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Title: The Antiquities of the Jews

Author: Flavius Josephus

Translator: William Whiston

Release Date: October 1, 2001  [EBook #2848]
[Date last updated: September 8, 2006]
[Most recently updated on August 1, 2007]

Edition: 11

Language: English


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The Antiquities of the Jews (1)

by Flavius Josephus




Translated by William Whiston




PREFACE.


1. Those who undertake to write histories, do not, I perceive,
take that trouble on one and the same account, but for many
reasons, and those such as are very different one from another.
For some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to
show their skill in composition, and that they may therein
acquire a reputation for speaking finely: others of them there
are, who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to
be concerned in them, and on that account have spared no pains,
but rather gone beyond their own abilities in the performance:
but others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven
to write history, because they are concerned in the facts, and so
cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the
advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced
to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to
produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the
great importance of the facts themselves with which they have
been concerned. Now of these several reasons for writing history,
I must profess the two last were my own reasons also; for since I
was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the
Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what
conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it,
because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in
their writings.

2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will
appear to all the Greeks (2) worthy of their study; for it will
contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our
government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures. And
indeed I did formerly intend, when I wrote of the war, (3) to
explain who the Jews originally were, - what fortunes they had
been subject to, - and by what legislature they had been
instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues, - what
wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were
unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans: but because
this work would take up a great compass, I separated it into a
set treatise by itself, with a beginning of its own, and its own
conclusion; but in process of time, as usually happens to such as
undertake great things, I grew weary and went on slowly, it being
a large subject, and a difficult thing to translate our history
into a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language. However, some
persons there were who desired to know our history, and so
exhorted me to go on with it; and, above all the rest,
Epaphroditus, (4) a man who is a lover of all kind of learning,
but is principally delighted with the knowledge of history, and
this on account of his having been himself concerned in great
affairs, and many turns of fortune, and having shown a wonderful
rigor of an excellent nature, and an immovable virtuous
resolution in them all. I yielded to this man's persuasions, who
always excites such as have abilities in what is useful and
acceptable, to join their endeavors with his. I was also ashamed
myself to permit any laziness of disposition to have a greater
influence upon me, than the delight of taking pains in such
studies as were very useful: I thereupon stirred up myself, and
went on with my work more cheerfully. Besides the foregoing
motives, I had others which I greatly reflected on; and these
were, that our forefathers were willing to communicate such
things to others; and that some of the Greeks took considerable
pains to know the affairs of our nation.

3. I found, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a
king who was extraordinarily diligent in what concerned learning,
and the collection of books; that he was also peculiarly
ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the
constitution of our government therein contained, into the Greek
tongue. Now Eleazar the high priest, one not inferior to any
other of that dignity among us, did not envy the forenamed king
the participation of that advantage, which otherwise he would for
certain have denied him, but that he knew the custom of our
nation was, to hinder nothing of what we esteemed ourselves from
being communicated to others. Accordingly, I thought it became me
both to imitate the generosity of our high priest, and to suppose
there might even now be many lovers of learning like the king;
for he did not obtain all our writings at that time; but those
who were sent to Alexandria as interpreters, gave him only the
books of the law, while there were a vast number of other matters
in our sacred books. They, indeed, contain in them the history of
five thousand years; in which time happened many strange
accidents, many chances of war, and great actions of the
commanders, and mutations of the form of our government. Upon the
whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn
from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible
degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then
it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break
his excellent laws: and that so far as men any way apostatize
from the accurate observation of them, what was practical before
becomes impracticable (5) and whatsoever they set about as a good
thing, is converted into an incurable calamity. And now I exhort
all those that peruse these books, to apply their minds to God;
and to examine the mind of our legislator, whether he hath not
understood his nature in a manner worthy of him; and hath not
ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power, and
hath not preserved his writings from those indecent fables which
others have framed, although, by the great distance of time when
he lived, he might have securely forged such lies; for he lived
two thousand years ago; at which vast distance of ages the poets
themselves have not been so hardy as to fix even the generations
of their gods, much less the actions of their men, or their own
laws. As I proceed, therefore, I shall accurately describe what
is contained in our records, in the order of time that belongs to
them; for I have already promised so to do throughout this
undertaking; and this without adding any thing to what is therein
contained, or taking away any thing therefrom.

4. But because almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom
of Moses, our legislator, I cannot avoid saying somewhat
concerning him beforehand, though I shall do it briefly; I mean,
because otherwise those that read my book may wonder how it comes
to pass, that my discourse, which promises an account of laws and
historical facts, contains so much of philosophy. The reader is
therefore to know, that Moses deemed it exceeding necessary, that
he who would conduct his own life well, and give laws to others,
in the first place should consider the Divine nature; and, upon
the contemplation of God's operations, should thereby imitate the
best of all patterns, so far as it is possible for human nature
to do, and to endeavor to follow after it: neither could the
legislator himself have a right mind without such a
contemplation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the
promotion of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless they be taught
first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things, and
sees all things, and that thence he bestows a happy life upon
those that follow him; but plunges such as do not walk in the
paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. Now when Moses was
desirous to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did not begin
the establishment of his laws after the same manner that other
legislators did; I mean, upon contracts and other rights between
one man and another, but by raising their minds upwards to regard
God, and his creation of the world; and by persuading them, that
we men are the most excellent of the creatures of God upon earth.
Now when once he had brought them to submit to religion, he
easily persuaded them to submit in all other things: for as to
other legislators, they followed fables, and by their discourses
transferred the most reproachful of human vices unto the gods,
and afforded wicked men the most plausible excuses for their
crimes; but as for our legislator, when he had once demonstrated
that God was possessed of perfect virtue, he supposed that men
also ought to strive after the participation of it; and on those
who did not so think, and so believe, he inflicted the severest
punishments. I exhort, therefore, my readers to examine this
whole undertaking in that view; for thereby it will appear to
them, that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the
majesty of God, or to his love to mankind; for all things have
here a reference to the nature of the universe; while our
legislator speaks some things wisely, but enigmatically, and
others under a decent allegory, but still explains such things as
required a direct explication plainly and expressly. However,
those that have a mind to know the reasons of every thing, may
find here a very curious philosophical theory, which I now indeed
shall wave the explication of; but if God afford me time for it,
I will set about writing it (6) after I have finished the present
work. I shall now betake myself to the history before me, after I
have first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the
world, which I find described in the sacred books after the
manner following.




BOOK I.

Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And
Thirty-Three Years.

From The Creation To The Death Of Isaac.

CHAPTER 1.

The Constitution Of The World And The Disposition Of The
Elements.


1. In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. But
when the earth did not come into sight, but was covered with
thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded
that there should be light: and when that was made, he considered
the whole mass, and separated the light and the darkness; and the
name he gave to one was Night, and the other he called Day: and
he named the beginning of light, and the time of rest, The
Evening and The Morning, and this was indeed the first day. But
Moses said it was one day; the cause of which I am able to give
even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons for
all things in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its
exposition till that time. After this, on the second day, he
placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the
other parts, and he determined it should stand by itself. He also
placed a crystalline [firmament] round it, and put it together in
a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving
moisture and rain, and for affording the advantage of dews. On
the third day he appointed the dry land to appear, with the sea
itself round about it; and on the very same day he made the
plants and the seeds to spring out of the earth. On the fourth
day he adorned the heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other
stars, and appointed them their motions and courses, that the
vicissitudes of the seasons might be clearly signified. And on
the fifth day he produced the living creatures, both those that
swim, and those that fly; the former in the sea, the latter in
the air: he also sorted them as to society and mixture, for
procreation, and that their kinds might increase and multiply. On
the sixth day he created the four-footed beasts, and made them
male and female: on the same day he also formed man. Accordingly
Moses says, That in just six days the world, and all that is
therein, was made. And that the seventh day was a rest, and a
release from the labor of such operations; whence it is that we
Celebrate a rest from our labors on that day, and call it the
Sabbath, which word denotes rest in the Hebrew tongue.

2. Moreover, Moses, after the seventh day was over(1) begins to
talk philosophically; and concerning the formation of man, says
thus: That God took dust from the ground, and formed man, and
inserted in him a spirit and a soul.(2) This man was called Adam,
which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that is red, because he
was formed out of red earth, compounded together; for of that
kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living
creatures, when he had made them, according to their kinds, both
male and female, to Adam, who gave them those names by which they
are still called. But when he saw that Adam had no female
companion, no society, for there was no such created, and that he
wondered at the other animals which were male and female, he laid
him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and out of it formed
the woman; whereupon Adam knew her when she was brought to him,
and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is
called in the Hebrew tongue Issa; but the name of this woman was
Eve, which signifies the mother of all living.

3. Moses says further, that God planted a paradise in the east,
flourishing with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the
tree of life, and another of knowledge, whereby was to be known
what was good and evil; and that when he brought Adam and his
wife into this garden, he commanded them to take care of the
plants. Now the garden was watered by one river,(3) which ran
round about the whole earth, and was parted into four parts. And
Phison, which denotes a multitude, running into India, makes its
exit into the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. Euphrates
also, as well as Tigris, goes down into the Red Sea.(4) Now the
name Euphrates, or Phrath, denotes either a dispersion, or a
flower: by Tiris, or Diglath, is signified what is swift, with
narrowness; and Geon runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises
from the east, which the Greeks call Nile.

4. God therefore commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of
all the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of
knowledge; and foretold to them, that if they touched it, it
would prove their destruction. But while all the living creatures
had one language, (5) at that time the serpent, which then lived
together with Adam and his wife, shewed an envious disposition,
at his supposal of their living happily, and in obedience to the
commands of God; and imagining, that when they disobeyed them,
they would fall into calamities, he persuaded the woman, out of a
malicious intention, to taste of the tree of knowledge, telling
them, that in that tree was the knowledge of good and evil; which
knowledge, when they should obtain, they would lead a happy life;
nay, a life not inferior to that of a god: by which means he
overcame the woman, and persuaded her to despise the command of
God. Now when she had tasted of that tree, and was pleased with
its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make use of it also. Upon this
they perceived that they were become naked to one another; and
being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they invented somewhat to
cover them; for the tree sharpened their understanding; and they
covered themselves with fig-leaves; and tying these before them,
out of modesty, they thought they were happier than they were
before, as they had discovered what they were in want of. But
when God came into the garden, Adam, who was wont before to come
and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behavior,
went out of the way. This behavior surprised God; and he asked
what was the cause of this his procedure; and why he, that before
delighted in that conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid
it. When he made no reply, as conscious to himself that he had
transgressed the command of God, God said, "I had before
determined about you both, how you might lead a happy life,
without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul; and that
all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure
should grow up by my providence, of their own accord, without
your own labor and pains-taking; which state of labor and
pains-taking would soon bring on old age, and death would not be
at any remote distance: but now thou hast abused this my
good-will, and hast disobeyed my commands; for thy silence is not
the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil conscience." However,
Adam excused his sin, and entreated God not to be angry at him,
and laid the blame of what was done upon his wife; and said that
he was deceived by her, and thence became an offender; while she
again accused the serpent. But God allotted him punishment,
because he weakly submitted to the counsel of his wife; and said
the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits of its own
accord, but that when it should be harassed by their labor, it
should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth
others. He also made Eve liable to the inconveniency of breeding,
and the sharp pains of bringing forth children; and this because
she persuaded Adam with the same arguments wherewith the serpent
had persuaded her, and had thereby brought him into a calamitous
condition. He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of
indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides
this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy
to men; and suggested to them, that they should direct their
strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his
mischievous designs towards men, and it being easiest to take
vengeance on him, that way. And when he had deprived him of the
use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and
dragging himself upon the ground. And when God had appointed
these penalties for them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the
garden into another place.




CHAPTER 2.

Concerning The Posterity Of Adam, And The Ten Generations From
Him To The Deluge.


1. Adam and Eve had two sons: the elder of them was named Cain;
which name, when it is interpreted, signifies a possession: the
younger was Abel, which signifies sorrow. They had also
daughters. Now the two brethren were pleased with different
courses of life: for Abel, the younger, was a lover of
righteousness; and believing that God was present at all his
actions, he excelled in virtue; and his employment was that of a
shepherd. But Cain was not only very wicked in other respects,
but was wholly intent upon getting; and he first contrived to
plough the ground. He slew his brother on the occasion following:--
They had resolved to sacrifice to God. Now Cain brought the
fruits of the earth, and of his husbandry; but Abel brought milk,
and the first-fruits of his flocks: but God was more delighted
with the latter oblation,(6) when he was honored with what grew
naturally of its own accord, than he was with what was the
invention of a covetous man, and gotten by forcing the ground;
whence it was that Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred by
God before him; and he slew his brother, and hid his dead body,
thinking to escape discovery. But God, knowing what had been
done, came to Cain, and asked him what was become of his brother,
because he had not seen him of many days; whereas he used to
observe them conversing together at other times. But Cain was in
doubt with himself, and knew not what answer to give to God. At
first he said that he was himself at a loss about his brother's
disappearing; but when he was provoked by God, who pressed him
vehemently, as resolving to know what the matter was, he replied,
he was not his brother's guardian or keeper, nor was he an
observer of what he did. But, in return, God convicted Cain, as
having been the murderer of his brother; and said, "I wonder at
thee, that thou knowest not what is become of a man whom thou
thyself hast destroyed." God therefore did not inflict the
punishment [of death] upon him, on account of his offering
sacrifice, and thereby making supplication to him not to be
extreme in his wrath to him; but he made him accursed, and
threatened his posterity in the seventh generation. He also cast
him, together with his wife, out of that land. And when he was
afraid that in wandering about he should fall among Wild beasts,
and by that means perish, God bid him not to entertain such a
melancholy suspicion, and to go over all the earth without fear
of what mischief he might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a
mark upon him, that he might be known, he commanded him to
depart.

2. And when Cain had traveled over many countries, he, with his
wife, built a city, named Nod, which is a place so called, and
there he settled his abode; where also he had children. However,
he did not accept of his punishment in order to amendment, but to
increase his wickedness; for he only aimed to procure every thing
that was for his own bodily pleasure, though it obliged him to be
injurious to his neighbors. He augmented his household substance
with much wealth, by rapine and violence; he excited his
acquaintance to procure pleasures and spoils by robbery, and
became a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also
introduced a change in that way of simplicity wherein men lived
before; and was the author of measures and weights. And whereas
they lived innocently and generously while they knew nothing of
such arts, he changed the world into cunning craftiness. He first
of all set boundaries about lands: he built a city, and fortified
it with walls, and he compelled his family to come together to
it; and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son
Enoch. Now Jared was the son of Enoch; whose son was Malaliel;
whose son was Mathusela; whose son was Lamech; who had
seventy-seven children by two wives, Silla and Ada. Of those
children by Ada, one was Jabal: he erected tents, and loved the
life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother
with him, exercised himself in music;(7) and invented the
psaltery and the harp. But Tubal, one of his children by the
other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and
famous in martial performances. He procured what tended to the
pleasures of the body by that method; and first of all invented
the art of making brass. Lamech was also the father of a
daughter, whose name was Naamah. And because he was so skillful
in matters of divine revelation, that he knew he was to be
punished for Cain's murder of his brother, he made that known to
his wives. Nay, even while Adam was alive, it came to pass that
the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked, every one
successively dying, one after another, more wicked than the
former. They were intolerable in war, and vehement in robberies;
and if any one were slow to murder people, yet was he bold in his
profligate behavior, in acting unjustly, and doing injuries for
gain.

