 acres, to John Bridgman 30 acres. And whereas, the persons whose names are hereafter mentioned have covenanted and agreed to give to the Trustees of Dartmouth College, for the benefit of said college, the following quantities of land, namely, Knight Sexton 100 acres, Joseph Storrs 100 acres, John House 100 acres, John Ordway 100 acres, Jonathan Curtice 140 acres, Tim. Smith 100 acres, Edmund Freeman 50 acres, Prince Freeman 50 acres, Jonathan Freeman 50 acres, Nathaniel Wright 50 acres, Nathaniel Woodward 20 acres, Simon Dewey 50 acres, Benjamin Davis 50 acres, Asa Parker 50 acres, voted, that the above-named persons may give a deed of all the undivided land lying east of the piece aforementioned, and south of the hundred-acre lots in the 1st and 3d ranges of hundred acres in the 1st division of hundred-acre lots, and west of the two-mile road, and north of Lebanon line, it being about 1,000 acres, be it more or less, to lie for so much to the original rights aforementioned as the present owners of said rights have subscribed to give, reserving proper allowance for highways for the benefit of the town."

OTHER PROPOSED DONATIONS.

"We the subscribers hereby severally promise for ourselves, our heirs, etc., to pay to the Rev. Mr. Eleazar Wheelock, or such other person or persons who shall be appointed to receive the same the sums respectively affixed to our names for the founding and supporting a school for the education of Indian youth and others to be paid in land whereon to build a proper house or houses and in provisions and in materials for building such house or houses which shall be judged necessary for the support of said school, provided said school be fixed in the first society in Hebron and there continued. Witness our hands this 17th January, 1765.

David Barbur | £80
Alex Phelps | 50
John Phelps | 50
Asahel Phelps | 20
Joshua Phelps | 16
Ebenezer Gilbert | 16
Increase Porter | 20
Benjamin Sumner | 10
Obadiah Horsford | 50
Silvanus Phelps | 15
Israel Morey | 20
Stephen Palmer | 5
[446]Aaron Stiles | 10
Isaac Ford | 10
Ichabod Buell | 10
Lijah Buell | 10
Alexander Mack | 6
Stephen Stiles | 7
Eliphalet Case | 10
Benjamin Day | 20
Asa White | 2
Eliphalet Youngs, Jr. | 2
Saml. Phelps | 5
Israel Post | 20
Nathl. Phelps | 10
Stephen Barbur | 30
Neziah Bliss | 15
Samuel Fielding | 2
Oliver Phelps | 2
Pelatiah Porter | 15
Eleazar Strong | 10
Thomas Post | 15
Saml. Gilbert, Jr. | 20
Thos. Summer | 5
Abijah Rowlee | 10
Danl. Tillotson | 20
Ephraim Wright | 2
Saml. Jones | 20
Danl. Porter | 15
Oliver Barbur | 8
Worthy Waters | 10
Zebulon Strong | 2
Jonathan Birge | 1
Story Gott | 25
Solomon Huntington | 4
Solomon Tarbox | 15
Elisha Mack | 10
David Carver | 10
Adam Waters | 10
Samuel Bicler, Jr. | 14
Ichabod Phelps | 20
Ichabod Phelps, Jr. | 10
Eliphalet Young | 10
Samuel Gilbert | 65
Benjamin Buell | 20
Thomas Tarbox | 10

Mr. Wheelock's correspondence indicates that the School was kept one year at Hebron, by Mr. Alexander Phelps.

"At a meeting of the First Company of the Delaware Purchasers (so called), held by adjournment at the Town-house in Norwich, on the 3d day of January, a. d. 1769,

"Voted that this Company do now grant to the Indian Charity School under the care of Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, D.D., of Lebanon, six miles square of land, to be laid out on the westermost part of this Company's purchase upon Delaware River, upon condition said School shall be erected on the Susquehannah Purchase (so called).

"The above is a true copy of the vote of the First Company of the Delaware Purchasers.

"Test Elisha Tracy, Clerk for said Company."

"At a meeting of the Second Company of the Delaware Purchasers (so called), held by adjournment at the Town-house in Norwich, on the 3d day of January, a. d. 1769,

"Voted that this Company do now grant to the Indian Charity School under the care of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, D.D., of Lebanon, six miles square of land, to be laid out for the use of said School on the westermost part of this Company's purchase of land upon Lacawack River, upon condition said School shall be erected upon the Susquehannah Purchase, so called.

"The above is a true copy of the vote of the Second Delaware Company.

"Test Elisha Tracy, Clerk for said Company."

In September, 1768, Messrs. Williams, Woodbridge, Sergeant, Willard, Brown, Goodrich, Gray, Pixley, Jones, Curtis, Bement, Wilson, Stoddard, Bouton, Dean, Fuller, and others, proposed to give various sums, ranging from $5 to £150, provided the College, should be located, agreeably to their wishes, at Stockbridge, Mass. During the same year, Zephaniah Batcheller[447] writes from Albany, stating that Captain Abraham J. Lansing will give, in all, more than two hundred acres of land, suitably located for buildings and other uses, and worth £2,500, provided the College is located at Lansingburg, N. Y.

"Province of New Hampshire, June 18, 1770. At a proprietor's meeting, lawfully warned and held at my dwelling-house in Lyme in the province above said, voted to lay out to the use and benefit of Dartmouth College fifteen hundred acres of land, ... provided said Trustees shall fix or build said college in the township of Lyme, south of Clay Brook.

"A true copy of file

Test Jonathan Sumner, Proprietor's Clerk.

Lyme, June 18, 1770."

"January 22, 1770. Proprietors' meeting at Hampton.

"Whereas a charter for a College to be erected in the western part of this province, by the name of Dartmouth College, has been granted under the great seal of said province, with a special view of Christianizing the several Indian tribes in America, therefore in consideration of the many advantages that would accrue to the proprietors of Orford if said College could be settled in said town, and that the same pious design might be carried into immediate execution,

"Voted, in case said College should be settled in said township, to give and grant for the Use and Benefit of said College, for ever, one thousand acres of land in said town. Also, whereas the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock is appointed president of said College, and doubtless will settle himself and family in the town where the College shall be, where it will be very necessary he should have some land to settle upon, therefore, for encouraging and promoting the same,

"Voted to give and grant unto the said Eleazar Wheelock, his heirs and assigns for ever, one thousand acres of land in said town. They also

"Voted (conditionally) to give to the said Eleazar Wheelock the sum of one hundred pounds lawful money."

Piermont offered one thousand acres of land to secure the College. Other towns, not mentioned hereafter, among them Canaan, Boscawen, and Cornish, are said to have presented some attractions to Dr. Wheelock.

"Honorable and Reverend: In the capacity of agent for the towns of Newbury and Haverhill, I promise and engage (if Dartmouth College is placed in said Haverhill in New Hampshire) that out of the subscriptions of said Haverhill and Newbury and the town of Bath, that three thousand acres of land shall be laid out in a convenient form at the corner of Haverhill, adjoining the southwest corner of said town of Landaff, and one thousand acres more, laid out in a gore, in Bath adjoining said town of Landaff, and the three thousand acres in Haverhill as above; and also I engage to give five hundred acres more to the Honorable and Reverend Trust of said College, for the use of said College, in a handsome form, round said College, if set in said Haverhill; provided it is not set on lands already laid out, which if it is to lay out said five hundred next adjoining, in a convenient form, as also to make and raise a frame for a building two hundred feet long and eighteen feet broad, one story high, or a frame or labor to that value. The above I promise to perform at or before the first day of November next. The frame I promise to set up on demand. Witness my hand,

Jacob Bayley.

"Portsmouth, June 29, 1770.
"To the Honorable and Reverend Trust of Dartmouth College."

[448]

Newburyport, March 6, 1770.

Reverend Sir: I have lately received an account from Plymouth of a subscription being opened and there is already three thousand dollars in labor, provisions, etc., subscribed; also another here worth one thousand dollars, provided the College is fixed in Campton, Rumney, or Plymouth; also being sensible that you will be at great expense to move into a new country, have opened another subscription for Rev. Dr. Wheelock, which will be generous; I have lately heard that the College is to be fixed before the meeting of the trustees, which is the reason of Mr. Call's journey, the bearer of this, who is a friend to the Indian cause, and in time past has been a means of collecting a considerable for them. I should be much obliged if you would inform me the time the College will be fixed, and I will bring or send the subscriptions, which I make no doubt will be generous when completed. If it should not be agreeable to the trustees to fix the College in any of the above mentioned towns, these subscriptions will not do any hurt to the College nor Dr. Wheelock, but spur on others to outdo. I think, where it is fixed, they ought to do generously, as it must help them much. I conclude with our family's and my duty to you and Madam Wheelock, and regards to all the family, and remain your most obedient servant,

Moses Little.

"P. S. We hear that the most generous subscription is to carry the College, provided the place is suitable; hope what we offer Dr. Wheelock will not be any damage, for it is not done as a private thing, but are willing the trustees and everybody else should know.

"M. L. has subscribed:

20 thousand boards.
20 tons hay, three years, is 60 tons.
10 bushels wheat, three years, is 30 bushels.
10 bushels rye, three years, is 30 bushels.
10 bushels Indian, three years, is 30 bushels.
10 days labor, three years, is 30 days.

"Also use of house and barn and land pasturing round it, twenty acres cleared; also Esq. Brainerd, one right of land, etc., in Rumney; also sent a man with a subscription, to be followed, we hope, in proportion and more than proportion to the above. Expect some hundred bushels grain yearly for three years, also land and labor; and if the above is not enough subscribed by Moses Little, Dr. Wheelock shall have liberty to improve as much of his land as he pleases."

"Albany, May 9, 1767.