3. Now Adam, who was the first man, and made out of the earth,
(for our discourse must now be about him,) after Abel was slain,
and Cain fled away, on account of his murder, was solicitous for
posterity, and had a vehement desire of children, he being two
hundred and thirty years old; after which time he lived other
seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed many other
children,(8) but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it would be
tedious to name them; I will therefore only endeavor to give an
account of those that proceeded from Seth. Now this Seth, when he
was brought up, and came to those years in which he could discern
what was good, became a virtuous man; and as he was himself of an
excellent character, so did he leave children behind him who
imitated his virtues.(9) All these proved to be of good
dispositions. They also inhabited the same country without
dissensions, and in a happy condition, without any misfortunes
falling upon them, till they died. They also were the inventors
of that peculiar sort of wisdom which is concerned with the
heavenly bodies, and their order. And that their inventions might
not be lost before they were sufficiently known, upon Adam's
prediction that the world was to be destroyed at one time by the
force of fire, and at another time by the violence and quantity
of water, they made two pillars, (10) the one of brick, the other
of stone: they inscribed their discoveries on them both, that in
case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the flood, the
pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those discoveries to
mankind; and also inform them that there was another pillar of
brick erected by them. Now this remains in the land of Siriad to
this day.




CHAPTER 3.

Concerning The Flood; And After What Manner Noah Was Saved In An
Ark, With His Kindred, And Afterwards Dwelt In The Plain Of
Shinar.


1. Now this posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord
of the universe, and to have an entire regard to virtue, for
seven generations; but in process of time they were perverted,
and forsook the practices of their forefathers; and did neither
pay those honors to God which were appointed them, nor had they
any concern to do justice towards men. But for what degree of
zeal they had formerly shown for virtue, they now showed by their
actions a double degree of wickedness, whereby they made God to
be their enemy. For many angels(11) of God accompanied with
women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers of all
that was good, on account of the confidence they had in their own
strength; for the tradition is, that these men did what resembled
the acts of those whom the Grecians call giants. But Noah was
very uneasy at what they did; and being displeased at their
conduct, persuaded them to change their dispositions and their
acts for the better: but seeing they did not yield to him, but
were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid they would
kill him, together with his wife and children, and those they had
married; so he departed out of that land.

2. Now God loved this man for his righteousness: yet he not only
condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determined to
destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that
should be pure from wickedness; and cutting short their lives,
and making their years not so many as they formerly lived, but
one hundred and twenty only,(12) he turned the dry land into sea;
and thus were all these men destroyed: but Noah alone was saved;
for God suggested to him the following contrivance and way of
escape:-- That he should make an ark of four stories high, three
hundred cubits(13) long, fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits
high. Accordingly he entered into that ark, and his wife, and
sons, and their wives, and put into it not only other provisions,
to support their wants there, but also sent in with the rest all
sorts of living creatures, the male and his female, for the
preservation of their kinds; and others of them by sevens. Now
this ark had firm walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross
beams, so that it could not be any way drowned or overborne by
the violence of the water. And thus was Noah, with his family,
preserved. Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being the son of
Lamech, whose father was Mathusela; he was the son of Enoch, the
son of Jared; and Jared was the son of Malaleel, who, with many
of his sisters, were the children of Cainan, the son of Enos. Now
Enos was the son of Seth, the son of Adam.

3. This calamity happened in the six hundredth year of Noah's
government, [age,] in the second month, (14) called by the
Macedonians Dius, but by the Hebrews Marchesuan: for so did they
order their year in Egypt. But Moses appointed that ú Nisan,
which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month for
their festivals, because he brought them out of Egypt in that
month: so that this month began the year as to all the
solemnities they observed to the honor of God, although he
preserved the original order of the months as to selling and
buying, and other ordinary affairs. Now he says that this flood
began on the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the
forementioned month; and this was two thousand six hundred and
fifty-six [one thousand six hundred and fifty-six] years from
Adam, the first man; and the time is written down in our sacred
books, those who then lived having noted down,(15) with great
accuracy, both the births and deaths of illustrious men.

4. For indeed Seth was born when Adam was in his two hundred and
thirtieth year, who lived nine hundred and thirty years. Seth
begat Enos in his two hundred and fifth year; who, when he had
lived nine hundred and twelve years, delivered the government to
Cainan his son, whom he had in his hundred and ninetieth year. He
lived nine hundred and five years. Cainan, when he had lived nine
hundred and ten years, had his son Malaleel, who was born in his
hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having lived eight
hundred and ninety-five years, died, leaving his son Jared, whom
he begat when he was in his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He
lived nine hundred and sixty-two years; and then his son Enoch
succeeded him, who was born when his father was one hundred and
sixty-two years old. Now he, when he had lived three hundred and
sixty-five years, departed and went to God; whence it is that
they have not written down his death. Now Mathusela, the son of
Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hundred and sixty-five
years old, had Lamech for his son when he was one hundred and
eighty-seven years of age; to whom he delivered the government,
when he had retained it nine hundred and sixty-nine years. Now
Lamech, when he had governed seven hundred and seventy-seven
years, appointed Noah, his son, to be ruler of the people, who
was born to Lamech when he was one hundred and eighty-two years
old, and retained the government nine hundred and fifty years.
These years collected together make up the sum before set down.
But let no one inquire into the deaths of these men; for they
extended their lives along together with their children and
grandchildren; but let him have regard to their births only.

5. When God gave the signal, and it began to rain, the water
poured down forty entire days, till it became fifteen cubits
higher than the earth; which was the reason why there was no
greater number preserved, since they had no place to fly to. When
the rain ceased, the water did but just begin to abate after one
hundred and fifty days, (that is, on the seventeenth day of the
seventh month,) it then ceasing to subside for a little while.
After this, the ark rested on the top of a certain mountain in
Armenia; which, when Noah understood, he opened it; and seeing a
small piece of land about it, he continued quiet, and conceived
some cheerful hopes of deliverance. But a few days afterward,
when the water was decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a
raven, as desirous to learn whether any other part of the earth
were left dry by the water, and whether he might go out of the
ark with safety; but the raven, finding all the land still
overflowed, returned to Noah again. And after seven days he sent
out a dove, to know the state of the ground; which came back to
him covered with mud, and bringing an olive branch: hereby Noah
learned that the earth was become clear of the flood. So after he
had staid seven more days, he sent the living creatures out of
the ark; and both he and his family went out, when he also
sacrificed to God, and feasted with his companions. However, the
Armenians call this place, (GREEK) (16) The Place of Descent; for
the ark being saved in that place, its remains are shown there by
the inhabitants to this day.

6. Now all the writers of barbarian histories make mention of
this flood, and of this ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean.
For when he is describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes
on thus: "It is said there is still some part of this ship in
Armenia, at the mountain of the Cordyaeans; and that some people
carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they take away, and use
chiefly as amulets for the averting of mischiefs." Hieronymus the
Egyptian also, who wrote the Phoenician Antiquities, and Mnaseas,
and a great many more, make mention of the same. Nay, Nicolaus of
Damascus, in his ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation
about them; where he speaks thus: "There is a great mountain in
Armenia, over Minyas, called Baris, upon which it is reported
that many who fled at the time of the Deluge were saved; and that
one who was carried in an ark came on shore upon the top of it;
and that the remains of the timber were a great while preserved.
This might be the man about whom Moses the legislator of the Jews
wrote."

7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to
destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he
offered burnt-offerings, and besought God that nature might
hereafter go on in its former orderly course, and that he would
not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole
race of creatures might be in danger of destruction: but that,
having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare
the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be
delivered from so severe a calamity; for that otherwise these
last must be more miserable than the first, and that they must be
condemned to a worse condition than the others, unless they be
suffered to escape entirely; that is, if they be reserved for
another deluge; while they must be afflicted with the terror and
sight of the first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a
second. He also entreated God to accept of his sacrifice, and to
grant that the earth might never again undergo the like effects
of 'his wrath; that men might be permitted to go on cheerfully in
cultivating the same; to build cities, and live happily in them;
and that they might not be deprived of any of those good things
which they enjoyed before the Flood; but might attain to the like
length of days, and old age, which the ancient people had arrived
at before.

8. When Noah had made these supplications, God, who loved the man
for his righteousness, granted entire success to his prayers, and
said, that it was not he who brought the destruction on a
polluted world, but that they underwent that vengeance on account
of their own wickedness; and that he had not brought men into the
world if he had himself determined to destroy them, it being an
instance of greater wisdom not to have granted them life at all,
than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction; "But
the injuries," said he, "they offered to my holiness and virtue,
forced me to bring this punishment upon them. But I will leave
off for the time to come to require such punishments, the effects
of so great wrath, for their future wicked actions, and
especially on account of thy prayers. But if I shall at any time
send tempests of rain, in an extraordinary manner, be not
affrighted at the largeness of the showers; for the water shall
no more overspread the earth. However, I require you to abstain
from shedding the blood of men, and to keep yourselves pure from
murder; and to punish those that commit any such thing. I permit
you to make use of all the other living creatures at your
pleasure, and as your appetites lead you; for I have made you
lords of them all, both of those that walk on the land, and those
that swim in the waters, and of those that fly in the regions of
the air on high, excepting their blood, for therein is the life.
But I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger by my
bow [whereby is meant the rainbow, for they determined that the
rainbow was the bow of God]. And when God had said and promised
thus, he went away.

9. Now when Noah had lived three hundred and fifty years after
the Flood, and that all that time happily, he died, having lived
the number of nine hundred and fifty years. But let no one, upon
comparing the lives of the ancients with our lives, and with the
few years which we now live, think that what we have said of them
is false; or make the shortness of our lives at present an
argument, that neither did they attain to so long a duration of
life, for those ancients were beloved of God, and [lately] made
by God himself; and because their food was then fitter for the
prolongation of life, might well live so great a number of years:
and besides, God afforded them a longer time of life on account
of their virtue, and the good use they made of it in astronomical
and geometrical discoveries, which would not have afforded the
time of foretelling [the periods of the stars] unless they had
lived six hundred years; for the great year is completed in that
interval. Now I have for witnesses to what I have said, all those
that have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and
barbarians; for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and
Berosus, who collected the Chaldean Monuments, and Mochus, and
Hestieus, and, besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those
who composed the Phoenician History, agree to what I here say:
Hesiod also, and Hecatseus, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and,
besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate that the ancients
lived a thousand years. But as to these matters, let every one
look upon them as he thinks fit.




CHAPTER 4.

Concerning The Tower Of Babylon, And The Confusion Of Tongues.


1. Now the sons of Noah were three, - Shem, Japhet, and Ham, born
one hundred years before the Deluge. These first of all descended
from the mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation
there; and persuaded others who were greatly afraid of the lower
grounds on account of the flood, and so were very loath to come
down from the higher places, to venture to follow their examples.
Now the plain in which they first dwelt was called Shinar. God
also commanded them to send colonies abroad, for the thorough
peopling of the earth, that they might not raise seditions among
themselves, but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and
enjoy its fruits after a plentiful manner. But they were so ill
instructed that they did not obey God; for which reason they fell
into calamities, and were made sensible, by experience, of what
sin they had been guilty: for when they flourished with a
numerous youth, God admonished them again to send out colonies;
but they, imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not derived
from the favor of God, but supposing that their own power was the
proper cause of the plentiful condition they were in, did not
obey him. Nay, they added to this their disobedience to the
Divine will, the suspicion that they were therefore ordered to
send out separate colonies, that, being divided asunder, they
might the more easily be Oppressed.

2. Now it was Nimrod who excited them to such an affront and
contempt of God. He was the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah, a
bold man, and of great strength of hand. He persuaded them not to
ascribe it to God, as if it was through his means they were
happy, but to believe that it was their own courage which
procured that happiness. He also gradually changed the government
into tyranny, seeing no other way of turning men from the fear of
God, but to bring them into a constant dependence on his power.
He also said he would be revenged on God, if he should have a
mind to drown the world again; for that he would build a tower
too high for the waters to be able to reach! and that he would
avenge himself on God for destroying their forefathers!

3. Now the multitude were very ready to follow the determination
of Nimrod, and to esteem it a piece of cowardice to submit to
God; and they built a tower, neither sparing any pains, nor being
in any degree negligent about the work: and, by reason of the
multitude of hands employed in it, it grew very high, sooner than
any one could expect; but the thickness of it was so great, and
it was so strongly built, that thereby its great height seemed,
upon the view, to be less than it really was. It was built of
burnt brick, cemented together with mortar, made of bitumen, that
it might not be liable to admit water. When God saw that they
acted so madly, he did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since
they were not grown wiser by the destruction of the former
sinners; but he caused a tumult among them, by producing in them
divers languages, and causing that, through the multitude of
those languages, they should not be able to understand one
another. The place wherein they built the tower is now called
Babylon, because of the confusion of that language which they
readily understood before; for the Hebrews mean by the word
Babel, confusion. The Sibyl also makes mention of this tower, and
of the confusion of the language, when she says thus: "When all
men were of one language, some of them built a high tower, as if
they would thereby ascend up to heaven, but the gods sent storms
of wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his peculiar
language; and for this reason it was that the city was called
Babylon." But as to the plan of Shinar, in the country of
Babylonia, Hestiaeus mentions it, when he says thus: "Such of the
priests as were saved, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter
Enyalius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia."




CHAPTER 5.

After What Manner The Posterity Of Noah Sent Out Colonies, And
Inhabited The Whole Earth.


1. After this they were dispersed abroad, on account of their
languages, and went out by colonies every where; and each colony
took possession of that land which they light upon, and unto
which God led them; so that the whole continent was filled with
them, both the inland and the maritime countries. There were some
also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited the islands:
and some of those nations do still retain the denominations which
were given them by their first founders; but some have lost them
also, and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that
they might be the more intelligible to the inhabitants. And they
were the Greeks who became the authors of such mutations. For
when in after-ages they grew potent, they claimed to themselves
the glory of antiquity; giving names to the nations that sounded
well (in Greek) that they might be better understood among
themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them,
as if they were a people derived from themselves.




CHAPTER 6.

How Every Nation Was Denominated From Their
First Inhabitants.


1. Now they were the grandchildren of Noah, in honor of whom
names were imposed on the nations by those that first seized upon
them. Japhet, the son of Noah, had seven sons: they inhabited so,
that, beginning at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they
proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Tansis, and along
Europe to Cadiz; and settling themselves on the lands which they
light upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the
nations by their own names. For Gomer founded those whom the
Greeks now call Galatians, [Galls,] but were then called
Gomerites. Magog founded those that from him were named
Magogites, but who are by the Greeks called Scythians. Now as to
Javan and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came the Madeans,
who are called Medes, by the Greeks; but from Javan, Ionia, and
all the Grecians, are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites, who
are now called Iberes; and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch;
now they are Cappadocians. There is also a mark of their ancient
denomination still to be shown; for there is even now among them
a city called Mazaca, which may inform those that are able to
understand, that so was the entire nation once called. Thiras
also called those whom he ruled over Thirasians; but the Greeks
changed the name into Thracians. And so many were the countries
that had the children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of the
three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded the Aschanaxians, who are
now called by the Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found the
Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians; and Thrugramma the
Thrugrammeans, who, as the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians.
Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of Japhet, Elisa gave
name to the Eliseans, who were his subjects; they are now the
Aeolians. Tharsus to the Tharsians, for so was Cilicia of old
called; the sign of which is this, that the noblest city they
have, and a metropolis also, is Tarsus, the tau being by change
put for the theta. Cethimus possessed the island Cethima: it is
now called Cyprus; and from that it is that all islands, and the
greatest part of the sea-coasts, are named Cethim by the Hebrews:
and one city there is in Cyprus that has been able to preserve
its denomination; it has been called Citius by those who use the
language of the Greeks, and has not, by the use of that dialect,
escaped the name of Cethim. And so many nations have the children
and grandchildren of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premised
somewhat, which perhaps the Greeks do not know, I will return and
explain what I have omitted; for such names are pronounced here
after the manner of the Greeks, to please my readers; for our own
country language does not so pronounce them: but the names in all
cases are of one and the same ending; for the name we here
pronounce Noeas, is there Noah, and in every case retains the
same termination.

2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus,
and the mountains of Libanus; seizing upon all that was on its
sea-coasts, and as far as the ocean, and keeping it as their own.
Some indeed of its names are utterly vanished away; others of
them being changed, and another sound given them, are hardly to
be discovered; yet a few there are which have kept their
denominations entire. For of the four sons of Ham, time has not
at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, over whom he
reigned, are even at this day, both by themselves and by all men
in Asia, called Chusites. The memory also of the Mesraites is
preserved in their name; for all we who inhabit this country [of
Judea] called Egypt Mestre, and the Egyptians Mestreans. Phut
also was the founder of Libya, and called the inhabitants
Phutites, from himself: there is also a river in the country of
Moors which bears that name; whence it is that we may see the
greatest part of the Grecian historiographers mention that river
and the adjoining country by the apellation of Phut: but the
name it has now has been by change given it from one of the sons
of Mesraim, who was called Lybyos. We will inform you presently
what has been the occasion why it has been called Africa also.
Canaan, the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country now called
Judea, and called it from his own name Canaan. The children of
these [four] were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans; Evilas,
who founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli; Sabathes founded
the Sabathens, they are now called by the Greeks Astaborans;
Sabactas settled the Sabactens; and Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he
had two sons, the one of whom, Judadas, settled the Judadeans, a
nation of the western Ethiopians, and left them his name; as did
Sabas to the Sabeans: but Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid and
tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already informed you. Now all
the children of Mesraim, being eight in number, possessed the
country from Gaza to Egypt, though it retained the name of one
only, the Philistim; for the Greeks call part of that country
Palestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Enemim, and Labim, who
alone inhabited in Libya, and called the country from himself,
Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cephthorim, we know
nothing of them besides their names; for the Ethiopic war(17)
which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those
cities were overthrown. The sons of Canaan were these: Sidonius,
who also built a city of the same name; it is called by the
Greeks Sidon
Amathus inhabited in Amathine, which is even now called Amathe by
the inhabitants, although the Macedonians named it Epiphania,
from one of his posterity: Arudeus possessed the island Aradus:
Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Libanus. But for the seven
others, [Eueus,] Chetteus, Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus,
Sineus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred books but their
names, for the Hebrews overthrew their cities; and their
calamities came upon them on the occasion following.

3. Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its
former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had
planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had
gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for
use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted, and, being drunk, he fell
asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When his youngest
son saw this, he came laughing, and showed him to his brethren;
but they covered their father's nakedness. And when Noah was made
sensible of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his
other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his
nearness in blood, but cursed his prosperity: and when the rest
of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of
Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter.

4. Shem, the third son of Noah, had five sons, who inhabited the
land that began at Euphrates, and reached to the Indian Ocean.
For Elam left behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the
Persians. Ashur lived at the city Nineve; and named his subjects
Assyrians, who became the most fortunate nation, beyond others.
Arphaxad named the Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans.
Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians; as Laud
founded the Laudites, which are now called Lydians. Of the four
sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country
lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and
Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called
Charax Spasini. Sala was the son of Arphaxad; and his son was
Heber, from whom they originally called the Jews Hebrews. (18)
Heber begat Joetan and Phaleg: he was called Phaleg, because he
was born at the dispersion of the nations to their several
countries; for Phaleg among the Hebrews signifies division. Now
Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad,
Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael,
Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from Cophen, an
Indian river, and in part of Asia adjoining to it. And this shall
suffice concerning the sons of Shem.

5. I will now treat of the Hebrews. The son of Phaleg, whose
father Was Heber, was Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was
born Nahor; his son was Terah, who was the father of Abraham, who
accordingly was the tenth from Noah, and was born in the two
hundred and ninety-second year after the deluge; for Terah begat
Abram in his seventieth year. Nahor begat Haran when he was one
hundred and twenty years old; Nahor was born to Serug in his
hundred and thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one hundred
and thirty; at the same age also Phaleg had Ragau; Heber begat
Phaleg in his hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being
begotten by Sala when he was a hundred and thirty years old, whom
Arphaxad had for his son at the hundred and thirty-fifth year of
his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem, and born twelve years
after the deluge. Now Abram had two brethren, Nahor and Haran: of
these Haran left a son, Lot; as also Sarai and Milcha his
daughters; and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of the
Chaldeans, called Ur; and his monument is shown to this day.
These married their nieces. Nabor married Milcha, and Abram
married Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea, on account of his
mourning for Ilaran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia,
where Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived to be two
hundred and five years old; for the life of man was already, by
degrees, diminished, and became shorter than before, till the
birth of Moses; after whom the term of human life was one hundred
and twenty years, God determining it to the length that Moses
happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by Milcha; Uz and Buz,
Kemuel, Chesed, Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These were
all the genuine sons of Nahor; for Teba, and Gaam, and Tachas,
and Maaca, were born of Reuma his concubine: but Bethuel had a
daughter, Rebecca, and a son, Laban.




CHAPTER 7.

How Abram Our Forefather Went Out Of The Land Of The Chaldeans,
And Lived In The Land Then Called Canaan But Now Judea.


1. Now Abram, having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother
Haran's son, and his wife Sarai's brother; and he left the land
of Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old, and at the command
of God went into Canaan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left
it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for
understanding all things and persuading his hearers, and not
mistaken in his opinions; for which reason he began to have
higher notions of virtue than others had, and he determined to
renew and to change the opinion all men happened then to have
concerning God; for he was the first that ventured to publish
this notion, That there was but one God, the Creator of the
universe; and that, as to other [gods], if they contributed any
thing to the happiness of men, that each of them afforded it only
according to his appointment, and not by their own power. This
his opinion was derived from the irregular phenomena that were
visible both at land and sea, as well as those that happen to the
sun, and moon, and all the heavenly bodies, thus:-- "If [said he]
these bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take
care of their own regular motions; but since they do not preserve
such regularity, they make it plain, that in so far as they
co-operate to our advantage, they do it not of their own
abilities, but as they are subservient to Him that commands them,
to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honor and
thanksgiving." For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans, and other
people of Mesopotamia, raised a tumult against him, he thought
fit to leave that country; and at the command and by the
assistance of God, he came and lived in the land of Canaan. And
when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed a
sacrifice to God.

2. Berosus mentions our father Abram without naming him, when he
says thus: "In the tenth generation after the Flood, there was
among the Chaldeans a man righteous and great, and skillful in
the celestial science." But Hecatseus does more than barely
mention him; for he composed, and left behind him, a book
concerning him. And Nicolaus of Damascus, in the fourth book of
his History, says thus: "Abram reigned at Damascus, being a
foreigner, who came with an army out of the land above Babylon,
called the land of the Chaldeans: but, after a long time, he got
him up, and removed from that country also, with his people, and
went into the land then called the land of Canaan, but now the
land of Judea, and this when his posterity were become a
multitude; as to which posterity of his, we relate their history
in another work. Now the name of Abram is even still famous in
the country of Damascus; and there is shown a village named from
him, The Habitation of Abram."




CHAPTER 8.

That When There Was A Famine In Canaan, Abram Went Thence Into
Egypt; And After He Had Continued There A While He Returned Back
Again.


1. Now, after this, when a famine had invaded the land of Canaan,
and Abram had discovered that the Egyptians were in a flourishing
condition, he was disposed to go down to them, both to partake of
the plenty they enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their
priests, and to know what they said concerning the gods;
designing either to follow them, if they had better notions than
he, or to convert them into a better way, if his own notions
proved the truest. Now, seeing he was to take Sarai with him, and
was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women,
lest the king should kill him on occasion of his wife's great
beauty, he contrived this device:-- he pretended to be her
brother, and directed her in a dissembling way to pretend the
same, for he said it would be for their benefit. Now, as soon as
he came into Egypt, it happened to Abram as he supposed it would;
for the fame of his wife's beauty was greatly talked of; for
which reason Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, would not be satisfied
with what was reported of her, but would needs see her himself,
and was preparing to enjoy her; but God put a stop to his unjust
inclinations, by sending upon him a distemper, and a sedition
against his government. And when he inquired of the priests how
he might be freed from these calamities, they told him that this
his miserable condition was derived from the wrath of God, upon
account of his inclinations to abuse the stranger's wife. He
then, out of fear, asked Sarai who she was, and who it was that
she brought along with her. And when he had found out the truth,
he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his
sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as
desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited
by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money,
and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most
learned among the Egyptians; from which conversation his virtue
and his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been
before.

2. For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different
customs, and despised one another's sacred and accustomed rites,
and were very angry one with another on that account, Abram
conferred with each of them, and, confuting the reasonings they
made use of, every one for their own practices, demonstrated that
such reasonings were vain and void of truth: whereupon he was
admired by them in those conferences as a very wise man, and one
of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he
undertook; and this not only in understanding it, but in
persuading other men also to assent to him. He communicated to
them arithmetic, and delivered to them the science of astronomy;
for before Abram came into Egypt they were unacquainted with
those parts of learning; for that science came from the Chaldeans
into Egypt, and from thence to the Greeks also.

3. As soon as Abram was come back into Canaan, he parted the land
between him and Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavior of
their shepherds, concerning the pastures wherein they should feed
their flocks. However, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to
choose which lands he would take; and he took himself what the
other left, which were the lower grounds at the foot of the
mountains; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which is a city seven
years more ancient than Tunis of Egypt. But Lot possessed the
land of the plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the city of
Sodom, which was then a fine city, but is now destroyed, by the
will and wrath of God, the cause of which I shall show in its
proper place hereafter.




CHAPTER 9.

The Destruction Of The Sodomites By The Assyrian Wall.


At this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over Asia, the
people of Sodom were in a flourishing condition, both as to
riches and the number of their youth. There were five kings that
managed the affairs of this county: Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and
Sumobor, with the king of Bela; and each king led on his own
troops: and the Assyrians made war upon them; and, dividing their
army into four parts, fought against them. Now every part of the
army had its own commander; and when the battle was joined, the
Assyrians were conquerors, and imposed a tribute on the kings of
the Sodomites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years; and so
long they continued to pay their tribute: but on the thirteenth
year they rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians came upon
them, under their commanders Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and
Tidal. These kings had laid waste all Syria, and overthrown the
offspring of the giants. And when they were come over against
Sodom, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Slime Pits,
for at that time there were pits in that place; but now, upon the
destruction of the city of Sodom, that vale became the Lake
Asphaltites, as it is called. However, concerning this lake we
shall speak more presently. Now when the Sodomites joined battle
with the Assyrians, and the fight was very obstinate, many of
them were killed, and the rest were carried captive; among which
captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites.




CHAPTER 10.

How Abram Fought With The Assyrians, And Overcame Them, And Saved
The Sodomite Prisoners, And Took From The Assyrians The Prey They
Had Gotten.


1. When, Abram heard of their calamity, he was at once afraid for
Lot his kinsman, and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and
neighbors; and thinking it proper to afford them assistance, he
did not delay it, but marched hastily, and the fifth night fell
upon the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name of the other
spring of Jordan; and before they could arm themselves, he slew
some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any
harm; and others, who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so
drunk they could not fight, ran away. Abram pursued after them,
till, on the second day, he drove them in a body unto Hoba, a
place belonging to Damascus; and thereby demonstrated that
victory does not depend on multitude and the number of hands, but
the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome the most numerous
bodies of men, while he got the victory over so great an army
with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and
three of his friends: but all those that fled returned home
ingloriously.

2. So Abram, when he had saved the captive Sodomites, who had
been taken by the Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, returned
home in peace. Now the king of Sodom met him at a certain place,
which they called The King's Dale, where Melchisedec, king of the
city Salem, received him. That name signifies, the righteous
king: and such he was, without dispute, insomuch that, on this
account, he was made the priest of God: however, they afterward
called Salem Jerusalem. Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram's
army in an hospitable manner, and gave them provisions in
abundance; and as they were feasting, he began to praise him, and
to bless God for subduing his enemies under him. And when Abram
gave him the tenth part of his prey, he accepted of the gift: but
the king of Sodom desired Abram to take the prey, but entreated
that he might have those men restored to him whom Abram had saved
from the Assyrians, because they belonged to him. But Abram would
not do so; nor would make any other advantage of that prey than
what his servants had eaten; but still insisted that he should
afford a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battle.
The first of them was called Eschol, and then Enner, and Mambre.

3. And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not however
lose the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy
glorious actions. He answered, And what advantage will it be to
me to have such rewards, when I have none to enjoy them after me?
- for he was hitherto childless. And God promised that he should
have a son, and that his posterity should be very numerous;
insomuch that their number should be like the stars. When he
heard that, he offered a sacrifice to God, as he commanded him.
The manner of the sacrifice was this:-- He took an heifer of
three years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram in
like manner of three years old, and a turtle-dove, and a pigeon
(19) and as he was enjoined, he divided the three former, but the
birds he did not divide. After which, before he built his altar,
where the birds of prey flew about, as desirous of blood, a
Divine voice came to him, declaring that their neighbors would be
grievous to his posterity, when they should be in Egypt, for four
hundred years; (20) during which time they should be afflicted,
but afterwards should overcome their enemies, should conquer the
Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of their land, and of
their cities.