"Reverend Sir: I have had the pleasure to see your letter, directed to the mayor of this city and others. The subject of it was a very agreeable one. To encourage literature indicates a great mind; to civilize savages, with a view to their eternal happiness, evinces a goodness of heart and a charitable disposition truly commendable; whoever attempts it has a right to claim the assistance of every worthy member of society. I shall be happy if I can be any ways instrumental in promoting the success of your humane plan; I am informed that Mr. Mayor and the other gentlemen of the corporation have expressed an equal desire, and I make no doubt but their offers will be such as a corporation ought to make who are impressed with a sense of its general utility. I could say much of the advantages that would accrue from fixing the School near this city, but as you have doubtless considered this affair with attention, you will have anticipated all I could say on the subject. I shall only remark that I have observed with much satisfaction that the morals of my fellow-citizens are much less vitiated than those of other cities that have an immediate foreign[449] trade, and consequently import the vices of other climes; to this, give me leave to add, that a becoming economy is what characterizes our people, and may, by way of example, have a very good effect on the Indian children, and such others as might be allowed to take their education in the proposed seminary.

"Should you, however, reverend sir, after receiving the proposals of the corporation, think them inadequate to the advantages the city would receive, or should you, for reasons that do not occur to me, think a more remote situation more eligible (which I wish may not be), I then, sir, will make an offer, to forward the charity. But though I have already fixed on the proposals I intend to make, I must yet declare that those that I am told the city intends to offer appear to me to have the advantage in point of fulfilling the intentions of the gentlemen at home, but perhaps it may be thought otherwise, and I be mistaken.

"Whenever, sir, this or your other affairs may call you into this county, I shall be extremely glad to show you any civilities in my power, and beg you will make my house your home, where I try to keep up to the good old adage, 'to welcome the coming and to speed the going guest.'

"I am, with much respect, reverend sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant,

Ph. Schuyler."

"To the Rev. Mr. Wheelock.

"February 10, 1770.

"Reverend Sir: As I understand that Colonel Alexander Phelps, Esquire, has been on business of importance relative to your College, to wit, the consulting the honorable trustees, at Portsmouth, concerning the place where it will be best to set the said College, and as there is great engagedness and large subscriptions making by the Proprietors and others of the towns of Plainfield, Hartford, Harford, Lebanon, Norwich, Hanover, and some other back towns, for the said School, if said School should be set in Hanover, in the Province of New Hampshire, now, sir, I suppose that Colonel Phelps never heard of this subscription, and I apprehend he has not laid this donation, with the circumstances of the place, before the Board at Portsmouth.

"Trusting in your wisdom and willingness to hear everything of consequence to said School, I would therefore pray that the place for the said College may not be fixed on till the donations may be gathered and the circumstances of the place be properly laid before their Honors.

"P. S. I suppose there can be as much or more said in favor of its going to the said town of Hanover than any town on the river, which will be laid before their Honors in writing, if desired.

"From their humble servant and well-wisher to said School,

James Murch."

In a later letter he says:

"Now, sir, we all hope you will view the place yourself, and the people well all be satisfied that the College will be set in the best place for its benefit; or, if a disinterested man should come and view the places, and make a representation, it is generally thought it would come to Hanover or Lebanon. Now, sir, I shall endeavor to set before you some of the benefits of this place for the College. First, here is a large tract of land of near three thousand acres or more, all lying together, and the greater part some of the best of land. I shall only add that there may be a good road to Portsmouth; and it is in a line to Crown Point from Portsmouth; and a very narrow place in the great river, for a brig; and it is by a long pair of falls; and where salt and other articles, brought up the river, will be cheaper than they will be further up.[450]

"Having given some short hints of what is commonly talked of where I have been, I hope you will condescend to forgive what is amiss in this broken letter.

"So I remain, yours to serve,

James Murch.

"Hanover, New Hampshire, March 13, 1770.

"P. S. I would inform you we all got up here well."

"The Company expected to attend Commencement at Dartmouth College, August 26, 1772, with his Excellency Governor Wentworth, viz.: The Honorable Mark Hunking Wentworth, Esq.; George Jaffrey, Esq.; Daniel Rogers, Esq.; Peter Gilman, Esq.; the Honorable John Wentworth, Esq., Speaker of Assembly; Major Samuel Hobart, Esq., John Giddinge, Esq., Colonel John Phillips, Esq., John Sherburne, Esq., Members of Assembly; John Fisher, Esq., Collector of Salem; Colonel Nathaniel Folsom, Esq.; Rev. Dr. Langdon, of Portsmouth; Rev. Mr. Emerson, of Hollis; Dr. Cutter; Dr. Bracket; Samuel Penhallow, Esq.; William Parker, Jun., Esq.; Benjamin Whiting, Esq., High Sheriff of Hillsboro' County; Honorable Samuel Holland, Esq., Surveyor-General of the Northern District of America and a Councillor of Canada; Thomas Mac-donogh, Esq., Secretary to the Governor. About ten more are invited, but I think uncertain whether they'll undertake the journey." From Gov. Wentworth.

"Dartmouth College, June 3, 1777, at break of day.

"My dear Sir: I trust you have received my two late letters, by my son and Sir Trimble, with orders, if you can to good advantage, to make sale of my tenement at the Crank, and pay my debts to Mr. Dean, Mr. Watson, and yourself. If you have successfully attempted the affair, or shall soon so do, I should be glad to see you, and if it may be with the remainder of the money as soon as may be; or if you could, before you come, visit Dr. Mead, who was principal of, and agent for, the first grantees of the town of Landaff, the settlement of which is now retarded and discouraged by the influence of Mr. Joseph Davenport, who has inspired an apprehension in the minds of the populace that they shall be exposed to a quarrel, if they should settle there, etc. I wish I could send you a copy of the College Charter, and enable you to discourse understandingly with Dr. Mead, and let him see how amply this incorporation is endowed, and how independent it is made of this government or any other incorporation; that the first object of the royal grant of said township was the dispersed Indian natives, and to this corporation only in trust for that purpose; that such a matter of controversy can be decided by no judicatory but supreme, or one equal to that which incorporated it, that is the Continental Congress; that unless they can prove that the fee of those lands was not in reality in the king when the charter thereof was given to the College and the grant made to the grantees (however irregular and unkind the steps taken may have been), they will find it difficult, if not impracticable, to recover it. However, to prevent any expense in that matter, quiet the minds of people and facilitate the settlement, as well as exercise proper regard to those who have looked upon themselves injured thereby, I would propose some conditions of agreement with those first grantees, whereby I might obtain their quitclaims to the premises; that is, either a sum of money, or some other way. What if you should see Dr. Mead and discourse with him before you come hither? But the bearer is waiting. Accept love to you and yours, etc., from your affectionate,

"Mr. Jabez Bingham, Jun."

This letter was evidently written by President Wheelock.

[451]

MISCELLANEOUS MATTER.

"Since there is great misrepresentations by some concerning my life and education, I take this opportunity to give the world, in few words, the true account of my education. I was born a heathen in Mmoyanheeunnuck, alias Mohegan, in New London, North America. My parents were altogether heathens, and I was educated by them in their heathenish notions, though there was a sermon preached to our Mohegan tribe sometimes, but our Indians regarded not the Christian religion. They would persist in their heathenish ways, and my parents in particular were very strong in the customs of their forefathers, and they led a wandering life up and down in the wilderness, for my father was a great hunter. Thus I lived with them till I was sixteen years old, and then there was a great stir of religion in these parts of the world both amongst the Indians as well as the English, and about this time I began to think about the Christian religion, and was under great trouble of mind for some time. I thought the religion which I heard at this time was a new thing among mankind, such as they never heard the like before, so ignorant was I, and when I was seventeen years of age I received a hope, and as I begun to think about religion, so I began to learn to read, though I went to no school till I was in my nineteenth year, and then I went to the Rev. Mr. Wheelock's to learning, and spent four years there, and was very weakly most of the time; this is the true account of my education.

Samson Occom.

"Boston, Nov. 28, 1765."

Mr. Occom spent the closing years of a useful life at Brotherton, N. Y., where he died, in 1792, aged nearly seventy.

"A List of Charity Scholars (in Rev. E. Wheelock's School), from 1754 to 1767:

John Pumpshire, a Delaware.
Jacob Woolley, a Delaware.
Samson Woyboy.
Joseph Woolley, a Delaware.
Hezekiah Calvin, a Delaware.
Joseph Johnson, a Mohegan.
David Fowler, a Montauk.
Aaron Occom, a Mohegan.
Samuel Kirtland, of Norwich.
Isaiah Uncas, a Mohegan.
Amie Johnson, a Mohegan.

Joseph Brant, Negyes ——, Center ——, dead, | }Mohawks.

Miriam Stores, a Delaware.

Moses ——, Johannes ——, | }Mohawks.

Sarah Wyog, a Mohegan.
Enoch Closs, a Delaware.
Samuel Tallman, a Delaware.
Daniel Mossock, a Farmington.

Abraham Primus, Abraham Secundus, Peter ——, | }Mohawks.

Patience Johnson, a Mohegan.
Samuel Gray, of Boston.
Mr. Samuel Ashpo, a Mohegan.
Eleazar Sweetland, of Andover.
Jacob Fowler, a Montauk.
Manuel Simon, a Narraganset.
Hannah Poquiantus, a Nehantic.
Hannah Garret, a Narraganset.
Mary Sequettass, a Narraganset.
David Avery, of Norwich.
David McCluer, of Boston.
Mr. Titus Smith, of South Hadley.

William Primus, William Secundus, Elias ——, | }Mohawks.

[452]

Mr. Theophilus Chamberlain, of South Hadley.

Susannah, Katharine, Mary ——, | }Mohawks.

David ——, an Oneida.
Mr. Aaron Kinne, of Volentown.
Mundeus,
Jacob, Oneidas.
Sarah Simons, a Narraganset.
Charles Daniel, a Narraganset.
John Green, a Mohawk.
Sam'l Johnson, a member of Yale College.
Allen Mather, of Windsor.
William, an Oneida.
Paulus, a Mohawk.
Seth ——, a Mohawk.

John Shaddock, Toby Shaddock, | }Narragansets.

Levi Frisbie, of Branford.

Abigail ——, Martha ——, | }Narragansets.

Toby Shadock's wife and child.
Margaret ——."