4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called Ogyges,--the place belongs
to Canaan, not far from the city of Hebron. But being uneasy at
his wife's barrenness, he entreated God to grant that he might
have male issue; and God required of him to be of good courage,
and said that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that
he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of
Mesopotamia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai, at God's
command, brought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of
Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her; and when
this handmaid was with child, she triumphed, and ventured to
affront Sarai, as if the dominion were to come to a son to be
born of her. But when Abram resigned her into the hand of Sarai,
to punish her, she contrived to fly away, as not able to bear the
instances of Sarai's severity to her; and she entreated God to
have compassion on her. Now a Divine Angel met her, as she was
going forward in the wilderness, and bid her return to her master
and mistress, for if she would submit to that wise advice, she
would live better hereafter; for that the reason of her being in
such a miserable case was this, that she had been ungrateful and
arrogant towards her mistress. He also told her, that if she
disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should perish;
but if she would return back, she should become the mother of a
son who should reign over that country. These admonitions she
obeyed, and returned to her master and mistress, and obtained
forgiveness. A little while afterwards, she bare Ismael; which
may be interpreted Heard of God, because God had heard his
mother's prayer.

5. The forementioned son was born to Abram when he was eighty-six
years old: but when he was ninety-nine, God appeared to him, and
promised him that he Should have a son by Sarai, and commanded
that his name should be Isaac; and showed him, that from this son
should spring great nations and kings, and that they should
obtain all the land of Canaan by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he
charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed with others,
that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin,
and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were
born: the reason of which circumcision I will explain in another
place. And Abram inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he
should live or not, God signified to him that he should live to
be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram
therefore gave thanks to God for these blessings; and then he,
and all his family, and his son Ismael, were circumcised
immediately; the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he
ninety-nine.




CHAPTER 11.

How God Overthrew The Nation Of The Sodomites, Out Of His Wrath
Against Them For Their Sins.


1. About this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their
riches and great wealth; they became unjust towards men, and
impious towards God, insomuch that they did not call to mind the
advantages they received from him: they hated strangers, and
abused themselves with Sodomitical practices. God was therefore
much displeased at them, and determined to punish them for their
pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their
country, until there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of
it.

2. When God had thus resolved concerning the Sodomites, Abraham,
as he sat by the oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw
three angels; and thinking them to be strangers, he rose up, and
saluted them, and desired they would accept of an entertainment,
and abide with him; to which, when they agreed, he ordered cakes
of meal to be made presently; and when he had slain a calf, he
roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under the oak.
Now they made a show of eating; and besides, they asked him about
his wife Sarah, where she was; and when he said she was within,
they said they would come again hereafter, and find her become a
mother. Upon which the woman laughed, and said that it was
impossible she should bear children, since she was ninety years
of age, and her husband was a hundred. Then they concealed
themselves no longer, but declared that they were angels of God;
and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child, and
two of the overthrow of Sodom.

3. When Abraham heard this, he was grieved for the Sodomites; and
he rose up, and besought God for them, and entreated him that he
would not destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had
replied that there was no good man among the Sodomites; for if
there were but ten such man among them, he would not punish any
of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. And the angels
came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot entreated them to
accept of a lodging with him; for he was a very generous and
hospitable man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness
of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of
beautiful countenances, and this to an extraordinary degree, and
that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved
themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by force and violence;
and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any
thing immodest to the strangers, but to have regard to their
lodging in his house; and promised that if their inclinations
could not be governed, he would expose his daughters to their
lust, instead of these strangers; neither thus were they made
ashamed.

4. But God was much displeased at their impudent behavior, so
that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the
Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God's informing
him of the future destruction of the Sodomites, went away, taking
with him his wife and daughters, who were two, and still virgins;
for those that were betrothed (21) to them were above the
thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot's words were trifling. God
then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire, with
its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like
burning, as I formerly said when I wrote the Jewish War. (22) But
Lot's wife continually turning back to view the city as she went
from it, and being too nicely inquisitive what would become of
it, although God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a
pillar of salt;(23) for I have seen it, and it remains at this
day. Now he and his daughters fled to a certain small place,
encompassed with the fire, and settled in it: it is to this day
called Zoar, for that is the word which the Hebrews use for a
small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life, on
account of his having no company, and his want of provisions.

5. But his daughters, thinking that all mankind were destroyed,
approached to their father, (24) though taking care not to be
perceived. This they did, that human kind might not utterly fail:
and they bare sons; the son of the elder was named Moab, Which
denotes one derived from his father; the younger bare Ammon,
which name denotes one derived from a kinsman. The former of whom
was the father of the Moabites, which is even still a great
nation; the latter was the father of the Ammonites; and both of
them are inhabitants of Celesyria. And such was the departure of
Lot from among the Sodomites.




CHAPTER 12.

Concerning Abimelech; And Concerning Ismael The Son Of Abraham;
And Concerning The Arabians, Who Were His Posterity.


1. Abraham now removed to Gerar of Palestine, leading Sarah along
with him, under the notion of his sister, using the like
dissimulation that he had used before, and this out of fear: for
he was afraid of Abimelech, the king of that country, who did
also himself fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed to corrupt
her; but he was restrained from satisfying his lust by a
dangerous distemper which befell him from God. Now when his
physicians despaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a
dream, warning him not to abuse the stranger's wife; and when he
recovered, he told his friends that God had inflicted that
disease upon him, by way of punishment, for his injury to the
stranger; and in order to preserve the chastity of his wife, for
that she did not accompany him as his sister, but as his
legitimate wife; and that God had promised to be gracious to him
for the time to come, if this person be once secure of his wife's
chastity. When he had said this, by the advice of his friends, he
sent for Abraham, and bid him not to be concerned about his wife,
or fear the corruption of her chastity; for that God took care of
him, and that it was by his providence that he received his wife
again, without her suffering any abuse. And he appealed to God,
and to his wife's conscience; and said that he had not any
inclination at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was his
wife; but since, said he, thou leddest her about as thy sister, I
was guilty of no offense. He also entreated him to be at peace
with him, and to make God propitious to him; and that if he
thought fit to continue with him, he should have what he wanted
in abundance; but that if he designed to go away, he should be
honorably conducted, and have whatsoever supply he wanted when he
came thither. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him that his
pretense of kindred to his wife was no lie, because she was his
brother's daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his
travels abroad, without this sort of dissimulation; and that he
was not the cause of his distemper, but was only solicitous for
his own safety: he said also, that he was ready to stay with him.
Whereupon Abimelech assigned him land and money; and they
coventanted to live together without guile, and took an oath at a
certain well called Beersheba, which may be interpreted, The Well
of the Oath: and so it is named by the people of the country unto
this day.

2. Now in a little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had
foretold to him, whom he named Isaac, which signifies Laughter.
And indeed they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God
(25) said that she should bear a son, she not expecting such a
thing, as being past the age of child-bearing, for she was ninety
years old, and Abraham a hundred; so that this son was born to
them both in the last year of each of those decimal numbers. And
they circumcised him upon the eighth day and from that time the
Jews continue the custom of circumcising their sons within that
number of days. But as for the Arabians, they circumcise after
the thirteenth year, because Ismael, the founder of their nation,
who was born to Abraham of the concubine, was circumcised at that
age; concerning whom I will presently give a particular account,
with great exactness.

3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her
own handmaid Hagar, with an affection not inferior to that of her
own son, for he was brought up in order to succeed in the
government; but when she herself had borne Isaac, she was not
willing that Ismael should be brought up with him, as being too
old for him, and able to do him injuries when their father should
be dead; she therefore persuaded Abraham to send him and his
mother to some distant country. Now, at the first, he did not
agree to what Sarah was so zealous for, and thought it an
instance of the greatest barbarity, to send away a young child
(26) and a woman unprovided of necessaries; but at length he
agreed to it, because God was pleased with what Sarah had
determined: so he delivered Ismael to his mother, as not yet able
to go by himself; and commanded her to take a bottle of water,
and a loaf of bread, and so to depart, and to take Necessity for
her guide. But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she
found herself in an evil case; and when the water was almost
spent, she laid the young child, who was ready to expire, under a
fig-tree, and went on further, that so he might die while she was
absent. But a Divine Angel came to her, and told her of a
fountain hard by, and bid her take care, and bring up the child,
because she should be very happy by the preservation of Ismael.
She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised
her, and, meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got
clear of the distresses she had been in.

4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an
Egyptian, from whence the mother was herself derived originally.
Of this wife were born to Ismael twelve sons; Nabaioth, Kedar,
Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos, Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur,
Naphesus, Cadmas. These inhabited all the country from Euphrates
to the Red Sea, and called it Nabatene. They are an Arabian
nation, and name their tribes from these, both because of their
own virtue, and because of the dignity of Abraham their father.




CHAPTER 13.

Concerning Isaac The Legitimate Son Of Abraham.


1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten
(27) and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favor of
God. The child also endeared himself to his parents still more,
by the exercise of every virtue, and adhering to his duty to his
parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also
placed his own happiness in this prospect, that, when he should
die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition;
which accordingly he obtained by the will of God: who being
desirous to make an experiment of Abraham's religious disposition
towards himself, appeared to him, and enumerated all the
blessings he had bestowed on him; how he had made him superior to
his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part
of his present happiness, was derived from him; and he said that
he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation.
Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah,
and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it
for that this would best manifest his religious disposition
towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God, before the
preservation of his own son.

2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in
any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every
circumstance of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their
life by his providence, and the kindness he bestows on them.
Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own
intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also
from every one of his servants, otherwise he should have been
hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together
with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary
for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. Now
the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third
day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants that
were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone
with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon
which king David afterwards built the temple. (28) Now they had
brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice,
excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was
twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar, he asked
his father what he was about to offer, since there was no animal
there for an oblation:-- to which it was answered, "That God
would provide himself an oblation, he being able to make a
plentiful provision for men out of what they have not, and to
deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much
trust therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and
propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an
oblation."

3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the
wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, "O
son, I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee
for my son; when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing
that could contribute to thy support for which I was not greatly
solicitous, nor any thing wherein I thought myself happier than
to see thee grown up to man's estate, and that I might leave thee
at my death the successor to my dominion; but since it was by
God's will that I became thy father, and it is now his will that
I relinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous
mind; for I resign thee up to God who has thought fit now to
require this testimony of honor to himself, on account of the
favors he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and
defender. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any
common way of going out of the world, but sent to God, the Father
of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of a
sacrifice. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this
world neither by disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe
way, by which death usually comes upon men, but so that he will
receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion, and
will place thee near to himself, and thou wilt there be to me a
succorer and supporter in my old age; on which account I
principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure me God
for my Comforter instead of thyself."

4. Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition as became the son
of such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said,
"That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject
the determination of God and of his father, and should not resign
himself up readily to both their pleasures; since it would have
been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so
resolved." So he went immediately to the altar to be sacrificed.
And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it; for he
called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him to slay his
son; and said, "It was not out of a desire of human blood that he
was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should
be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try
the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a
command. Since therefore he now was satisfied as to that his
alacrity, and the surprising readiness he showed in this his
piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon
him; and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern
about him, and in bestowing other children upon him; and that his
son should live to a very great age; that he should live a happy
life, and bequeath a large principality to his children, who
should be good and legitimate." He foretold also, that his family
should increase into many nations (29) and that those patriarchs
should leave behind them an everlasting name; that they should
obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all
men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did
not appear before, for the sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac
receiving each other unexpectedly, and having obtained the
promises of such great blessings, embraced one another; and when
they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah, and lived happily
together, God affording them his assistance in all things they
desired.




CHAPTER 14.

Concerning Sarah Abraham's Wife; And How She
Ended Her Days.


Now Sarah died a little while after, having lived one hundred and
twenty-seven years. They buried her in Hebron; the Canaanites
publicly allowing them a burying-place; which piece of ground
Abraham bought for four hundred shekels, of Ephron, an inhabitant
of Hebron. And both Abraham and his descendants built themselves
sepulchers in that place.




CHAPTER 15.

How The Nation Of The Troglodytes Were Derived From Abraham By
Keturah.


Abraham after this married Keturah, by whom six sons were born to
him, men of courage, and of sagacious minds: Zambran, and Jazar,
and Madan, and Madian, and Josabak, and Sous. Now the sons of
Sous were Sabathan and Dadan. The sons of Dadan were Latusim, and
Assur, and Luom. The sons of Madiau were Ephas, and Ophren, and
Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for all these sons and
grandsons, Abraham contrived to settle them in colonies; and they
took possession of Troglodytis, and the country of Arabia the
Happy, as far as it reaches to the Red Sea. It is related of this
Ophren, that he made war against Libya, and took it, and that his
grandchildren, when they inhabited it, called it (from his name)
Africa. And indeed Alexander Polyhistor gives his attestation to
what I here say; who speaks thus: "Cleodemus the prophet, who was
also called Malchus, who wrote a History of the Jews, in
agreement with the History of Moses, their legislator, relates,
that there were many sons born to Abraham by Keturah: nay, he
names three of them, Apher, and Surim, and Japhran. That from
Surim was the land of Assyria denominated; and that from the
other two (Apher and Japbran) the country of Africa took its
name, because these men were auxiliaries to Hercules, when he
fought against Libya and Antaeus; and that Hercules married
Aphra's daughter, and of her he begat a son, Diodorus; and that
Sophon was his son, from whom that barbarous people called
Sophacians were denominated."




CHAPTER 16.

How Isaac Took Rebeka To Wife.


1. Now when Abraham, the father of Isaac, had resolved to take
Rebeka, who was grand-daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife
to his son Isaac, who was then about forty years old, he sent the
ancientest of his servants to betroth her, after he had obliged
him to give him the strongest assurances of his fidelity; which
assurances were given after the manner following:-- They put
each other's hands under each other's thighs; then they called
upon God as the witness of what was to be done. He also sent such
presents to those that were there as were in esteem, on account
that that they either rarely or never were seen in that country,
The servant got thither not under a considerable time; for it
requires much time to pass through Meopotamia, in which it is
tedious traveling, both in the winter for the depth of the clay,
and in summer for want of water; and, besides this, for the
robberies there committed, which are not to be avoided by
travelers but by caution beforehand. However, the servant came to
Haran; and when he was in the suburbs, he met a considerable
number of maidens going to the water; he therefore prayed to God
that Rebeka might be found among them, or her whom Abraham sent
him as his servant to espouse to his son, in case his will were
that this marriage should be consummated, and that she might be
made known to him by the sign, That while others denied him water
to drink, she might give it him.

2. With this intention he went to the well, and desired the
maidens to give him some water to drink: but while the others
refused, on pretense that they wanted it all at home, and could
spare none for him, one only of the company rebuked them for
their peevish behavior towards the stranger; and said, What is
there that you will ever communicate to anybody, who have not so
much as given the man some water? She then offered him water in
an obliging manner. And now he began to hope that his grand
affair would succeed; but desiring still to know the truth, he
commended her for her generosity and good nature, that she did
not scruple to afford a sufficiency of water to those that wanted
it, though it cost her some pains to draw it; and asked who were
her parents, and wished them joy of such a daughter. "And mayst
thou be espoused," said he, "to their satisfaction, into the
family of an agreeable husband, and bring him legitimate
children." Nor did she disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told
him her family. "They," says she, "call me Rebeka; my father was
Bethuel, but he is dead; and Laban is my brother; and, together
with my mother, takes care of all our family affairs, and is the
guardian of my virginity." When the servant heard this, he was
very glad at what had happened, and at what was told him, as
perceiving that God had thus plainly directed his journey; and
producing his bracelets, and some other ornaments which it was
esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave them to the damsel,
by way of acknowledgment, and as a reward for her kindness in
giving him water to drink; saying, it was but just that she
should have them, because she was so much more obliging than any
of the rest. She desired also that he would come and lodge with
them, since the approach of the night gave him not time to
proceed farther. And producing his precious ornaments for women,
he said he desired to trust them to none more safely than to such
as she had shown herself to be; and that he believed he might
guess at the humanity of her mother and brother, that they would
not be displeased, from the virtue he found in her; for he would
not be burdensome, but would pay the hire for his entertainment,
and spend his own money. To which she replied, that he guessed
right as to the humanity of her parents; but complained that he
should think them so parsimonious as to take money, for that he
should have all on free cost. But she said she would first inform
her brother Laban, and, if he gave her leave, she would conduct
him in.

3. As soon then as this was over, she introduced the stranger;
and for the camels, the servants of Laban brought them in, and
took care of them; and he was himself brought in to supper by
Laban. And, after supper, he says to him, and to the mother of
the damsel, addressing himself to her, "Abraham is the son of
Terah, and a kinsman of yours; for Nahor, the grandfather of
these children, was the brother of Abraham, by both father and
mother; upon which account he hath sent me to you, being desirous
to take this damsel for his son to wife. He is his legitimate
son, and is brought up as his only heir. He could indeed have had
the most happy of all the women in that country for him, but he
would not have his son marry any of them; but, out of regard to
his own relations, he desired him to match here, whose affection
and inclination I would not have you despise; for it was by the
good pleasure of God that other accidents fell out in my journey,
and that thereby I lighted upon your daughter and your house; for
when I was near to the city, I saw a great many maidens coming to
a well, and I prayed that I might meet with this damsel, which
has come to pass accordingly. Do you therefore confirm that
marriage, whose espousals have been already made by a Divine
appearance; and show the respect you have for Abraham, who hath
sent me with so much solicitude, in giving your consent to the
marriage of this damsel." Upon this they understood it to be the
will of God, and greatly approved of the offer, and sent their
daughter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac married her, the
inheritance being now come to him; for the children by Keturah
were gone to their own remote habitations.




CHAPTER 17.

Concerning The Death Of Abraham.


A Little while after this Abraham died. He was a man of
incomparable virtue, and honored by God in a manner agreeable to
his piety towards him. The whole time of his life was one hundred
seventy and five years, and he was buried in Hebron, with his
wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Ismael.




CHAPTER 18.

Concerning The Sons Of Isaac, Esau And Jacob; Of Their Nativity
And Education.


1. Now Isaac's wife proved with child, after the death of
Abraham; (30) and when her belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was
very anxious, and inquired of God; who answered, that Rebeka
should bear twins; and that two nations should take the names of
those sons; and that he who appeared the second should excel the
elder. Accordingly she, in a little time, as God had foretold,
bare twins; the elder of whom, from his head to his feet, was
very rough and hairy; but the younger took hold of his heel as
they were in the birth. Now the father loved the elder, who was
called Esau, a name agreeable to his roughness, for the Hebrews
call such a hairy roughness [Esau, (31) or] Seir; but Jacob the
younger was best beloved by his mother.

2. When there was a famine in the land, Isaac resolved to go into
Egypt, the land there being good; but he went to Gerar, as God
commanded him. Here Abimelech the king received him, because
Abraham had formerly lived with him, and had been his friend. And
as in the beginning he treated him exceeding kindly, so he was
hindered from continuing in the same disposition to the end, by
his envy at him; for when he saw that God was with Isaac, and
took such great care of him, he drove him away from him. But
Isaac, when he saw how envy had changed the temper of Abimelech
retired to a place called the Valley, not far from Gerar: and as
he was digging a well, the shepherds fell upon him, and began to
fight, in order to hinder the work; and because he did not desire
to contend, the shepherds seemed to get the him, so he still
retired, and dug another and when certain other shepherds of
Abimelech began to offer him violence, he left that also, still
retired, thus purchasing security to himself a rational and
prudent conduct. At length the gave him leave to dig a well
without disturbance. He named this well Rehoboth, which denotes a
large space; but of the former wells, one was called Escon, which
denotes strife, the other Sitenna, name signifies enmity.

3. It was now that Isaac's affairs increased, and in a flourishing
condition; and this his great riches. But Abimelech, thinking in
opposition to him, while their living made them suspicious of each
other, and retiring showing a secret enmity also, he afraid that his
former friendship with Isaac would not secure him, if Isaac should
endeavor the injuries he had formerly offered him; he therefore
renewed his friendship with him, Philoc, one of his generals. And
when he had obtained every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac's
good nature, who preferred the earlier friendship Abimelech had
shown to himself and his father to his later wrath against him, he
returned home.

4. Now when Esau, one of the sons of Isaac, whom the father
principally loved, was now come to the age of forty years, he
married Adah, the daughter of Helon, and Aholibamah, the daughter
of Esebeon; which Helon and Esebeon were great lords among the
Canaanites: thereby taking upon himself the authority, and
pretending to have dominion over his own marriages, without so
much as asking the advice of his father; for had Isaac been the
arbitrator, he had not given him leave to marry thus, for he was
not pleased with contracting any alliance with the people of that
country; but not caring to be uneasy to his son by commanding him
to put away these wives, he resolved to be silent.

5. But when he was old, and could not see at all, he called Esau
to him, and told him, that besides his blindness, and the
disorder of his eyes, his very old age hindered him from his
worship of God [by sacrifice]; he bid him therefore to go out a
hunting, and when he had caught as much venison as he could, to
prepare him a supper (32) that after this he might make
supplication to God, to be to him a supporter and an assister
during the whole time of his life; saying, that it was uncertain
when he should die, and that he was desirous, by prayers for him,
to procure, beforehand, God to be merciful to him.

6. Accordingly, Esau went out a hunting. But Rebeka (33) thinking
it proper to have the supplication made for obtaining the favor
of God to Jacob, and that without the consent of Isaac, bid him
kill kids of the goats, and prepare a supper. So Jacob obeyed his
mother, according to all her instructions. Now when the supper
was got ready, he took a goat's skin, and put it about his arm,
that by reason of its hairy roughness, he might by his father be
believed to be Esau; for they being twins, and in all things else
alike, differed only in this thing. This was done out of his
fear, that before his father had made his supplications, he
should be caught in his evil practice, and lest he should, on the
contrary, provoke his father to curse him. So he brought in the
supper to his father. Isaac perceivest to be Esau." So suspecting
no deceit, he ate the supper, and betook himself to his prayers
and intercessions with God; and said, "O Lord of all ages, and
Creator of all substance; for it was thou that didst propose to
my father great plenty of good things, and hast vouchsafed to
bestow on me what I have; and hast promised to my posterity to be
their kind supporter, and to bestow on them still greater
blessings; do thou therefore confirm these thy promises, and do
not overlook me, because of my present weak condition, on account
of which I most earnestly pray to thee. Be gracious to this my
son; and preserve him and keep him from every thing that is evil.
Give him a happy life, and the possession of as many good things
as thy power is able to bestow. Make him terrible to his enemies,
and honorable and beloved among his friends."

7. Thus did Isaac pray to God, thinking his prayers had been made
for Esau. He had but just finished them, when Esau came in from
hunting. And when Isaac perceived his mistake, he was silent: but
Esau required that he might be made partaker of the like blessing
from his father that his brother had partook of; but his father
refused it, because all his prayers had been spent upon Jacob: so
Esau lamented the mistake. However, his father being grieved at
his weeping, said, that "he should excel in hunting and strength
of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work; and should obtain
glory for ever on those accounts, he and his posterity after him;
but still should serve his brother."

8. Now the mother delivered Jacob, when she was afraid that his
brother would inflict some punishment upon him because of the
mistake about the prayers of Isaac; for she persuaded her husband
to take a wife for Jacob out of Mesopotamia, of her own kindred,
Esau having married already Basemmath, the daughter of Ismael,
without his father's consent; for Isaac did not like the
Canaanites, so that he disapproved of Esau's former marriages,
which made him take Basemmath to wife, in order to please him;
and indeed he had a great affection for her.




CHAPTER 19.

Concerning Jacob's Flight Into Mesopotamia, By Reason Of The Fear
He Was In Of His Brother.


1. Now Jacob was sent by his mother to Mesopotamia, in order to
marry Laban her brother's daughter (which marriage was permitted
by Isaac, on account of his obsequiousness to the desires of his
wife); and he accordingly journeyed through the land of Canaan;
and because he hated the people of that country, he would not
lodge with any of them, but took up his lodging in the open air,
and laid his head on a heap of stones that he had gathered
together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision
standing by him:-- he seemed to see a ladder that reached from
the earth unto heaven, and persons descending upon the ladder
that seemed more excellent than human; and at last God himself
stood above it, and was plainly visible to him, who, calling him
by his name, spake to him in these words:--

2. "O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good
father, and grandson of one who had obtained a great reputation
for his eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy present
circumstances, but to hope for better times, for thou shalt have
great abundance of all good things, by my assistance: for I
brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven
away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man, nor will
I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thyself: be of good
courage, therefore, and under my conduct proceed on this thy
journey, for the marriage thou goest so zealously about shall be
consummated. And thou shalt have children of good characters, but
their multitude shall be innumerable; and they shall leave what
they have to a still more numerous posterity, to whom, and to
whose posterity, I give the dominion of all the land, and their
posterity shall fill the entire earth and sea, so far as the sun
beholds them: but do not thou fear any danger, nor be afraid of
the many labors thou must undergo, for by my providence I will
direct thee what thou art to do in the time present, and still
much more in the time to come."

3. Such were the predictions which God made to Jacob; whereupon
he became very joyful at what he had seen and heard; and he
poured oil on the stones, because on them the prediction of such
great benefits was made. He also vowed a vow, that he would offer
sacrifices upon them, if he lived and returned safe; and if he
came again in such a condition, he would give the tithe of what
he had gotten to God. He also judged the place to be honorable
and gave it the name of Bethel, which, in the Greek, is
interpreted, The House of God.

4. So he proceeded on his journey to Mesopotamia, and at length
came to Haran; and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs, with
boys grown up, and maidens sitting about a certain well, he staid
with them, as wanting water to drink; and beginning to discourse
with them, he asked them whether they knew such a one as Laban,
and whether he was still alive. Now they all said they knew him,
for he was not so inconsiderable a person as to be unknown to any
of them; and that his daughter fed her father's flock together
with them; and that indeed they wondered that she was not yet
come, for by her means thou mightest learn more exactly whatever
thou desirest to know about that family. While they were saying
this the damsel came, and the other shepherds that came down
along with her. Then they showed her Jacob, and told her that he
was a stranger, who came to inquire about her father's affairs.
But she, as pleased, after the custom of children, with Jacob's
coming, asked him who he was, and whence he came to them, and
what it was he lacked that he came thither. She also wished it
might be in their power to supply the wants he came about.

5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred,
nor by that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to
the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty, which was so
flourishing, as few of the women of that age could vie with. He
said then, "There is a relation between thee and me, elder than
either thy or my birth, if thou be the daughter of Laban; for
Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. Of the
last of whom (Nahor) Bethuel thy grandfather was the son. Isaac
my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the
daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of
mutual kindred which we bear to one another, for my mother Rebeka
was sister to Laban thy father, both by the same father and
mother; I therefore and thou are cousin-germans. And I am now
come to salute you, and to renew that affinity which is proper
between us." Upon this the damsel, at the mention of Rebeka, as
usually happens to young persons, wept, and that out of the
kindness she had for her father, and embraced Jacob, she having
learned an account of Rebeka from her father, and knew that her
parents loved to hear her named; and when she had saluted him,
she said that "he brought the most desirable and greatest
pleasures to her father, with all their family, who was always
mentioning his mother, and always thinking of her, and her alone;
and that this will make thee equal in his eyes to any
advantageous circumstances whatsoever." Then she bid him go to
her father, and follow her while she conducted him to him; and
not to deprive him of such a pleasure, by staying any longer away
from him.

6. When she had said thus, she brought him to Laban; and being
owned by his uncle, he was secure himself, as being among his
friends; and he brought a great deal of pleasure to them by his
unexpected coning. But a little while afterward, Laban told him
that he could not express in words the joy he had at his coming;
but still he inquired of him the occasion of his coming, and why
he left his aged mother and father, when they wanted to be taken
care of by him; and that he would afford him all the assistance
he wanted. Then Jacob gave him an account of the whole occasion
of his journey, and told him, "that Isaac had two sons that were
twins, himself and Esau; who, because he failed of his father's
prayers, which by his mother's wisdom were put up for him, sought
to kill him, as deprived of the kingdom (34) which was to be
given him of God, and of the blessings for which their father
prayed; and that this was the occasion of his coming hither, as
his mother had commanded him to do: for we are all (says he)
brethren one to another; but our mother esteems an alliance with
your family more than she does one with the families of the
country; so I look upon yourself and God to be the supporters of
my travels, and think myself safe in my present circumstances."

7. Now Laban promised to treat him with great humanity, both on
account of his ancestors, and particularly for the sake of his
mother, towards whom, he said, he would show his kindness, even
though she were absent, by taking care of him; for he assured him
he would make him the head shepherd of his flock, and give him
authority sufficient for that purpose; and when he should have a
mind to return to his parents, he would send him back with
presents, and this in as honorable a manner as the nearness of
their relation should require. This Jacob heard gladly; and said
he would willingly, and with pleasure, undergo any sort of pains
while he tarried with him, but desired Rachel to wife, as the
reward of those pains, who was not only on other accounts
esteemed by him, but also because she was the means of his coming
to him; for he said he was forced by the love of the damsel to
make this proposal. Laban was well pleased with this agreement,
and consented to give the damsel to him, as not desirous to meet
with any better son-in-law; and said he would do this, if he
would stay with him some time, for he was not willing to send his
daughter to be among the Canaanites, for he repented of the
alliance he had made already by marrying his sister there. And
when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven
years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his
father-in-law, that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it
might be better known what sort of a man he was. And Jacob,
accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the
wedding-feast; and when it was night, without Jacob's perceiving
it, he put his other daughter into bed to him, who was both elder
than Rachel, and of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her
that night, as being both in drink and in the dark. However, when
it was day, he knew what had been done to him; and he reproached
Laban for his unfair proceeding with him; who asked pardon for
that necessity which forced him to do what he did; for he did not
give him Lea out of any ill design, but as overcome by another
greater necessity: that, notwithstanding this, nothing should
hinder him from marrying Rachel; but that when he had served
another seven years, he would give him her whom he loved. Jacob
submitted to this condition, for his love to the damsel did not
permit him to do otherwise; and when another seven years were
gone, he took Rachel to wife.