In the "History of the Five Indian Nations," by Cadwallader Colden, we find the following paragraph:

"The French priests had (from time to time) persuaded several of the Five Nations to leave their own country and to settle near Montreal, where the French are very industrious in encouraging them. Their numbers have been likewise increased by the prisoners the French have taken in war, and by others who have run from their own country because of some mischief that they had done, or debts which they owed to the Christians. These Indians all profess Christianity, and therefore are commonly called the Praying Indians by their countrymen, and they are called Cahnuagas (Caghnawagas) by the people of Albany."

"An agreement between the Reverend Doctor Eleazar Wheelock, president of Dartmouth College, and Mr. John Smith, late tutor of the same, with respect to said Mr. Smith's settlement and salary in capacity of professor of the languages in Dartmouth College.

"Mr. Smith agrees to settle as Professor of English, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, etc., in Dartmouth College, to teach which, and as many of these and other such languages as he shall understand, as the Trustees shall judge necessary and practicable for one man, and also to read lectures on them, as often as the president, tutors, etc., with himself shall judge profitable for the Seminary. He also agrees, while he can do it consistently with his office as professor, annually to serve as tutor to a class of students in the College. In consideration of which, Dr. Wheelock agrees to give him (the said Mr. Smith) one hundred pounds L. My. annually as a salary to be paid one half in money and the other half in money or in such necessary articles for a family as wheat, Indian corn, rye, beef, pork, mutton, butter, cheese, hay, pasturing, etc., as long as he shall continue professor as aforesaid, and that he shall have these articles delivered to him at the same price for which they were usually sold before the commencement of the present war in America, viz.: that he shall have wheat at 5s. per bushel, rye at 3s., Indian corn at 2s. 6d., fresh beef at 3d. per lb., salt beef at 4½d., fresh pork at 4½d., salt do. at 7d., fresh beef at 18s. per ct., do. pork at 25s., mutton at 3d. per lb., butter at 3d., cheese at 3d., bread at 2d., hay at 30s. per ton, pasturing per season for horse 30s., for cow 20s., and also to give him one acre of land near the College for a building spot, a deed of which he promises to give him whenever he shall[453] request the same. Doctor Wheelock also agrees that Mr. Smith's salary, viz.: one hundred pounds annually, shall not be diminished when his business as professor shall be so great that it will render it impracticable for him to serve as a tutor to a class in College; and that Mr. Smith shall not be removed from his professorship except the Trustees of Dartmouth College shall judge him incapacitated therefor, and also that Mr. Smith's salary shall begin with the date hereof. Doctor Wheelock also promises to lay this agreement before the Trustees of Dartmouth College to be confirmed by them at their next meeting. Mr. Smith also promises that whenever he shall have a sufficient support from any fund established for the maintenance of a professor of languages, he will give up the salary to which the agreement entitles him.

"In testimony whereof, we have hereunto interchangeably affixed our hands and seals this 9th day of November, 1777.

"Eleazar Wheelock. [L. S.]
"John Smith. [L. S.]

"In presence of:
"Sylvanus Ripley.
"Joseph Mottey."

"July 3, 1816. The Governor and Council appointed Hon. Josiah Bartlett, of Stratham, Hon. Joshua Darling, of Henniker, Hon. Wm. H. Woodward, of Hanover, Matthew Harvey, Esq., of Hopkinton, and Levi Woodbury, Esq., of Francestown, Trustees of Dartmouth University, and on the following day added Henry Hubbard, Esq., of Charlestown, Dr. Cyrus Perkins, of Hanover, Aaron Hutchinson, Esq., of Lebanon, and Daniel M. Durell, Esq., of Dover. On the same days, Hon. John Langdon, of Portsmouth, Hon. William Gray, of Boston, Mass., Gen. Henry Dearborn, of Roxbury, Mass., Rev. Thomas Baldwin, of Boston, Hon. Joseph Story, of Salem, Mass., Hon. W. Crowninshield, of Salem, Mass., Hon. Benjamin Greene, of Berwick, Me., Hon. Cyrus King, of Saco, Me., Elisha Ticknor, Esq., of Boston, Hon. Clifton Claggett, of Amherst, Hon. Dudley Chase, of Randolph, Vt., Gen. Henry A. S. Dearborn, of Boston, Hon. Jonathan H. Hubbard, of Windsor, Vt., Hon. George Sullivan, of Exeter, James T. Austin, Esq., of Boston, Hon. Levi Lincoln, Jr., of Worcester, Mass., Hon. Albion K. Parris, of Paris, Me., Amos Twitchell, M.D., of Keene, Hon. William A. Griswold, of Danville, Vt., Hon. Clement Storer, of Portsmouth, and Rev. David Sutherland, of Bath, Overseers of Dartmouth University."

CONTENTS OF CULVER HALL.

Culver Hall has 1. The Hall Collection of Minerals, worth $5,000 by estimate when presented to the College about forty years since. 2. Minerals and rocks collected since, of no great value. 3. Minerals, fossils, and a collection of 2,000 specimens from Maine deposited by Professor Hitchcock. 4. A small zoological collection. 5. A large cast of animals from Ward's University Series. 6. Antiquities. In the story below is one room devoted to an excellent herbarium, another to the natural objects obtained from the States of New Hampshire and Vermont. These are largely those collected by the State Geologist, consisting of 4,000-5,000 specimens illustrating the rocks. A wall of sections, where specimens have[454] been collected along thirteen lines east and west through New Hampshire and Vermont; and colored geological profiles behind, on the wall. A case of maps, ten in number, showing such physical features of New Hampshire as these: geological structure, surface geology, distribution of fauna, distribution of trees, areas occupied by forests in 1874, hydrographic basins, isothermal lines, amount of annual rainfall, distribution of soils and the topography by means of contour lines. There is a large model or relief map of the State on a table, scale one mile to the inch horizontally, and 1,000 feet to the inch vertically, about fifteen feet long, with the town boundaries, names of villages, rivers, ponds, railroads, and mountains inserted in their proper places; other collections are of the economic products of New Hampshire and Vermont, their minerals and fossils. A large collection of birds and 1,000 species of insects are here also, presented by Professor H. Fairbanks.

The Geological recitation room has a large map of the United States in it, and a case of drawers containing minerals, rocks, fossils, models of crystals and other collections for use in giving instruction. The laboratory is in two parts, one for general and the other for analytical instruction. Agricultural College library in second story, and several recitation rooms. Small working shop for Thayer Department in the basement.

PICTURES IN THE HALLS OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

1. Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, D.D., Founder.
2. Rev. Francis Brown, D.D.
3. The Same.
4. Rev. Bennet Tyler, D.D.
5. Rev. Nathan Lord, D.D., LL. D.
6. Ebenezer Adams, A. M., F. R. S.
7. Rev. Roswell Shurtleff, D.D.
8. Nathan Smith, M.D.
9. Cyrus Perkins, M.D.
10. Charles B. Haddock, LL. D.
11. William Chamberlain, A. M.
12. Dixi Crosby, M.D., LL. D.
13. Albert Smith, M.D., LL. D.
14. Rev. Benjamin Hale, D.D.
15. Ira Young, A. M.
16. Rev. David Peabody, A. M.
17. Rev. Sam'l G. Brown, D.D., LL. D.
18. Rev. Dan'l J. Noyes, D.D.
19. Edwin D. Sanborn, LL. D.
20. Stephen Chase, A. M.
21. Edmund R. Peaslee, M.D., LL. D.
22. John S. Woodman, A. M.
23. Rev. John N. Putnam, A. M.
24. Rev. Charles A. Aiken, D.D., Ph. D.
25. Hon. James W. Patterson, LL. D.
26. William Legge, Second Earl of Dartmouth.
27. John Phillips, LL. D.
28. Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker, D.D.
29. Hon. Daniel Webster, LL. D.
30. The Same (large picture).
31. The Same (head and bust).
32. Hon. Jeremiah Mason, LL. D.
33. Hon. Jeremiah Smith, LL. D.
34. Hon. Joseph Hopkinson.
35. Amos Twitchell, M.D.
36. Richard Fletcher, LL. D.
37. Hon. Matthew Harvey.
38. Hon. Charles Marsh.
39. Hon. Rufus Choate, LL. D. (in action).
40. The Same (head and bust).
41. Richard B. Kimball, LL. D.
42. Abiel Chandler.
43. Samuel Appleton, A. M.
44. Rev. Samson Occom.
45. John Conant.
46. Gen. Sylvanus Thayer, LL. D.
47. Hon. John Quincy Adams, LL. D.
48. A Knight in Armor.
[455] 49. A Lady (a companion picture).
50. Supposed to be a portrait of an Italian poet.
51. An untouched photograph of the original of Stuart's Washington.
52. An untouched photograph of Daniel Webster.
53. A bust of Rev. Nathan Lord, D.D., LL. D.
54. John Hubbard, A. M.
55. Alpheus Crosby, A. M.
56. Thomas R. Crosby, M.D.
57. Pres. J. Wheelock.
58. Rev. George T. Chapman, D.D.

The picture gallery also contains six slabs, with seven heroic figures, from Nineveh, the gift of Sir Henry Rawlinson, obtained by Rev. Austin H. Wright, D.D., of Ooroomiah, Persia.

In 1862 an inventory of the Philosophical Apparatus belonging to the college was taken, and the transfer was made to the Appleton Fund; the amount of this inventory was $2,352.75. While Rev. H. Fairbanks occupied the chair of Natural Philosophy about $800 was paid out. Prof. C. A. Young expended over $5,000 for apparatus while he had charge of the department. Most of the apparatus is in good condition, and its value is not far from $10,000.

For the Astronomical Department Prof. C. A. Young raised among the Alumni and friends of the college, mostly in New England, over $5,000, to put the Observatory in good condition.

Recent liberal donations to the College from the State, and from Hon. E. W. Stoughton, of New York, have enabled the Faculty to put the Medical Building in complete repair throughout. A suitable room for a Pathological Museum has been finished, which is frequently receiving specimens of diseased structure. The supply of plates, models, etc., is very ample, and is freely used in illustration of the lectures.

LEADING DONORS TO THE ACADEMICAL DEPARTMENT, SINCE THE DEATH OF THE FOUNDER.

Samuel Appleton, founder of the Appleton Professorship.
George H. Bissell ($24,000), founder of Bissell Hall.
Henry Bond, for the Library.
Salmon P. Chase.
David Culver ($25,000), founder of Culver Hall.
William E. Dodge.
Israel Evans, founder of the Evans Professorship.
Richard Fletcher.
James W. Grimes.
Frederic Hall, founder of the Hall Professorship.
Jeremiah Kingman, for Scholarships.
Aaron Lawrence, founder of the Lawrence Professorship.
Joel Parker, for the Library.
John Phillips, founder of the Phillips Professorship.
William Reed, founder of Reed Hall.
George C. Shattuck, founder of the Shattuck Observatory.
Isaac Spalding.
Edward S. Tobey.
John Wentworth.
Henry Winkley ($25,000).
[456]Miss Mary C. Bryant, for the Library.
Mrs. Betsey Whitehouse, for Scholarships.
The sums given by the above average perhaps about $15,000.
It is worthy of remark that a majority of these donations were made or received during the administration of President Smith.

There are at present ten principal edifices erected for the use of the various departments of the College:

Dartmouth Hall and the Medical College, erected during the administration of Pres. John Wheelock; Thornton, Wentworth, and Reed Halls, Shattuck Observatory, and the Chandler Building, erected or completed during the administration of President Lord; Bissell, Culver, and Conant Halls, erected during the administration of President Smith.

During the latter period the President's chair received an endowment of $30,000, and more than sixty scholarships an endowment of $1,000 each.

Recent bequests to the various departments from Tappan Wentworth, John D. Willard, Richard Fletcher, John S. Woodman, and Joel Parker will amount, when available, to over $700,000.

[457]

## CHARTER OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

GEORGE THE THIRD BY THE GRACE OF GOD, OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE AND IRELAND, KING, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, ETC.

To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting:

Whereas it hath been represented to our trusty and well-beloved John Wentworth, Esq., Governor and Commander-in-Chief, in and over our province of New Hampshire, in New England in America, that the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon, in the colony of Connecticut, in New England aforesaid, now Doctor in Divinity, did, on or about the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-four, at his own expense, on his own estate and plantation, set on foot an Indian Charity School, and for several years, through the assistance of well disposed persons in America, cloathed, maintained and educated a number of the children of the Indian natives, with a view to their carrying the gospel in their own language, and spreading the knowledge of the great Redeemer among their savage tribes, and hath actually employed a number of them as Missionaries and School Masters in the wilderness for that purpose, and by the blessing of God upon the endeavors of said Wheelock, the design became reputable among the Indians, insomuch that a larger number desired the education of their children in said School, and were also disposed to receive missionaries and school masters in the wilderness, more than could be supported by the charitable contributions in these American colonies.

Whereupon the said Eleazar Wheelock thought it expedient that endeavors should be used to raise contributions from well disposed persons in England, for the carrying on and extending said undertaking, and for that purpose said Eleazar Wheelock requested the Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker, now Doctor in Divinity, to go over to England for that purpose, and sent over with him the Rev. Sampson Occom, an Indian minister, who had been educated by the said Wheelock. And to enable the said Whitaker, to the more successful performance of said work on which he was sent, said Wheelock gave him a full power of attorney, by which said Whitaker solicited those worthy and generous contributors to the charity, viz. the Right Hon. William Earl of Dartmouth, the Hon. Sir Sidney Stafford Smythe, Knight, one of the Barons of his Majesty's Court of Exchequer, John Thornton, of Clapham, in the county of Surrey, Esq., Samuel Roffey, of Lincoln's Innfields, in the county of Middlesex, Esq., Charles Hardey, of the parish of St. Mary-le-bonne, in said county, Esq., Daniel West, of Christ's Church, Spitalfields, in the county aforesaid, Esq., Samuel Savage, of the same place, gentleman; Josiah Robarts, of the parish of St. Edmund the King, Lombard Street, London, gentleman, and Robert Keen, of the parish of St. Botolph, Aldgate, London, gentleman; to receive the several sums of money which should be contributed, and to be trustees to the contributors to such charity: which they cheerfully agreed to.[458]

Whereupon, the said Whitaker did, by virtue of said power of attorney, constitute and appoint the said Earl of Dartmouth, Sir Sidney Stafford Smythe, John Thornton, Samuel Roffey, Charles Hardey, and Daniel West, Esquires, and Samuel Savage, Josiah Robarts, and Robert Keen, gentlemen, to be trustees of the money which had then been contributed, and which should by his means be contributed for said purpose; which trust they have accepted, as by their engrossed declaration of the same under their hands and seals, well executed fully appears, and the same hath also been ratified by a deed of trust, well executed by said Wheelock.

And the said Wheelock further represents, that he has, by a power of attorney, for many weighty reasons, given full power to the said trustees, to fix upon and determine the place for said school, most subservient to the great end in view. And to enable them understandingly to give the preference, the said Wheelock has laid before the said trustees the several offers which have been generously made in the several governments in America to encourage and invite the settlement of said school among them for their own private emolument, and for the increase of learning in their respective places, as well as for the furtherance of the general design in view.

And whereas a large number of the proprietors of lands in the western part of this our province of New Hampshire, animated and excited thereto by the generous example of his Excellency their Governor, and by the liberal contributions of many noblemen and gentlemen in England, and especially by the consideration that such a situation would be as convenient as any for carrying on the great design among the Indians; and also considering that without the least impediment to the said design, the same school may be enlarged and improved to promote learning among the English, and be a means to supply a great number of churches and congregations which are likely soon to be formed in that new country, with a learned and orthodox ministry, they the said proprietors have promised large tracts of land for the uses aforesaid, provided the school shall be settled in the western part of our said province.

And they the said Right Hon. Hon. and worthy trustees before mentioned, having maturely considered the reasons and arguments in favor of the several places proposed, have given the preference to the western part of our said province, lying on Connecticut river, as a situation most convenient for said school.

And the said Wheelock has further represented a necessity of a legal incorporation, in order to the safety and well being of said seminary, and its being capable of the tenure and disposal of lands and bequests for the use of the same. And the said Wheelock has also represented, that for many weighty reasons, it will be expedient, at least in the infancy of said institution, or till it can be accommodated in that new country, and he and his friends be able to remove and settle by and round about it, that the gentlemen whom he has already nominated in his last will (which he has transmitted to the aforesaid gentlemen of the trust in England) to be trustees in America, should be of the corporation now proposed. And also as there are already large collections for said school in the hands of the aforesaid gentlemen of the trust in England, and all reason to believe from their signal wisdom, piety, and zeal, to promote the Redeemer's cause (which has already procured for them the utmost confidence of the kingdom) we may expect they will appoint successors in time to come, who will be men of the same spirit, whereby great good may and will accrue many ways to the institution, and much be done by their example and influence to encourage and facilitate the whole design in view; for which reasons said Wheelock desires that the trustees aforesaid, may be vested with[459] all that power therein which can consist with their distance from the same.

Know ye therefore that We, considering the premises and being willing to encourage the laudable design of spreading Christian knowledge among the savages of our American wilderness. And also that the best means of education be established in our province of New Hampshire, for the benefit of said province, do, of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, by and with the advice of our council for said province, by these presents will, ordain, grant and constitute that there be a college erected in our said province of New Hampshire, by the name of Dartmouth College, for the education and instruction of youths of the Indian tribes in this land, in reading, writing, and all parts of learning, which shall appear necessary and expedient, for civilizing and christianizing the children of pagans, as well as in all liberal arts and sciences, and also of English youths, and any others. And the trustees of said college may, and shall be, one body corporate and politic in deed, action and name, and shall be called, named, and distinguished by the name of The Trustees of Dartmouth College.

And further, We have willed, given, granted, constituted and ordained, and by this our present charter, of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, with the advice aforesaid, do for us, our heirs and successors forever, will, give, grant, constitute, and ordain, that there shall from henceforth and forever, be in the said Dartmouth College, a body politic, consisting of Trustees of Dartmouth College. And for the more full and perfect erection of said Corporation and body politic, consisting of Trustees of Dartmouth College, We, of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, do, by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, make, ordain, constitute and appoint, our trusty and well beloved John Wentworth, Esquire, Governor of our said province, and the governor of our said province of New Hampshire, for the time being, and our trusty and well beloved Theodore Atkinson, Esquire, now president of our council of our said province, George Jaffrey and Daniel Pierce, Esqrs., both of our said council, and Peter Gilman, Esq., now Speaker of our House of Representatives in said province, and William Pitkin, Esq., one of the Assistants of our colony of Connecticut, and our trusty and well beloved Eleazar Wheelock, of Lebanon, Doctor in Divinity, Benjamin Pomeroy, of Hebron, James Lockwood, of Weathersfield, Timothy Pitkin and John Smalley, of Farmington, and William Patten of Hartford, all of our said colony of Connecticut, ministers of the gospel (the whole number of said trustees consisting, and hereafter forever to consist, of twelve and no more) to be trustees of said Dartmouth College, in this our province of New Hampshire.

And We do further, of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, for us, our heirs and successors, will, give, grant and appoint that the said trustees and their successors shall, forever hereafter, be in deed, act and name, a body corporate and politic, and that they the said body corporate and politic, shall be known and distinguished in all deeds, grants, bargains, sales, writings, evidences or otherwise however, and in all courts forever hereafter plead and be impleaded by the name of The Trustees of Dartmouth College. And that the said corporation by the name aforesaid, shall be able and in law capable for the use of said Dartmouth College, to have, get, acquire, purchase, receive, hold, possess and enjoy, tenements, hereditaments, jurisdictions and franchises for themselves and their successors, in fee simple or otherwise however, and to purchase, receive, or build any house or houses, or any other buildings, as they shall think needful and convenient for the use of said Dartmouth[460] College, and in such town in the western part of our said province of New Hampshire, as shall, by said trustees, or the major part of them be agreed upon, their said agreement to be evidenced by an instrument in writing under their hands ascertaining the same. And also to receive and dispose of any lands, goods, chattels and other things of what nature soever, for the use aforesaid. And also to have, accept and receive any rents, profits, annuities, gifts, legacies, donations or bequests of any kind whatsoever for the use aforesaid: so nevertheless, that the yearly value of the premises do not exceed the sum of six thousand pounds sterling. And therewith or otherwise to support and pay, as the said trustees, or the major part of such of them as are regularly convened for that purpose, shall agree; the president, tutors, and other officers and ministers of said Dartmouth College, and also to pay all such missionaries and school masters as shall be authorized, appointed and employed by them for civilizing, Christianizing, and instructing the Indian natives of this land, their several allowances, and also their respective annual salaries or allowances, and also such necessary and contingent charges, as from time to time shall arise and accrue, relating to said Dartmouth College. And also to bargain, sell, let or assign lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods or chattels, and all other things whatsoever, by the name aforesaid, in as full and ample a manner, to all intents and purposes as a natural person or other body corporate or politic, is able to do by the laws of our realm of Great Britain, or of said province of New Hampshire.