8. Now each of these had handmaids, by their father's donation.
Zilpha was handmaid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel; by no means
slaves, (35) but however subject to their mistresses. Now Lea was
sorely troubled at her husband's love to her sister; and she
expected she should be better esteemed if she bare him children:
so she entreated God perpetually; and when she had borne a son,
and her husband was on that account better reconciled to her, she
named her son Reubel, because God had had mercy upon her, in
giving her a son, for that is the signification of this name.
After some time she bare three more sons; Simeon, which
name signifies that God had hearkened to her prayer. Then she
bare Levi, the confirmer of their friendship. After him was born
Judah, which denotes thanksgiving. But Rachel, fearing lest the
fruitfulness of her sister should make herself enjoy a lesser
share of Jacob's affections, put to bed to him her handmaid
Bilha; by whom Jacob had Dan: one may interpret that name into
the Greek tongue, a divine judgment. And after him Nephthalim, as
it were, unconquerable in stratagems, since Rachel tried to
conquer the fruitfulness of her sister by this stratagem.
Accordingly, Lea took the same method, and used a
counter-stratagem to that of her sister; for she put to bed to
him her own handmaid. Jacob therefore had by Zilpha a son, whose
name was Gad, which may be interpreted fortune; and after him
Asher, which may be called a happy man, because he added glory to
Lea. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea, brought apples of
mandrakes (36) to his mother. When Rachel saw them, she desired
that she would give her the apples, for she longed to eat them;
but when she refused, and bid her be content that she had
deprived her of the benevolence she ought to have had from her
husband, Rachel, in order to mitigate her sister's anger, said
she would yield her husband to her; and he should lie with her
that evening. She accepted of the favor, and Jacob slept with
Lea, by the favor of Rachel. She bare then these sons: Issachar,
denoting one born by hire: and Zabulon, one born as a pledge of
benevolence towards her; and a daughter, Dina. After some time
Rachel had a son, named Joseph, which signified there should be
another added to him.

9. Now Jacob fed the flocks of Laban his father-in-law all this
time, being twenty years, after which he desired leave of his
father-in-law to take his wives and go home; but when his
father-in-law would not give him leave, he contrived to do it
secretly. He made trial therefore of the disposition of his wives
what they thought of this journey; - when they appeared glad, and
approved of it. Rachel took along with her the images of the
gods, which, according to their laws, they used to worship in
their own country, and ran away together with her sister. The
children also of them both, and the handmaids, and what
possessions they had, went along with them. Jacob also drove away
half the cattle, without letting Laban know of it beforehand But
the reason why Rachel took the images of the gods, although Jacob
had taught her to despise such worship of those gods, was this,
That in case they were pursued, and taken by her father, she
might have recourse to these images, in order obtain his pardon.

10. But Laban, after one day's time, being acquainted with
Jacob's and his daughters' departure, was much troubled, and
pursued after them, leading a band of men with him; and on the
seventh day overtook them, and found them resting on a certain
hill; and then indeed he did not meddle with them, for it was
even-tide; but God stood by him in a dream, and warned him to
receive his son-in-law and his daughters in a peaceable manner;
and not to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath to but to
make a league with Jacob. And he him, that if he despised their
small number, attacked them in a hostile manner, he would assist
them. When Laban had been thus forewarned by God, he called Jacob
to him the next day, in order to treat with him, and showed him
what dream he had; in dependence whereupon he came confidently to
him, and began to accuse him, alleging that he had entertained
him when he was poor, and in want of all things, and had given
him plenty of all things which he had. "For," said he, "I have
joined my daughters to thee in marriage, and supposed that thy
kindness to me be greater than before; but thou hast had no
regard to either thy mother's relations to me, nor to the
affinity now newly contracted between us; nor to those wives whom
thou hast married; nor to those children, of whom I am the
grandfather. Thou hast treated me as an enemy, driving away my
cattle, and by persuading my daughters to run away from their
father; and by carrying home those sacred paternal images which
were worshipped by my forefathers, and have been honored with the
like worship which they paid them by myself. In short, thou hast
done this whilst thou art my kinsman, and my sister's son, and
the husband of my daughters, and was hospiably treated by me, and
didst eat at my table." When Laban had said this, Jacob made his
defense - That he was not the only person in whom God had
implanted the love of his native country, but that he had made it
natural to all men; and that therefore it was but reasonable
that, after so long time, he should go back to it. "But as to the
prey, of whose driving away thou accusest me, if any other person
were the arbitrator, thou wouldst be found in the wrong; for
instead of those thanks I ought to have had from thee, for both
keeping thy cattle, and increasing them, how is it that thou art
unjustly angry at me because I have taken, and have with me, a
small portion of them? But then, as to thy daughters, take
notice, that it is not through any evil practices of mine that
they follow me in my return home, but from that just affection
which wives naturally have to their husbands. They follow
therefore not so properly myself as their own children." And thus
far of his apology was made, in order to clear himself of having
acted unjustly. To which he added his own complaint and
accusation of Laban; saying, "While I was thy sister's son, and
thou hadst given me thy daughters in marriage, thou hast worn me
out with thy harsh commands, and detained me twenty years under
them. That indeed which was required in order to my marrying thy
daughters, hard as it was, I own to have been tolerable; but as
to those that were put upon me after those marriages, they were
worse, and such indeed as an enemy would have avoided." For
certainly Laban had used Jacob very ill; for when he saw that God
was assisting to Jacob in all that he desired, he promised him,
that of the young cattle which should be born, he should have
sometimes what was of a white color, and sometimes what should be
of a black color; but when those that came to Jacob's share
proved numerous, he did not keep his faith with him, but said he
would give them to him the next year, because of his envying him
the multitude of his possessions. He promised him as before,
because he thought such an increase was not to be expected; but
when it appeared to be fact, he deceived him.

11. But then, as to the sacred images, he bid him search for
them; and when Laban accepted of the offer, Rachel, being
informed of it, put those images into that camel's saddle on
which she rode, and sat upon it; and said, that her natural
purgation hindered her rising up: so Laban left off searching any
further, not supposing that his daughter in such circumstances
would approach to those images. So he made a league with Jacob,
and bound it by oaths, that he would not bear him any malice on
account of what had happened; and Jacob made the like league, and
promised to love Laban's daughters. And these leagues they
confirmed with oaths also, which the made upon certain as whereon
they erected a pillar, in the form of an altar: whence that hill
is called Gilead; and from thence they call that land the Land of
Gilead at this day. Now when they had feasted, after the making
of the league, Laban returned home.




CHAPTER 20.

Concerning The Meeting Of Jacob And Esau.


1. Now as Jacob was proceeding on his journey to the land of
Canaan, angels appeared to him, and suggested to him good hope of
his future condition; and that place he named the Camp of God.
And being desirous of knowing what his brother's intentions were
to him, he sent messengers, to give him an exact account of every
thing, as being afraid, on account of the enmities between them.
He charged those that were sent, to say to Esau, "Jacob had
thought it wrong to live together with him while he was in anger
against him, and so had gone out of the country; and that he now,
thinking the length of time of his absence must have made up
their differences, was returning; that he brought with him his
wives, and his children, with what possessions he had gotten; and
delivered himself, with what was most dear to him, into his
hands; and should think it his greatest happiness to partake
together with his brother of what God had bestowed upon him." So
these messengers told him this message. Upon which Esau was very
glad, and met his brother with four hundred men. And Jacob, when
he heard that he was coming to meet him with such a number of
men, was greatly afraid: however, he committed his hope of
deliverance to God; and considered how, in his present
circumstances, he might preserve himself and those that were with
him, and overcome his enemies if they attacked him injuriously.
He therefore distributed his company into parts; some he sent
before the rest, and the others he ordered to come close behind,
that so, if the first were overpowered when his brother attacked
them, they might have those that followed as a refuge to fly
unto. And when he had put his company in this order, he sent some
of them to carry presents to his brother. The presents were made
up of cattle, and a great number of four-footed beasts, of many
kinds, such as would be very acceptable to those that received
them, on account of their rarity. Those who were sent went at
certain intervals of space asunder, that, by following thick, one
after another, they might appear to be more numerous, that Esau
might remit of his anger on account of these presents, if he were
still in a passion. Instructions were also given to those that
were sent to speak gently to him.

2. When Jacob had made these appointments all the day, and night
came on, he moved on with his company; and, as they were gone
over a certain river called Jabboc, Jacob was left behind; and
meeting with an angel, he wrestled with him, the angel beginning
the struggle: but he prevailed over the angel, who used a voice,
and spake to him in words, exhorting him to be pleased with what
had happened to him, and not to suppose that his victory was a
small one, but that he had overcome a divine angel, and to esteem
the victory as a sign of great blessings that should come to him,
and that his offspring should never fall, and that no man should
be too hard for his power. He also commanded him to be called
Israel, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that struggled
with the divine angel. (37) These promises were made at the
prayer of Jacob; for when he perceived him to be the angel of
God, he desired he would signify to him what should befall him
hereafter. And when the angel had said what is before related, he
disappeared; but Jacob was pleased with these things, and named
the place Phanuel, which signifies, the face of God. Now when he
felt pain, by this struggling, upon his broad sinew, he abstained
from eating that sinew himself afterward; and for his sake it is
still not eaten by us.

3. When Jacob understood that his brother was near, he ordered
his wives to go before, each by herself, with the handmaids, that
they might see the actions of the men as they were fighting, if
Esau were so disposed. He then went up to his brother Esau, and
bowed down to him, who had no evil design upon him, but saluted
him; and asked him about the company of the children and of the
women; and desired, when he had understood all he wanted to know
about them, that he would go along with him to their father; but
Jacob pretending that the cattle were weary, Esau returned to
Seir, for there was his place of habitation, he having named the
place Roughness, from his own hairy roughness.




CHAPTER 21.

Concerning The Violation Of Dina's Chastity.


1. Hereupon Jacob came to the place, till this day called Tents
(Succoth); from whence he went to Shechem, which is a city of the
Canaanites. Now as the Shechemites were keeping a festival Dina,
who was the only daughter of Jacob, went into the city to see the
finery of the women of that country. But when Shechem, the son of
Hamor the king, saw her, he defiled her by violence; and being
greatly in love with her, desired of his father that he would
procure the damsel to him for a wife. To which desire he
condescended, and came to Jacob, desiring him to give leave that
his son Shechem might, according to law, marry Dina. But Jacob,
not knowing how to deny the desire of one of such great dignity,
and yet not thinking it lawful to marry his daughter to a
stranger, entreated him to give him leave to have a consultation
about what he desired him to do. So the king went away, in hopes
that Jacob would grant him this marriage. But Jacob informed his
sons of the defilement of their sister, and of the address of
Hamor; and desired them to give their advice what they should do.
Upon fills, the greatest part said nothing, not knowing what
advice to give. But Simeon and Levi, the brethren of the damsel
by the same mother, agreed between themselves upon the action
following: It being now the time of a festival, when the
Shechemites were employed in ease and feasting, they fell upon
the watch when they were asleep, and, coming into the city, slew
all the males (38) as also the king, and his son, with them; but
spared the women. And when they had done this without their
father's consent, they brought away their sister.

2. Now while Jacob was astonished at the greatness of this act,
and was severely blaming his sons for it, God stood by him, and
bid him be of good courage; but to purify his tents, and to offer
those sacrifices which he had vowed to offer when he went first
into Mesopotamia, and saw his vision. As he was therefore
purifying his followers, he lighted upon the gods of Laban; (for
he did not before know they were stolen by Rachel;) and he hid
them in the earth, under an oak, in Shechem. And departing
thence, he offered sacrifice at Bethel, the place where he saw
his dream, when he went first into Mesopotamia.

3. And when he was gone thence, and was come over against
Ephrata, he there buried Rachel, who died in child-bed: she was
the only one of Jacob's kindred that had not the honor of burial
at Hebron. And when he had mourned for her a great while, he
called the son that was born of her Benjamin, (39) because of the
sorrow the mother had with him. These are all the children of
Jacob, twelve males and one female. - Of them eight were
legitimate, - viz. six of Lea, and two of Rachel; and four were
of the handmaids, two of each; all whose names have been set down
already.




CHAPTER 22.

How Isaac Died, And Was Buried In Hebron.


From thence Jacob came to Hebron, a city situate among the
Canaanites; and there it was that Isaac lived: and so they lived
together for a little while; for as to Rebeka, Jacob did not find
her alive. Isaac also died not long after the coming of his son;
and was buried by his sons, with his wife, in Hebron, where they
had a monument belonging to them from their forefathers. Now
Isaac was a man who was beloved of God, and was vouchsafed great
instances of providence by God, after Abraham his father, and
lived to be exceeding old; for when he had lived virtuously one
hundred and eighty-five years, he then died.




BOOK II.

Containing The Interval Of Two Hundred And Twenty Years.

From The Death Of Isaac To The Exodus Out Of Egypt.

CHAPTER 1.

How Esau And Jacob, Isaac's Sons Divided Their Habitation; And
Esau Possessed Idumea And Jacob Canaan.


1. After the death of Isaac, his sons divided their habitations
respectively; nor did they retain what they had before; but Esau
departed from the city of Hebron, and left it to his brother, and
dwelt in Seir, and ruled over Idumea. He called the country by
that name from himself, for he was named Adom; which appellation
he got on the following occasion:-- One day returning from the
toil of hunting very hungry, (it was when he was a child in age,)
he lighted on his brother when he was getting ready
lentile-pottage for his dinner, which was of a very red color; on
which account he the more earnestly longed for it, and desired
him to give him some of it to eat: but he made advantage of his
brother's hunger, and forced him to resign up to him his
birthright; and he, being pinched with famine, resigned it up to
him, under an oath. Whence it came, that, on account of the
redness of this pottage, he was, in way of jest, by his
contemporaries, called Adom, for the Hebrews call what is red
Adom; and this was the name given to the country; but the Greeks
gave it a more agreeable pronunciation, and named it Idumea.