And further, of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, to the intent that our said corporation and body politic may answer the end of their erection and constitution, and may have perpetual succession and continuance forever, We do for us, our heirs and successors, will, give and grant unto the said trustees of Dartmouth College, and to their successors forever, that there shall be once a year, and every year, a meeting of said trustees, held at said Dartmouth College, at such time as by said trustees, or the major part of them, at any legal meeting of said trustees shall be agreed on. The first meeting to be called by the said Eleazar Wheelock, as soon as conveniently may be, within one year next after the enrolment of these our letters patent, at such time and place as he shall judge proper. And the said trustees, or the major part of any seven or more of them, shall then determine on the time for holding the annual meeting, aforesaid, which may be altered as they shall hereafter find most convenient.

And We do further ordain and direct, that the said Eleazar Wheelock shall notify the time for holding the first meeting to be called as aforesaid, by sending a letter to each of said trustees, and causing an advertisement thereof to be printed in the "New Hampshire Gazette," and in some public newspaper printed in the colony of Connecticut. But in case of the death or incapacity of said Wheelock, then such meeting to be notified in manner as aforesaid, by the Governor or Commander in Chief of our said province for the time being.

And We also, for us, our heirs and successors, hereby will, give and grant unto the said trustees of Dartmouth College aforesaid, and to their successors forever, that when any seven or more of the said trustees or their successors are convened and met together for the service of said Dartmouth College, at any time or times, such seven or more shall be capable to act as fully and amply to all intents and purposes, as if all the trustees of said College were personally present; and all affairs and actions whatsoever, under the care of said trustees, shall be determined by the majority or greater number of those seven or more trustees, so convened and met together.[461]

And we do further will, ordain and direct, that the president, trustees, professors, and tutors, and all such officers as shall be appointed for the public instruction and government of said College, shall, before they undertake the execution of their respective offices or trusts, or within one year after, take the oaths and subscribe the declaration, provided by an act of Parliament, made in the first year of King George the First, entitled, "An Act for the further security of his Majesty's person and government, and the succession of the Crown in the heirs of the late Princess Sophia being Protestants, and for the extinguishing the hopes of the pretended Prince of Wales, and his open and secret abettors," that is to say, the president before the governor of our said province for the time being, or by one empowered by him to that service, or by the president of our council, and the trustees, professors, tutors and other officers before the president of said college, for the time being, who is hereby empowered to administer the same: an entry of all which shall be made in the records of the said college.

And we do for us, our heirs and successors, hereby will, give and grant full power and authority to the president, hereafter by us named, and to his successors, or in case of his failure, to any three or more of said trustees, to appoint other occasional meetings, from time to time, of the said seven trustees, or any greater number of them, to transact any matter or thing necessary to be done, before the next annual meeting, and to order notice to the said seven or any greater number of them, of the times and places of meetings for the services aforesaid, by a letter under his or their hands of the same, one month before said meeting. Provided always, that no standing rule or order be made or altered, for the regulation of said college, or any president or professor be chosen or displaced, or any other matter or thing transacted or done, which shall continue in force after the then next annual meeting of said trustees as aforesaid.

And further, We do by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, create, make, constitute, nominate and appoint our trusty and well beloved Eleazar Wheelock, Doctor in Divinity, the founder of said college, to be president of said Dartmouth College, and to have the immediate care of the education and government of such students, as shall be admitted into said Dartmouth College, for instruction and education; and do will, give and grant to him in said office, full power, authority and right to nominate, appoint, constitute and ordain by his last will, such suitable and meet person or persons as he shall choose, to succeed him in the presidency of said Dartmouth College; and the person so appointed by his last will, to continue in office, vested with all the powers, privileges, jurisdiction and authority of a president of said Dartmouth College, that is to say, so long as until such appointment, by said last will, shall be disapproved by the trustees of said Dartmouth College.

And We do also for us, our heirs and successors, will, give and grant to the said trustees of Dartmouth College, and to their successors forever, or any seven or more of them, convened as aforesaid, that in case of the ceasing or failure of a president, by any means whatsoever, that the said trustees do elect, nominate and appoint such qualified person, as they, or the major part of any seven or more of them, convened for that purpose, as above directed, shall think fit, to be president of said Dartmouth College, and to have the care of the education and government of the students as aforesaid. And in case of the ceasing of a president as aforesaid, the senior professor or tutor, being one of the trustees, shall exercise the office of a president, until the trustees shall make choice of, and appoint a president as aforesaid; and such professor or tutor, or any three or more of the trustees, shall immediately appoint a meeting of the body of the trustees[462] for the purpose aforesaid. And also, We do will, give and grant to the said trustees, convened as aforesaid, that they elect, nominate and appoint, so many tutors and professors, to assist the president in the education and government of the students belonging thereto as they the said trustees shall, from time to time, and at any time think needful and serviceable to the interests of said Dartmouth College. And also that the said trustees, or their successors, or the major part of any seven or more of them, convened for that purpose as above directed, shall at any time displace and discharge from the service of said Dartmouth College, any or all such officers, and elect others in their room and stead as before directed. And also that the said trustees or their successors, or the major part of any seven of them which shall convene for that purpose as above directed, do from time to time as occasion shall require, elect, constitute and appoint a treasurer, a clerk, an usher and a steward, for the said Dartmouth College, and appoint to them, and each of them, their respective businesses and trust; and displace and discharge from the service of said college, such treasurer, clerk, usher or steward, and elect others in their room and stead; which officers so elected as before directed, We do for us, our heirs and successors, by these presents constitute and establish in their respective offices, and do give to each and every of them, full power and authority, to exercise the same in said Dartmouth College, according to the directions and during the pleasure of the said trustees, as fully and freely as any like officers in any of our universities, colleges, or seminaries of learning, in our realm of Great Britain, lawfully may or ought to do.

And also, that the said trustees or their successors, or the major part of any seven or more of them, which shall convene for that purpose, as is above directed, as often as one or more of said trustees shall die, or by removal or otherwise shall, according to their judgment become unfit or incapable to serve the interests of said college, do, as soon as may be, after the death, removal, or such unfitness or incapacity of such trustee or trustees, elect and appoint such trustee or trustees as shall supply the place of him or them so dying, or becoming incapable to serve the interests of said college; and every trustee so elected and appointed, shall, by virtue of these presents, and such election and appointment, be vested with all the powers and privileges which any of the other trustees of said college are hereby vested with. And We do further will, ordain and direct, that from and after the expiration of two years from the enrolment of these presents, such vacancy or vacancies shall be filled up unto the complete number of twelve Trustees, eight of the aforesaid whole number of the body of the trustees shall be resident and respectable freeholders of our said Province of New Hampshire, and seven of said whole number shall be laymen.

And We do further of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, will, give and grant unto the said trustees of Dartmouth College that they and their successors, or the major part of any seven of them which shall convene for that purpose as above directed, may make, and they are hereby fully empowered from time to time fully and lawfully to make and establish such ordinances, orders and laws, as may tend to the good and wholesome government of the said College, and all the students and the several officers and ministers thereof, and to the public benefit of the same, not repugnant to the laws and statutes of our realm of Great Britain or of this our province of New Hampshire (and not excluding any person of any religious denomination whatsoever from free and equal liberty and advantage of education, or from any of the liberties and privileges or immunities of the said College on account of his or their speculative sentiments in religion, and of his or their being of a religious profession[463] different from the said Trustees of the said Dartmouth College), and such ordinances, orders and laws which shall as aforesaid be made, we do by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, ratify, allow of and confirm, as good and effectual to oblige and bind all the students and the several officers and ministers of said College. And We do hereby authorize and empower the said Trustees of Dartmouth College, and the president, tutors and professors by them elected and appointed as aforesaid, to put such ordinances, laws and orders into execution to all intents and purposes.

And We do further of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, will, give and grant unto the said Trustees, of said Dartmouth College, for the encouragement of learning and animating the students of said College to diligence and industry and a laudable progress in literature, that they and their successors, or the major part of any seven or more of them convened for that purpose as above directed, do by the President of said College for the time being, or any other deputed by them, give and grant any such degree or degrees to any of the students of the said College, or any others by them thought worthy thereof, as are usually granted in either of the Universities or any other College in our realm of Great Britain; and that they sign and seal diplomas or certificates of such graduations to be kept by the graduates as perpetual memorials and testimonies thereof.

And We do further of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, for us, our heirs and successors, by these presents give and grant unto the Trustees of said Dartmouth College and to their successors, that they and their successors shall have a common seal under which they may pass all diplomas or certificates of degrees, and all other affairs of business of and concerning the said College, which shall be engraven in such form and with such an inscription as shall be devised by the said Trustees for the time being, or by the major part of any seven or more of them convened for the service of said College as is above directed.

And We do further for us our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the Trustees of said Dartmouth College and their successors, or to the major part of any seven or more of them convened for the service of said College, full power and authority from time to time to nominate and appoint all other officers and ministers which they shall think convenient and necessary for the service of the said College not herein particularly named or mentioned; which officers and ministers we do hereby impower to execute their offices and trusts as fully and freely as any one of the officers and ministers in our Universities or Colleges in our realm of Great Britain lawfully may or ought to do.

And further, that the generous contributors to the support of this design of spreading the knowledge of the only true God and Saviour among the American savages, may from time to time be satisfied that their liberations are faithfully disposed of in the best manner for that purpose, and that others may in future time be encouraged in the exercise of the like liberality for promoting the same pious design; it shall be the duty of the President of said Dartmouth College and of his successors, annually or as often as he shall be thereunto desired or requested, to transmit to the Right Hon., Hon. and worthy Gentlemen of the trust in England before mentioned, a faithful account of the improvements and disbursements of the several sums he shall receive from the donations and bequests made in England through the hands of the said Trustees, and also advise them of the general plans laid and prospects exhibited, as well as a faithful account of all remarkable occurrences, in order if they shall think expedient that they may be published. And this to continue so long as they shall perpetuate their board of Trust, and there shall be any of the Indian natives remaining to be proper objects of that charity.[464]

And lastly, our express will and pleasure is, and We do by these presents for us our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said Trustees of Dartmouth College and to their successors forever, that these our letters patent or the enrolment thereof in the Secretary's office of our province of New Hampshire aforesaid, shall be good and effectual in law to all intents and purposes against us our heirs and successors, without any other license, grant or confirmation from us our heirs and successors hereafter by the said Trustees to be had and obtained, notwithstanding the not writing or misrecital, not naming or misnaming the aforesaid offices, franchises, privileges, immunities, or other the premises or any of them, and notwithstanding a writ of ad quod damnum hath not issued forth to enquire of the premises or any of them before the ensealing hereof, any statute, act, ordinance or proviso, or any other matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding.

To have and to hold, all and singular the privileges, advantages, liberties, immunities, and all other the premises herein and hereby granted and given, or which are meant, mentioned, or intended to be herein and hereby given and granted unto them the said Trustees of Dartmouth College and to their successors forever.

In Testimony whereof We have caused these our letters to be made patent, and the public seal of our said province of New Hampshire to be hereunto affixed.

Witness our trusty and well beloved John Wentworth, Esq., Governor and Commander in Chief in and over our said Province, etc., this thirteenth day of December, in the tenth year of our reign, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine.

J. WENTWORTH.

By his Excellency's command
with the advice of Council.
Theodore Atkinson, Secretary.

[Locus ]
[Sigilli.]

[465]

## INDEX.

Abbott, 276.
Accum, F., 272.
Adams, D., 405.
Adams, Ebenezer, 90, 112, 126, 235, 239, 241, 243, 244, 287, 291, 295, 404.
Adams, Eliza, 291.
Adams, Ephraim, 241.
Adams, John, 77.
Adams, Joseph, 16, 17, 18.
Adams, J. O., 165, 166.
Adams, R. L., 241.
Aiken, C. A., 337.
Aiken, J., 394.
Aiken, S., 337, 370, 394.
Akerman, A. T., 401.
Albany Medical School, 359.
Alexander, A., 233.
Allen, D. H., 403.
Allen, E. A., 166.
Allen, H., 400.
Allen, S. C., 97, 400.
Allen, Thomas, 35.
Allen, Timothy, 20.
Allen, W., 72, 76.
Alvord, J. C., 401.
Amherst College, 247, 389, 402.
Amherst, J., 23.
Anderson, R., 277, 396, 397.
Andover Theological Seminary, 169, 249, 277, 287, 304, 319, 321, 330, 389, 396.
Andral, 361.
Andrews, G. L., 378.
Antietam, 407.
Appleton, J., 119, 127, 169, 276, 396, 402, 405.
Appleton, S., 162, 391.
Arnold, L. H., 400.
Arnold, T., 206.
Atkinson, G. H., 403.
Atkinson, T., 51, 52.
Auburn Theological Seminary, 330, 331, 336.
Austin, 222.
Backus, C., 233, 245.
Backus, S., 401.
Badger, J., 310.
Bailey, K., 397.
Bailey, M., 403.
Bailey, R. W., 337, 403.
Baker, W. L., 407.
Bancroft, C. F. P., 404.
Bancroft, J. P., 406.
Bangor Theological Seminary, 397.
Bannister, 165.
Barber, J., 20.
Barker, F., 360.
Barnard, W. E., 403.
Barrett, J., 186, 401.
Barstow, J. W., 354, 363.
Barstow, Z. S., 174.
Bartlett, E., 345, 366.
Bartlett, L., 114, 400.
Bartlett, S. C., 186, 190, 337, 358, 405, 408.
Bartlett, W. H., 401.
Barton, B. S., 350.
Bates College, 402.
Baylies, N., 401.
Beattie, 380.
Bedel, 76.
Bell, J., 400.
Bell, L. V., 406.
Bell, S., 394, 400, 406.
Bell, S. N., 400.
Bellamy, J. S, 8, 89.
Bellevue Hospital Medical College, 359, 366.
Berkeley, G., 3, 4, 9.
Bermuda, College at, 3.
Bernard, 361.
Bernard, Sir F., 49.
Betton, S., 400.
Bickmore, A. S., 403.
Bigelow, A., 400.
Bigelow, J., 265.
Bigelow, T., 107.
Bingham, 220.
Bingham, A., 13.
Bingham, C., 338, 404, 405.
Birney, 399.
Bissell, C., 390.
[466]Bissell, G. H., 390, 407.
Bissell, W. H., 390.
Blaisdell, J. J., 403.
Blanchard, J., 400.
Blois, 79.
Boardman, B., 20.
Boardman, H. E. J., 403.
Bond, H., 162, 337, 392, 405.
Bonney, B. W., 401.
Bouton, J. B., 405.
Bouton, N., 171, 172, 394.
Bowdoin College, 159, 276, 277, 278, 351, 358, 362, 366, 402.
Boyle, R., 2, 3, 4, 12.
Bradford, 53.
Bradford, E. P., 100.
Bradford, W., 8.
Brainerd, D., 12.
Brainerd, J., 12.
Brant, J., 29.
Breck, D., 400.
Brewer, F. B., 407.
Briggs, 166.
Brigham, E., 400.
Brigham, L., 305.
Brigham, L. F., 401.
Brigham, M., 305.
Brown, A., 403, 407.
Brown, A. H., 403, 406.
Brown, B., 117.
Brown, E. G., 120, 260, 262.
Brown, F., 100, 108, 112, 117, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 213, 242, 338, 408.
Brown, J., 337, 397.
Brown, J. P., 406.
Brown, P. K., 117.
Brown, S. G., 120, 186, 238, 248, 307, 308, 313, 315, 316, 321, 336.
Brown University, 212.
Brunson, D., 400.
Buffum, J., 400.
Bullen, H. L., 403.
Bull Run, 407.
Burleigh, W., 387.
Burlingame, 184.
Burnham, A., 392, 397.
Burr, A., 8.
Burroughs, E., 9, 212.
Burton, A., 397, 405.
Bush, G., 403, 405.
Butler, C., 338, 404.
Byles, M., 20.
Byrd, W., 3.
Caghnawaga Chiefs, 67.
Caldwell, H. M., 407.
California, College of, 403.
Calvin, J., 120.
Carroll, C. W., 407.
Carter, E., 257, 404.
Carter, N. H., 257, 258, 405.
Carteret, 3.
Casey, 365.
Centennial Celebration, 183.
Chamberlain, J. E., 256.
Chamberlain, S. L. G., 260, 262, 326.
Chamberlain, W., 256, 257, 260, 261, 262, 263, 280, 283, 326.
Chamberlain, W. M., 360.
Chamberlin, G. E., 407.
Chandler, 30.
Chandler, A., 367, 369, 381, 382.
Chapman, 350.
Chapman, G. T., 189, 397, 403.
Chase, B. P., 298.
Chase, C. C., 285.
Chase, D., 400.
Chase, E., 349.
Chase, J., 349.
Chase, M. C., 298.
Chase, P., 397, 402.
Chase, Sarah, 349.
Chase, Stephen, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 326, 327, 371.
Chase, S. P., 139, 183, 186, 392, 399.
Chenery, 6.
Cheney, O. B., 402.
Chesley, M. A., 329.
Chesley, S. P., 329.
Chicago Theological Seminary, 190.
Chipman, D., 400.
Chittenden, M., 400.
Choate, R., 117, 123, 185, 193, 240, 287, 337, 399, 405.
Church, J. H., 393.
Churchill, C. H., 403.
Clap, T., 8, 41, 58, 88.
Clare Hall, 6.
Clark, A., 31, 34.
Clark, Daniel, 186, 400.
Clark, Dorus, 247.
Clark, E. W., 397.
Clarke, A. W., 403.
Clarke, I. L., 407.
Clay, H., 400.
Cleaveland, C. D., 403, 405.
Cleaveland, E., 35, 37, 38, 217.
Cleaveland, M., 217.
Clyde, 79, 290.
Cogswell, F., 407.
Cogswell, J., 309.
Cogswell, J. B., 309.
Cogswell, J. G., 265.
Cogswell, W., 298, 309, 311, 312, 313, 315.
Coke, 116.
Colby, J. K., 404.
Cold Harbor, 407.
Collar, 289.
Collins, 222.
Collins' Peerage, 380.
Colman, 4.
Colman, H., 405, 406.
[467]Columbia, 31.
Columbia College, 281.
Columbian College, 376.
Comings, G. P., 403.
Commerce, Journal of, 260.
Conant, J., 382, 383.
Conner, P. S., 406.
Converse, A., 405.
Cook, A. J., 404.
Cooke, G., 403.
Cooper, Sir A., 352.
Cotton, 1.
Cotton, W., 17, 18.
Craft, J., 6.
Crane, C., 337.
Crosby, 406.
Crosby, Alpheus, 141, 182, 276, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 316, 317, 405.
Crosby, Asa, 283, 354.
Crosby, A. B., 339, 345, 349, 363, 364, 366.
Crosby, A. G. J. C., 288.
Crosby, A. R., 283.
Crosby, D., 339, 345, 354, 355, 356, 357, 363, 364.
Crosby, M. J. M., 363.
Crosby, N., 182, 258, 388, 405.
Crosby, T. R., 375.
Culver, D., 374, 390, 391.
Currier, A. N., 403.
Curtis, A., 167, 405.
Cushing, J. P., 402.
Cushman, 43.
Cutler, A. C. G. J., 288.
Cutler, A. G. J., 288.
Cutler, J., 288.
Cutting, J., 401.
Daggett, 58.
Dana, C. B., 403.
Dana, D., 126, 127, 129, 131, 132, 310, 408.
Dana, E. C., 132.
Dana, James F., 256, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 278, 279, 344, 345.
Dana, Jonathan F., 271.
Dana, Joseph, 403.
Dana, Judah, 338, 400.
Dana, L., 271.
Dana, L. G., 271.
Dana, R., 271.
Dana, S., 271.
Dana, S. E., 132.
Dana, S. L., 271.
Dartmouth Controversy, 88.
Dartmouth, Earl of, 4, 23, 25, 27, 28, 31, 39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 72, 78, 380, 381.
Dartmouth Hall, Erection of, 80.
Davenport, J., 71.
Davis, 272.
Davis, C. A., 407.
Davis, E., 247, 248.
Davis, M., 163, 164.
Deaf Mutes, College for, 402.
Dean, J., 57, 219, 257, 258, 337, 403.
De Berdt, 41.
Dedham, 6, 7, 55, 310, 313.
Delamater, J., 345, 366.
De Lancey, W. H., 282.
Delano, S., 394.
Dickinson, A., 397.
Dickinson, S. F., 402.
Dimond, D., 403.
Dimond, E. W., 374, 375.
Dingley, N., 401.
Dinsmoor, S., 400, 401.
Dixwell, J. J., 368.
Doddridge, P., 253.
Doe, C., 401.
Dorsey, 350.
Douglass, 283.
Dover Town Records, 15.
Downer, J., 401.
Draper, G., 403.
Dresden, 167.
Drury College, 403.
Drury, P., 246.
Drury, T., 246.
Dudley, T., 6.
Dumas, 77.
Duncan, W. H., 167, 183, 186, 392.
Dunham, J., 82, 338.
Dunning, B., 20.
Durell, D. M., 400.
Durkee, S., 405.
Duvall, 114.
Dyer, E., 41.
Dyke, H. M., 407.
Eastman, I. A., 171, 400.
Eastman, T., 213.
East Tennessee, College of, 403.
East Windsor Theological Seminary, 138, 397.
Eaton, J., 404.
Eaton, S., 6.
Edinburgh, University of, 35.
Edwards, J., 5, 10, 75.
Edwards, T. M., 400, 407.
Eells, N., 20.
Eliot, 1.
Eliot, John, 7, 263.
Ellis, J. M., 403.
Emerson, C. F., 337.
Emerson, J. S., 338, 397.
Emery, N., 401.
Emmet, T. A., 358, 360.
Emmons, N., 397.
Erskine, 41, 57, 71.
Estabrook, H., 20.
Estabrook, J., 403.
Evans, I., 82, 392.
Evans, W. M., 399.
[468]Everett, Alexander, 265.
Everett, Augustus, 403.
Everett, D., 405.
Everett, E., 403.
Exeter Donation, 15.
Fairbanks, H., 337.
Fairfield Medical College, 351.
Farnsworth, B. F., 403.
Farrar, C. S., 403.
Farrar, T., 108, 394.
Fellows, S., 407.
Felt, J. B., 405.
Fessenden, T. G., 405, 407.
Field, H. M., 366.
Field, W. A., 400.
Fillmore, M., 253.
First effort to found a College in America, 2.
Fish, J., 20.
Fisk, M. H., 403.
Fiske, J., 397.
Fiske, M., 337.
Fiske, N. W., 337, 397, 402, 405.
Fitch, 41, 245.
Fitch, J., 7.
Flanders, B. F., 400.
Fletcher, I., 400.
Fletcher, Richard, 189, 386, 387, 393, 394, 400.
Fletcher, Robert, 376, 377.
Fletcher, S., 370, 394.
Flint, 360.
Fogg, G. G., 400, 401.
Folsom, N. S., 136, 138, 253, 260, 330, 403, 405.
Forbes, 380.
Forsythe, 79.
Foster, 20.
Foster, A., 397.
Foster, C., 407.
Foster, C. L., 407.
Foster, D., 407.
Foster, S., 403.
Fowler, D., 14.
Fowler, Jacob, 338.
Fowler, Joseph, 20.
Fox, J., 258.
Franklin, B., 58, 77.
Fredericksburg, 407.
Freeman, E., 53.
Freeman, J., 53, 394.
Frink, A., 241.
Frost, C. P., 366.
Frost, E. B., 407.
Fuller, 6.
Fuller, H. T., 404.
Furber, D. L., 303, 322.
Gale, N., 132.
Gallup, J. A., 406.
Gardiner, R. H., 278.
Gates, 76.
Geneva College, 281, 282, 283.
George II., 3.
George III., 380.
Gerrish, A., 387.
Gifford, A., 14, 71.
Gilbert, Samuel, 50.
Gilbert, Sylvester, 400.
Gillett, E., 397.
Gilman, Joseph, 260.
Gilman, Josiah, 262.
Gilman, N., 262.
Gilman, P., 22, 51.
Gilman, T., 120.
Gilmanton Theological Seminary, 311, 314.
Gladstone, 193, 206.
Goddard, C., 400.
Godding, W. W., 406.
Gooch, D. W., 400.
Goodell, W., 397.
Goodhue, A. B., 403.
Goodrich, C. B., 401.
Goodwin, I., 303.
Goodwin, J. N., 400.
Goodwin S. T., 303.
Gookin, N., 17, 18.
Gorham, 271.
Grant, U. S., 407.
Graves, M., 20.
Graves, R., 343, 402.
Gray, S., 59.
Greeley, A., 120.
Greenleaf, B., 404, 405.
Gregg, J., 330, 336, 337, 403.
Grennell, G., 400.
Griffith, R., 78.
Grimes, J. W., 400.
Griswold, 280.
Grosvenor, C. P., 403.
Grover, J., 57.
Gurley, E., 57.
Haddock, A. W., 248.
Haddock, C. B., 117, 120, 140, 241, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 269, 329, 401, 405.
Haddock, W. T., 248.
Hadley, J., 403, 406.
Hagar, 287.
Hale, B., 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 345.
Hale, T., 276.
Halifax, Lord, 41.
Hall, F., 337, 392, 403.
Hamilton College, 73, 119, 120, 186.
Hampden Sidney College, 402.
Handel Society, 318.
Hanover, Press in, 163.
Hardy, 14.
Hardy, C., 39.
Harris, W., 397.
[469]Hartford Theological Seminary, 397.
Harvard College, 15, 48, 50, 73, 250, 263, 271, 272, 275, 316, 381, 386, 389, 390, 392, 393, 402.
Harvey, M., 189, 400.
Harwood, T., 12.
Haskell, F. A., 407.
Haven, N. A., 100.
Haven, S., 17, 18, 20.
Hayes, F. B., 368.
Hayes, J. L., 405.
Hayes, J. M., 403.
Hayes, W. A., 338, 406.
Hazen, H. A., 167, 405.
Heath, R. R., 401.
Hebron, 8, 12, 20, 31.
Henry, C. S., 403, 404.
Hibbard, A., 57.
Hibbard, H., 400.
Hill, I., 142.
Hinckley, O. S., 337, 403.
Hitchcock, C. H., 337.
Hitchcock, H. O., 406.
Hobart College, 282.
Hoit, 354.
Hoit, B., 354.
Hollenbush, C. G., 407.
Holmes, J., 113.
Holmes, O. W., 345, 366.
Holyoke, 266.
Hood, J. E., 165, 166, 167.
Hooker, T., 7, 75.
Hopkins, E., 407.
Hopkins, S., 405.
Hopkinson, J., 113.
Hovey, A., 398, 405.
Hovey, C. E., 404.
Hovey, E. O., 403.
How, L. B., 345, 366.
Howard, 382.
Howard, T., 12.
Howe, 350.
Howe, G., 140, 336.
Hubbard, H., 400.
Hubbard, H. J., 225.
Hubbard, J., 225, 226, 228, 241, 401, 404.
Hubbard, O. P., 336, 345, 366, 378.
Hubbard, S., 393.
Hubbard, W., 263.
Hudnut, J. O., 403.
Hulbert, C. B., 402.
Hunt, J., 400.
Huntington, C., 7.
Huntington, D., 57.
Huntington Family Memoir, 7.
Huntington, J., 76.
Huntington, M., 7.
Huntington, R., 7.
Hurd, S., 403.
Hutchins, A. E., 407.
Hutchinson, 220.
Hyde, A., 397, 402.
Illinois College, 403.
Jackson, L., 230, 231.
Jackson, W., 397, 402.
Jacob, S., 394.
Jaffrey, G., 51.
James, 350.
Jarvis, R., 405.
Jefferson Medical College, 366.
Jefferson, T., 101.
Jewett, D., 20.
Jewett, L., 400.
Jewett, M. P., 403.
Johnson, D., 71.
Johnson, O., 316, 338, 404.
Johnson, Sir W., 29, 30, 219.
Joy, J. F., 402, 407.
Jubilee College, 402.
Judson, 222.
Keen, R., 39, 42, 70, 222.
Kelly, J., 370.
Kendall, A., 401, 402.
Kendall, T., 57.
Kendrick, J., 403.
Kendrick, M. T., 362.
Kendrick, S., 362.
Kent, G., 186.
Kenyon College, 402.
Kimball, G., 406.
Kimball, R., 255.
Kimball, R. B., 186, 405.
King, C., 278.
King, M. C., 278.
Kingman, Jeremiah, 392.
Kingman, Joseph, 290.
Kingman, M., 290.
Kirkland, J. T., 73.
Kirkland, S., 72, 73.
Kirkland, D., 20.
Kirkland, S., 55.
Kittredge, G. W., 387.
Knapp, S. L., 405.
Knox, 65.
Labaree, B., 402.
Laennec, 361.
Lancaster, D., 257, 260, 309, 312.
Landaff, 36, 70, 81, 83, 116.
Lang, R., 255.
Lang, S. S., 255.
Langdon, S., 17, 18, 20, 43, 65.
Lansing, A. J., 35.
Lawrence, A., 392.
Lebanon, Conn., 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 18, 25, 31, 35, 43, 53, 59, 71, 76, 220, 223.
Ledyard, 45.
Leeds, S. P., 324.
Library, Origin of, 70.
Lincoln, A., 202.
[470]Lincoln, N. S., 403, 406.
Little, A., 276.
Little, E., 20.
Little, J., 276.
Little, M., 276.
Lockwood, J., 52.
Long, C., 228, 316, 329, 330, 331, 336, 404.
Long Island Medical College, 366.
Long, M. C., 329.
Long, S., 329.
Lord, E. K. L., 176.
Lord, J., 168, 405.
Lord, J. K., 337, 397.
Lord, M. P., 168.
Lord, N., 131, 143, 157, 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176, 256, 293, 298, 306, 308, 329, 331, 369, 391, 408.
Lothian, Marquis of, 14.
Lothrop, E., 20.
Louis, 347, 361.
Lowe, A. T., 348.
Lundy's Lane, 407.
Luzerne, Chevalier de, 77.
Lyman, J., 188.
Lyman, J. S., 400.
Lyman, P., 41.
Lyon, A., 400.
Macclion, 78.
Mack, A., 337, 404.
Malgaigne, 361.
Mann, T., 165.
March, C., 22.
Marsh, 9.
Marsh, C., 90, 96, 107, 392, 400.
Marsh, G. P., 400, 401, 405.
Marsh, J., 287, 337, 402, 404.
Marsh, L., 403.
Marshall, J., 113, 122, 189, 195.
Marston, G., 400.
Mason, 9.
Mason, D., 217.
Mason, J., 96, 114, 124, 125, 392, 400.
Mason, S., 217.
Mather, A., 37.
Mattoon, E., 400, 407.
Mayhew, 1.
McClure, D., 8, 58, 65, 221.
McDowell, E., 359.
McFarland, A., 105, 106, 107, 337, 394, 397.
McIntire, R., 400.
McKeen, J., 169, 402.
Meadville Theological Seminary, 136.
Medfield, 6.
Mendon, 6.
Merrill, T. A., 337, 397, 402.
Merton College, 203.
Metcalf, K., 403.
Metcalf, R., 401.
Miami Medical College, 351.
Michie, P. S., 378.
Michigan, University of, 366.
Middlebury College, 133, 241, 351, 402.
Miller, 407.
Miller, O., 401.
Mills, C., 403.
Milton, J., 6.
Minot, B., 241.
Monthly Anthology, 223.
Moody, J., 17, 20.
Moody, M. J., 357.
Moody, Samuel, 211, 214.
Moody, Stephen, 357.
Moore, J., 244.
Moore, M. S., 244.
Moore, Z. S., 90, 241, 244, 246, 247, 248, 256, 402.
More, J., 6, 12, 13, 40.
Morland, W. W., 405.
Morris, G., 40.
Morris, G. S., 403.
Morrison, N. J., 403.
Morse, 6.
Morse, H. B., 306.
Morse, S. F. B., 273, 274, 275.
Morton, 304.
Moseley, S., 12, 20.
Murch, E., 403.
Murch, J., 54.
Mussey, J., 349.
Mussey, R. D., 127, 266, 267, 272, 278, 339, 343, 344, 345, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 356, 406.
Narragansett Fort, 13.
Nason, B., 387.
Nelson, Jeremiah, 400.
Nelson, John, 308, 309.
New Jersey, College of, 13, 23.
Newman, M., 404.
Newton, I., 58.
New York Medical College, 358.
New York, University of, 273, 366.
Nicholl, Sir C. G., 380.
Nicholl, F. C., 380.
Niebuhr, 199, 206, 207.
Niles, J. B., 403.
Niles, N., 89, 394.
Norris, M., 400.
Northern Academy, Formation of Society of, 161, 311.
Norton, J., 6, 20.
Noyes, D. J., 336.
Noyes, E. F., 401.
Noyes, John, 337, 400.
Noyes, Josiah, 337, 403, 406.
Nutting, W., 404.
Oakes, V. B., 407.
Occom, S., 12, 13, 14, 23, 26, 27, 42.
Odlin, W., 17.
Ohio, Medical College of, 268, 351.
[471]Olcott, B., 89.
Olcott, Mills, 393.
Oliver, B. L., 265, 266.
Oliver, D., 87, 256, 263, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 278, 279, 281, 345, 350.
Oliver, F. E., 405.
Oliver, H. K., 258.
Oliver, T., 263.
Oliver, T. F., 263.
Orange, Prince of, 78.
Orcutt, H., 404.
Ordronaux, J., 403, 406.
Orr, B., 400.
Osgood, 350.
Osgood, H., 350.
Pacific University, 403.
Packard, 277.
Packard, T., 397.
Packard, W. A., 337.
Paine, E., 105, 118, 392.
Palermo, Academy of, 270.
Palfrey, J. C., 378.
Palmer, B. R., 406.
Pancoast, 366.
Parish, E., 8, 225.
Park, J., 404, 405.
Parker, E., 162, 369, 384, 393.
Parker, E. H., 405.
Parker, H. E., 337, 365.
Parker, I., 162.
Parker, I. A., 403.
Parker, J., 162, 369, 370, 384, 385, 386, 394, 400.
Parker, W., 46.
Parkhurst, J. L., 287.
Parks, B., 404.
Parris, A. K., 189, 400.
Parsons, S., 18.
Parsons, U., 345, 366.
Patten, W., 10, 217.
Patterson, J. W., 186, 328, 336, 371, 400.
Payson, E., 241.
Payson, M. P., 393.
Payson, S., 394.
Peabody, D., 298, 304, 306, 307, 308, 330, 331.
Peabody, J., 304.
Peabody, L. B., 304.
Peabody, S., 310.
Peaslee, C. H., 400.
Peaslee, E. R., 339, 345, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 405, 406.
Peck, 365.
Pendexter, E., 329.
Pendexter, M. A., 329.
Pennsylvania, University of, 266, 268, 350.
Perkins, A. C., 404.
Perkins, C., 272, 343, 344, 404, 406.
Perley, I., 186, 337, 401.
Perry, J., 338.
Peters, A., 405, 407.
Phelps, A., 45, 46.
Phelps, E. E., 345, 366.
Philbrick, J. D., 404.
Phillips, J., 71, 81, 392.
Philotechnic Society, Formation of, 182.
Physic, 266, 350, 360.
Physicians and Surgeons, College of, 273, 364.
Pickering, J., 267.
Pierce, D., 51.
Pierce, P., 404.
Pike, J., 16, 17, 18.
Pinneo, B., 397.
Pinneo, J., 31, 34.
Pitkin, T., 52.
Pitkin, W., 52.
Plumer, W., 100, 101.
Pomeroy, B., 6, 12, 20, 30, 50, 51.
Poor, D., 397.
Pope, A., 235.
Pope, J., 235.
Porter, 222.
Porter, A. L., 406.
Porter, E., 132, 396, 405.
Portsmouth, Annals of, 15.
Potter, 222.
Powers, P., 20.
Preble, W. P., 265.
Prentiss, S., 394.
Prescott, B. F., 401.
Preston, J., 228.
Preston, R., 226.
Price, 79.
Prince, 53.
Proctor, J. C., 337.
Pulling, E., 267.
Pulling, M. R., 267.
Pumpshire, J., 12.
Punchard, G., 136, 405.
Putnam, A. B. F., 316.
Putnam, D., 403.
Putnam, I. W., 393.
Putnam, J. N., 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 326.
Putnam, S., 316.
Pynchon, W., 263.
Quimby, E. T., 337, 375.
Quimby, G. W., 407.
Quimby, J. H., 403.
Quint, A. H., 405.
Rand, A., 405.
Rawden, Lord, 79.
Redfield, I. F., 401, 405.
Redfield, T. P., 401.
Reed, E. C., 400.
Reed Hall, Erection of, 161.
Reed, W., 388, 394.
[472]Rice, J. H., 304.
Richards, C. S., 404.
Richards, J. D. F., 403.
Richardson, D. F., 403.
Richardson, J., 400.
Richardson, W. M., 113.
Ripley, E. W., 401, 407.
Ripley, J., 217.
Ripley, S., 76, 211, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222, 233.
Roberts, J., 39.
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United Fraternity, Formation of Society of, 85.
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Vindication by Trustees, 94.
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Western Reserve College, 330, 331.
Weston, N., 189, 401.
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[475]

## ERRATA.

Page 22, for Mishech, read Meshech.

" 53, for relation, read relative.

" 60, for Simeon, read Simon.

" 65, for M'Clare, read M'Clure.

" 136, for Meadville College, read Meadville Theological Seminary.

" 182, for Alphæus, read Alpheus.

" 222, for consideratio, read consideratis.

" 241, for nineteen, read fifteen.

" 303, for Furbur, read Farber.

" 349, for Elizabeth, read Elisabeth.

" 420, for Brompton, read Brampton.

" 420, for Calumpton, read Columpton.

" 439, for Bultell, read Bulteel.

Transcriber's Notes:

There is one instance of [=m] which indicates a bar over the m in the original.

The footnote on page 84 does not have an anchor in the text. I have guessed the correct placement is after 'fundamental rules of Arithmetic.'

The footnote on page 167 does not have an anchor in the text. I have guessed the correct placement is after 'were printed by them at about the same period.'

On page 14, it is unclear what the fraction is, but the bottom number is clearly 4, so I have guessed at 1/4. "L66 17s. 7¼d., lawful money."

Inconsistencies in the spelling of names in the Appendix, misspelled words within quoted material (i.e. neccessary), and inconsistencies in hyphenated words have all been retained.

Inconsistencies between spelling in the text and in the Index have been normalized. For instance, Delancey was changed to De Lancey.

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