2. He became the father of five sons; of whom Jaus, and Jalomus,
and Coreus, were by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but of the
rest, Aliphaz was born to him by Ada, and Raguel by Basemmath:
and these were the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legitimate
sons; Theman, Omer, Saphus, Gotham, and Kanaz; for Amalek was not
legitimate, but by a concubine, whose name was Thamna. These
dwelt in that part of Idumea which is called Gebalitis, and that
denominated from Amalek, Amalekitis; for Idumea was a large
country, and did then preserve the name of the whole, while in
its several parts it kept the names of its peculiar inhabitants.




CHAPTER 2.

How Joseph, The Youngest Of Jacob's Sons, Was Envied By His
Brethren, When Certain Dreams Had Foreshown His Future Happiness.


1. It happened that Jacob came to so great happiness as rarely
any other person had arrived at. He was richer than the rest of
the inhabitants of that country; and was at once envied and
admired for such virtuous sons, for they were deficient in
nothing, but were of great souls, both for laboring with their
hands and enduring of toil; and shrewd also in understanding. And
God exercised such a providence over him, and such a care of his
happiness, as to bring him the greatest blessings, even out of
what appeared to be the most sorrowful condition; and to make him
the cause of our forefathers' departure out of Egypt, him and his
posterity. The occasion was this:-- When Jacob had his son
Joseph born to him by Rachel, his father loved him above the rest
of his sons, both because of the beauty of his body, and the
virtues of his mind, for he excelled the rest in prudence. This
affection of his father excited the envy and the hatred of his
brethren; as did also his dreams which he saw, and related to his
father, and to them, which foretold his future happiness, it
being usual with mankind to envy their very nearest relations
such their prosperity. Now the visions which Joseph saw in his
sleep were these:--

2. When they were in the middle of harvest, and Joseph was sent
by his father, with his brethren, to gather the fruits of the
earth, he saw a vision in a dream, but greatly exceeding the
customary appearances that come when we are asleep; which, when
he was got up, he told his brethren, that they might judge what
it portended. He said, he saw the last night, that his
wheat-sheaf stood still in the place where he set it, but that
their sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants bow down to
their masters. But as soon as they perceived the vision foretold
that he should obtain power and great wealth, and that his power
should be in opposition to them, they gave no interpretation of
it to Joseph, as if the dream were not by them undestood: but
they prayed that no part of what they suspected to be its meaning
might come to pass; and they bare a still greater hatred to him
on that account.

3. But God, in opposition to their envy, sent a second vision to
Joseph, which was much more wonderful than the former; for it
seemed to him that the sun took with him the moon, and the rest
of the stars, and came down to the earth, and bowed down to him.
He told the vision to his father, and that, as suspecting nothing
of ill-will from his brethren, when they were there also, and
desired him to interpret what it should signify. Now Jacob was
pleased with the dream: for, considering the prediction in his
mind, and shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning, he
rejoiced at the great things thereby signified, because it
declared the future happiness of his son; and that, by the
blessing of God, the time would come when he should be honored,
and thought worthy of worship by his parents and brethren, as
guessing that the moon and sun were like his mother and father;
the former, as she that gave increase and nourishment to all
things; and the latter, he that gave form and other powers to
them; and that the stars were like his brethren, since they were
eleven in number, as were the stars that receive their power from
the sun and moon.

4. And thus did Jacob make a judgment of this vision, and that a
shrewd one also. But these interpretations caused very great
grief to Joseph's brethren; and they were affected to him
hereupon as if he were a certain stranger, that was to those good
things which were signified by the dreams and not as one that was
a brother, with whom it was probable they should be
joint-partakers; and as they had been partners in the same
parentage, so should they be of the same happiness. They also
resolved to kill the lad; and having fully ratified that
intention of theirs, as soon as their collection of the fruits
was over, they went to Shechem, which is a country good for
feeding of cattle, and for pasturage; there they fed their
flocks, without acquainting their father with their removal
thither; whereupon he had melancholy suspicions about them, as
being ignorant of his sons' condition, and receiving no messenger
from the flocks that could inform him of the true state they were
in; so, because he was in great fear about them, he sent Joseph
to the flocks, to learn the circumstances his brethren were in,
and to bring him word how they did.




CHAPTER 3.

How Joseph Was Thus Sold By His Brethren Into Egypt, By Reason Of
Their Hatred To Him; And How He There Grew Famous And Illustrious
And Had His Brethren Under His Power.


1. Now these brethren rejoiced as soon as they saw their brother
coming to them, not indeed as at the presence of a near relation,
or as at the presence of one sent by their father, but as at the
presence of an enemy, and one that by Divine Providence was
delivered into their hands; and they already resolved to kill
him, and not let slip the opportunity that lay before them. But
when Reubel, the eldest of them, saw them thus disposed, and that
they had agreed together to execute their purpose, he tried to
restrain them, showing them the heinous enterprise they were
going about, and the horrid nature of it; that this action would
appear wicked in the sight of God, and impious before men, even
though they should kill one not related to them; but much more
flagitious and detestable to appear to have slain their own
brother, by which act the father must be treated unjustly in the
son's slaughter, and the mother (1) also be in perplexity while
she laments that her son is taken away from her, and this not in
a natural way neither. So he entreated them to have a regard to
their own consciences, and wisely to consider what mischief would
betide them upon the death of so good a child, and their youngest
brother; that they would also fear God, who was already both a
spectator and a witness of the designs they had against their
brother; that he would love them if they abstained from this act,
and yielded to repentance and amendment; but in case they
proceeded to do the fact, all sorts of punishments would overtake
them from God for this murder of their brother, since they
polluted his providence, which was every where present, and which
did not overlook what was done, either in deserts or in cities;
for wheresoever a man is, there ought he to suppose that God is
also. He told them further, that their consciences would be their
enemies, if they attempted to go through so wicked an enterprise,
which they can never avoid, whether it be a good conscience; or
whether it be such a one as they will have within them when once
they have killed their brother. He also added this besides to
what he had before said, that it was not a righteous thing to
kill a brother, though he had injured them; that it is a good
thing to forget the actions of such near friends, even in things
wherein they might seem to have offended; but that they were
going to kill Joseph, who had been guilty of nothing that was ill
towards them, in whose case the infirmity of his small age should
rather procure him mercy, and move them to unite together in the
care of his preservation. That the cause of killing him made the
act itself much worse, while they determined to take him off out
of envy at his future prosperity, an equal share of which they
would naturally partake while he enjoyed it, since they were to
him not strangers, but the nearest relations, for they might
reckon upon what God bestowed upon Joseph as their own; and that
it was fit for them to believe, that the anger of God would for
this cause be more severe upon them, if they slew him who was
judged by God to be worthy of that prosperity which was to be
hoped for; and while, by murdering him, they made it impossible
for God to bestow it upon him.

2. Reubel said these and many other things, and used entreaties
to them, and thereby endeavored to divert them from the murder of
their brother. But when he saw that his discourse had not
mollified them at all, and that they made haste to do the fact,
he advised them to alleviate the wickedness they were going
about, in the manner of taking Joseph off; for as he had exhorted
them first, when they were going to revenge themselves, to be
dissuaded from doing it; so, since the sentence for killing their
brother had prevailed, he said that they would not, however, be
so grossly guilty, if they would be persuaded to follow his
present advice, which would include what they were so eager
about, but was not so very bad, but, in the distress they were
in, of a lighter nature. He begged of them, therefore, not to
kill their brother with their own hands, but to cast him into the
pit that was hard by, and so to let him die; by which they would
gain so much, that they would not defile their own hands with his
blood. To this the young men readily agreed; so Reubel took the
lad and tied him to a cord, and let him down gently into the pit,
for it had no water at all in it; who, when he had done this,
went his way to seek for such pasturage as was fit for feeding
his flocks.

3. But Judas, being one of Jacob's sons also, seeing some
Arabians, of the posterity of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian
wares out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians, after Rubel was
gone, advised his brethren to draw Joseph out of the pit, and
sell him to the Arabians; for if he should die among strangers a
great way off, they should be freed from this barbarous action.
This, therefore, was resolved on; so they drew Joseph up out of
the pit, and sold him to the merchants for twenty pounds (2) He
was now seventeen years old. But Reubel, coming in the night-time
to the pit, resolved to save Joseph, without the privity of his
brethren; and when, upon his calling to him, he made no answer,
he was afraid that they had destroyed him after he was gone; of
which he complained to his brethren; but when they had told him
what they had done, Reubel left off his mourning.

4. When Joseph's brethren had done thus to him, they considered
what they should do to escape the suspicions of their father. Now
they had taken away from Joseph the coat which he had on when he
came to them at the time they let him down into the pit; so they
thought proper to tear that coat to pieces, and to dip it into
goats' blood, and then to carry it and show it to their father,
that he might believe he was destroyed by wild beasts. And when
they had so done, they came to the old man, but this not till
what had happened to his son had already come to his knowledge.
Then they said that they had not seen Joseph, nor knew what
mishap had befallen him; but that they had found his coat bloody
and torn to pieces, whence they had a suspicion that he had
fallen among wild beasts, and so perished, if that was the coat
he had on when he came from home. Now Jacob had before some
better hopes that his son was only made a captive; but now he
laid aside that notion, and supposed that this coat was an
evident argument that he was dead, for he well remembered that
this was the coat he had on when he sent him to his brethren; so
he hereafter lamented the lad as now dead, and as if he had been
the father of no more than one, without taking any comfort in the
rest; and so he was also affected with his misfortune before he
met with Joseph's brethren, when he also conjectured that Joseph
was destroyed by wild beasts. He sat down also clothed in
sackcloth and in heavy affliction, insomuch that he found no ease
when his sons comforted him, neither did his pains remit by
length of time.




CHAPTER 4.

Concerning The Signal Chastity Of Joseph.


1. Now Potiphar, an Egyptian, who was chief cook to king Pharaoh,
bought Joseph of the merchants, who sold him to him. He had him
in the greatest honor, and taught him the learning that became a
free man, and gave him leave to make use of a diet better than
was allotted to slaves. He intrusted also the care of his house
to him. So he enjoyed these advantages, yet did not he leave that
virtue which he had before, upon such a change of his condition;
but he demonstrated that wisdom was able to govern the uneasy
passions of life, in such as have it in reality, and do not only
put it on for a show, under a present state of prosperity.

2. For when his master's wife was fallen in love with him, both
on account of his beauty of body, and his dexterous management of
affairs; and supposed, that if she should make it known to him,
she could easily persuade him to come and lie with her, and that
he would look upon it as a piece of happy fortune that his
mistress should entreat him, as regarding that state of slavery
he was in, and not his moral character, which continued after his
condition was changed. So she made known her naughty
inclinations, and spake to him about lying with her. However, he
rejected her entreaties, not thinking it agreeable to religion to
yield so far to her, as to do what would tend to the affront and
injury of him that purchased him, and had vouchsafed him so great
honors. He, on the contrary, exhorted her to govern that passion;
and laid before her the impossibility of her obtaining her
desires, which he thought might be conquered, if she had no hope
of succeeding; and he said, that as to himself, he would endure
any thing whatever before he would be persuaded to it; for
although it was fit for a slave, as he was, to do nothing
contrary to his mistress, he might well be excused in a case
where the contradiction was to such sort of commands only. But
this opposition of Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her
still more violent in her love to him; and as she was sorely
beset with this naughty passion, so she resolved to compass her
design by a second attempt.

3. When, therefore, there was a public festival coming on, in
which it was the custom for women to come to the public
solemnity; she pretended to her husband that she was sick, as
contriving an opportunity for solitude and leisure, that she
might entreat Joseph again. Which opportunity being obtained, she
used more kind words to him than before; and said that it had
been good for him to have yielded to her first solicitation, and
to have given her no repulse, both because of the reverence he
ought to bear to her dignity who solicited him, and because of
the vehemence of her passion, by which she was forced though she
were his mistress to condescend beneath her dignity; but that he
may now, by taking more prudent advice, wipe off the imputation
of his former folly; for whether it were that he expected the
repetition of her solicitations she had now made, and that with
greater earnestness than before, for that she had pretended
sickness on this very account, and had preferred his conversation
before the festival and its solemnity; or whether he opposed her
former discourses, as not believing she could be in earnest; she
now gave him sufficient security, by thus repeating her
application, that she meant not in the least by fraud to impose
upon him; and assured him, that if he complied with her
affections, he might expect the enjoyment of the advantages he
already had; and if he were submissive to her, he should have
still greater advantages; but that he must look for revenge and
hatred from her, in case he rejected her desires, and preferred
the reputation of chastity before his mistress; for that he would
gain nothing by such procedure, because she would then become his
accuser, and would falsely pretend to her husband, that he had
attempted her chastity; and that Potiphar would hearken to her
words rather than to his, let his be ever so agreeable to the
truth.

4. When the woman had said thus, and even with tears in her eyes,
neither did pity dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did fear
compel him to a compliance with her; but he opposed her
solicitations, and did not yield to her threatenings, and was
afraid to do an ill thing, and chose to undergo the sharpest
punishment rather than to enjoy his present advantages, by doing
what his own conscience knew would justly deserve that he should
die for it. He also put her in mind that she was a married woman,
and that she ought to cohabit with her husband only; and desired
her to suffer these considerations to have more weight with her
than the short pleasure of lustful dalliance, which would bring
her to repentance afterwards, would cause trouble to her, and yet
would not amend what had been done amiss. He also suggested to
her the fear she would be in lest they should be caught; and that
the advantage of concealment was uncertain, and that only while
the wickedness was not known [would there be any quiet for them];
but that she might have the enjoyment of her husband's company
without any danger. And he told her, that in the company of her
husband she might have great boldness from a good conscience,
both before God and before men. Nay, that she would act better
like his mistress, and make use of her authority over him better
while she persisted in her chastity, than when they were both
ashamed for what wickedness they had been guilty of; and that it
is much better to a life, well and known to have been so, than
upon the hopes of the concealment of evil practices.

5. Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried to restrain the
violent passion of the woman, and to reduce her affections within
the rules of reason; but she grew more ungovernable and earnest
in the matter; and since she despaired of persuading him, she
laid her hands upon him, and had a mind to force him. But as soon
as Joseph had got away from her anger, leaving also his garment
with her, for he left that to her, and leaped out of her chamber,
she was greatly afraid lest he should discover her lewdness to
her husband, and greatly troubled at the affront he had offered
her; so she resolved to be beforehand with him, and to accuse
Joseph falsely to Potiphar, and by that means to revenge herself
on him for his pride and contempt of her; and she thought it a
wise thing in itself, and also becoming a woman, thus to prevent
his accusation. Accordingly she sat sorrowful and in confusion,
framing herself so hypocritically and angrily, that the sorrow,
which was really for her being disappointed of her lust, might
appear to be for the attempt upon her chastity; so that when her
husband came home, and was disturbed at the sight of her and
inquired what was the cause of the disorder she was in, she began
to accuse Joseph: and, "O husband," said she, "mayst thou not
live a day longer if thou dost not punish the wicked slave who
has desired to defile thy bed; who has neither minded who he was
when he came to our house, so as to behave himself with modesty;
nor has he been mindful of what favors he had received from thy
bounty (as he must be an ungrateful man indeed, unless he, in
every respect, carry himself in a manner agreeable to us): this
man, I say, laid a private design to abuse thy wife, and this at
the time of a festival, observing when thou wouldst be absent. So
that it now is clear that his modesty, as it appeared to be
formerly, was only because of the restraint he was in out of fear
of thee, but that he was not really of a good disposition. This
has been occasioned by his being advanced to honor beyond what he
deserved, and what he hoped for; insomuch that he concluded, that
he who was deemed fit to be trusted with thy estate and the
government of thy family, and was preferred above thy eldest
servants, might be allowed to touch thy wife also." Thus when she
had ended her discourse, she showed him his garment, as if he
then left it with her when he attempted to force her. But
Potiphar not being able to disbelieve what his wife's tears
showed, and what his wife said, and what he saw himself, and
being seduced by his love to his wife, did not set himself about
the examination of the truth; but taking it for granted that his
wife was a modest woman, and condemning Joseph as a wicked man,
he threw him into the malefactors' prison; and had a still higher
opinion of his wife, and bare her witness that she was a woman of
a becoming modesty and chastity.




CHAPTER 5.

What Things Befell Joseph In Prison.


1. Now Joseph, commending all his affairs to God, did not betake
himself to make his defense, nor to give an account of the exact
circumstances of the fact, but silently underwent the bonds and
the distress he was in, firmly believing that God, who knew the
cause of his affliction, and the truth of the fact, would be more
powerful than those that inflicted the punishments upon him:-- a
proof of whose providence he quickly received; for the keeper of
the prison taking notice of his care and fidelity in the affairs
he had set him about, and the dignity of his countenance, relaxed
his bonds, and thereby made his heavy calamity lighter, and more
supportable to him. He also permitted him to make use of a diet
better than that of the rest of the prisoners. Now, as his fellow
prisoners, when their hard labors were over, fell to discoursing
one among another, as is usual in such as are equal sufferers,
and to inquire one of another what were the occasions of their
being condemned to a prison: among them the king's cupbearer, and
one that had been respected by him, was put in bonds, upon the
king's anger at him. This man was under the same bonds with
Joseph, and grew more familiar with him; and upon his observing
that Joseph had a better understanding than the rest had, he told
him of a dream he had, and desired he would interpret its
meaning, complaining that, besides the afflictions he underwent
from the king, God did also add to him trouble from his dreams.

2. He therefore said, that in his sleep he saw three clusters of
grapes hanging upon three branches of a vine, large already, and
ripe for gathering; and that he squeezed them into a cup which
the king held in his hand; and when he had strained the wine, he
gave it to the king to drink, and that he received it from him
with a pleasant countenance. This, he said, was what he saw; and
he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion of understanding in
such matters, he would tell him what this vision foretold. Who
bid him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed from his bonds
in three days' time, because the king desired his service, and
was about to restore him to it again; for he let him know that
God bestows the fruit of the vine upon men for good; which wine
is poured out to him, and is the pledge of fidelity and mutual
confidence among men; and puts an end to their quarrels, takes
away passion and grief out of the minds of them that use it, and
makes them cheerful. "Thou sayest that thou didst squeeze this
wine from three clusters of grapes with thine hands, and that the
king received it: know, therefore, that this vision is for thy
good, and foretells a release from thy present distress within
the same number of days as the branches had whence thou
gatheredst thy grapes in thy sleep. However, remember what
prosperity I have foretold thee when thou hast found it true by
experience; and when thou art in authority, do not overlook us in
this prison, wherein thou wilt leave us when thou art gone to the
place we have foretold; for we are not in prison for any crime;
but for the sake of our virtue and sobriety are we condemned to
suffer the penalty of malefactors, and because we are not willing
to injure him that has thus distressed us, though it were for our
own pleasure." The cupbearer, therefore, as was natural to do,
rejoiced to hear such an interpretation of his dream, and waited
the completion of what had been thus shown him beforehand.

3. But another servant there was of the king, who had been chief
baker, and was now bound in prison with the cupbearer; he also
was in good hope, upon Joseph's interpretation of the other's
vision, for he had seen a dream also; so he desired that Joseph
would tell him what the visions he had seen the night before
might mean. They were these that follow:-- "Methought," says he,
"I carried three baskets upon my head; two were full of loaves,
and the third full of sweetmeats and other eatables, such as are
prepared for kings; but that the fowls came flying, and eat them
all up, and had no regard to my attempt to drive them away." And
he expected a prediction like to that of the cupbearer. But
Joseph, considering and reasoning about the dream, said to him,
that he would willingly be an interpreter of good events to him,
and not of such as his dream denounced to him; but he told him
that he had only three days in all to live, for that the [three]
baskets signify, that on the third day he should be crucified,
and devoured by fowls, while he was not able to help himself. Now
both these dreams had the same several events that Joseph
foretold they should have, and this to both the parties; for on
the third day before mentioned, when the king solemnized his
birth-day, he crucified the chief baker, but set the butler free
from his bonds, and restored him to his former ministration.

4. But God freed Joseph from his confinement, after he had
endured his bonds two years, and had received no assistance from
the cupbearer, who did not remember what he had said to him
formerly; and God contrived this method of deliverance for him.
Pharaoh the king had seen in his sleep the same evening two
visions; and after them had the interpretations of them both
given him. He had forgotten the latter, but retained the dreams
themselves. Being therefore troubled at what he had seen, for it
seemed to him to be all of a melancholy nature, the next day he
called together the wisest men among the Egyptians, desiring to
learn from them the interpretation of his dreams. But when they
hesitated about them, the king was so much the more disturbed.
And now it was that the memory of Joseph, and his skill in
dreams, came into the mind of the king's cupbearer, when he saw
the confusion that Pharaoh was in; so he came and mentioned
Joseph to him, as also the vision he had seen in prison, and how
the event proved as he had said; as also that the chief baker was
crucified on the very same day; and that this also happened to
him according to the interpretation of Joseph. That Joseph
himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook, as
a slave; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of
the Hebrews; and said further, his father lived in great
splendor. "If, therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise
him on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy
dreams signify." So the king commanded that they should bring
Joseph into his presence; and those who received the command came
and brought him with them, having taken care of his habit, that
it might be decent, as the king had enjoined them to do.

5. But the king took him by the hand; and, "O young man," says
he, "for my servant bears witness that thou art at present the
best and most skillful person I can consult with; vouchsafe me
the same favors which thou bestowedst on this servant of mine,
and tell me what events they are which the visions of my dreams
foreshow; and I desire thee to suppress nothing out of fear, nor
to flatter me with lying words, or with what may please me,
although the truth should be of a melancholy nature. For it
seemed to me that, as I walked by the river, I saw kine fat and
very large, seven in number, going from the river to the marshes;
and other kine of the same number like them, met them out of the
marshes, exceeding lean and ill-favored, which ate up the fat and
the large kine, and yet were no better than before, and not less
miserably pinched with famine. After I had seen this vision, I
awaked out of my sleep; and being in disorder, and considering
with myself what this appearance should be, I fell asleep again,
and saw another dream, much more wonderful than the foregoing,
which still did more affright and disturb me:-- I saw seven ears
of corn growing out of one root, having their heads borne down by
the weight of the grains, and bending down with the fruit, which
was now ripe and fit for reaping; and near these I saw seven
other ears of corn, meager and weak, for want of rain, which fell
to eating and consuming those that were fit for reaping, and put
me into great astonishment."

6. To which Joseph replied:-- "This dream," said he, "O king,
although seen under two forms, signifies one and the same event
of things; for when thou sawest the fat kine, which is an animal
made for the plough and for labor, devoured by the worser kine,
and the ears of corn eaten up by the smaller ears, they foretell
a famine, and want of the fruits of the earth for the same number
of years, and equal with those when Egypt was in a happy state;
and this so far, that the plenty of these years will be spent in
the same number of years of scarcity, and that scarcity of
necessary provisions will be very difficult to be corrected; as a
sign whereof, the ill-favored kine, when they had devoured the
better sort, could not be satisfied. But still God foreshows what
is to come upon men, not to grieve them, but that, when they know
it beforehand, they may by prudence make the actual experience of
what is foretold the more tolerable. If thou, therefore,
carefully dispose of the plentiful crops which will come in the
former years, thou wilt procure that the future calamity will not
be felt by the Egyptians."

7. Hereupon the king wondered at the discretion and wisdom of
Joseph; and asked him by what means he might so dispense the
foregoing plentiful crops in the happy years, as to make the
miserable crops more tolerable. Joseph then added this his
advice: To spare the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians to
spend them luxuriously, but to reserve what they would have spent
in luxury beyond their necessity against the time of want. He
also exhorted him to take the corn of the husbandmen, and give
them only so much as will be sufficient for their food.
Accordingly Pharaoh being surprised at Joseph, not only for his
interpretation of the dream, but for the counsel he had given
him, intrusted him with dispensing the corn; with power to do
what he thought would be for the benefit of the people of Egypt,
and for the benefit of the king, as believing that he who first
discovered this method of acting, would prove the best overseer
of it. But Joseph having this power given him by the king, with
leave to make use of his seal, and to wear purple, drove in his
chariot through all the land of Egypt, and took the corn of the
husbandmen, (3) allotting as much to every one as would be
sufficient for seed, and for food, but without discovering to any
one the reason why he did so.




CHAPTER 6.

How Joseph When He Was Become Famous In Egypt, Had His Brethren
In Subjection.


1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty years of age, and enjoyed
great honors from the king, who called him Psothom Phanech, out
of regard to his prodigious degree of wisdom; for that name
denotes the revealer of secrets. He also married a wife of very
high quality; for he married the daughter of Petephres, (4) one
of the priests of Heliopolis; she was a virgin, and her name was
Asenath. By her he had children before the scarcity came on;
Manasseh, the elder, which signifies forgetful, because his
present happiness made him forget his former misfortunes; and
Ephraim, the younger, which signifies restored, because he was
restored to the freedom of his forefathers. Now after Egypt had
happily passed over seven years, according to Joseph's
interpretation of the dreams, the famine came upon them in the
eighth year; and because this misfortune fell upon them when they
had no sense of it beforehand, (5) they were all sorely afflicted
by it, and came running to the king's gates; and he called upon
Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being become confessedly a
savior to the whole multitude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open
this market of corn for the people of that country only, but
strangers had liberty to buy also; Joseph being willing that all
men, who are naturally akin to one another, should have
assistance from those that lived in happiness.

2. Now Jacob also, when he understood that foreigners might come,
sent all his sons into Egypt to buy corn, for the land of Canaan
was grievously afflicted with the famine; and this great misery
touched the whole continent. He only retained Benjamin, who was
born to him by Rachel, and was of the same mother with Joseph.
These sons of Jacob then came into Egypt, and applied themselves
to Joseph, wanting to buy corn; for nothing of this kind was done
without his approbation, since even then only was the honor that
was paid the king himself advantageous to the persons that paid
it, when they took care to honor Joseph also. Now when he well
knew his brethren, they thought nothing of him; for he was but a
youth when he left them, and was now come to an age so much
greater, that the lineaments of his face were changed, and he was
not known by them: besides this, the greatness of the dignity
wherein he appeared, suffered them not so much as to suspect it
was he. He now made trial what sentiments they had about affairs
of the greatest consequence; for he refused to sell them corn,
and said they were come as spies of the king's affairs; and that
they came from several countries, and joined themselves together,
and pretended that they were of kin, it not being possible that a
private man should breed up so many sons, and those of so great
beauty of countenance as they were, such an education of so many
children being not easily obtained by kings themselves. Now this
he did in order to discover what concerned his father, and what
happened to him after his own departure from him, and as desiring
to know what was become of Benjamin his brother; for he was
afraid that they had ventured on the like wicked enterprise
against him that they had done to himself, and had taken him off
also.

3. Now these brethren of his were under distraction and terror,
and thought that very great danger hung over them; yet not at all
reflecting upon their brother Joseph, and standing firm under the
accusations laid against them, they made their defense by Reubel,
the eldest of them, who now became their spokesman: "We come not
hither," said he, "with any unjust design, nor in order to bring
any harm to the king's affairs; we only want to be preserved, as
supposing your humanity might be a refuge for us from the
miseries which our country labors under, we having heard that you
proposed to sell corn, not only to your own countrymen, but to
strangers also, and that you determined to allow that corn, in
order to preserve all that want it; but that we are brethren, and
of the same common blood, the peculiar lineaments of our faces,
and those not so much different from one another, plainly show.
Our father's name is Jacob, an Hebrew man, who had twelve of us
for his sons by four wives; which twelve of us, while we were all
alive, were a happy family; but when one of our brethren, whose
name was Joseph, died, our affairs changed for the worse, for our
father could not forbear to make a long lamentation for him; and
we are in affliction, both by the calamity of the death of our
brother, and the miserable state of our aged father. We are now,
therefore, come to buy corn, having intrusted the care of our
father, and the provision for our family, to Benjamin, our
youngest brother; and if thou sendest to our house, thou mayst
learn whether we are guilty of the least falsehood in what we
say."

4. And thus did Reubel endeavor to persuade Joseph to have a
better opinion of them. But when he had learned from them that
Jacob was alive, and that his brother was not destroyed by them,
he for the present put them in prison, as intending to examine
more into their affairs when he should be at leisure. But on the
third day he brought them out, and said to them, "Since you
constantly affirm that you are not come to do any harm to the
king's affairs; that you are brethren, and the sons of the father
whom you named; you will satisfy me of the truth of what you say,
if you leave one of your company with me, who shall suffer no
injury here; and if, when ye have carried corn to your father,
you will come to me again, and bring your brother, whom you say
you left there, along with you, for this shall be by me esteemed
an assurance of the truth of what you have told me." Hereupon
they were in greater grief than before; they wept, and
perpetually deplored one among another the calamity of Joseph;
and said, "They were fallen into this misery as a punishment
inflicted by God for what evil contrivances they had against
him." And Reubel was large in his reproaches of them for their
too late repentance, whence no profit arose to Joseph; and
earnestly exhorted them to bear with patience whatever they
suffered, since it was done by God in way of punishment, on his
account. Thus they spake to one another, not imagining that
Joseph understood their language. A general sadness also seized
on them at Reubel's words, and a repentance for what they had
done; and they condemned the wickedness they had perpetrated, for
which they judged they were justly punished by God. Now when
Joseph saw that they were in this distress, he was so affected at
it that he fell into tears, and not being willing that they
should take notice of him, he retired; and after a while came to
them again, and taking Symeon (6) in order to his being a pledge
for his brethren's return, he bid them take the corn they had
bought, and go their way. He also commanded his steward privily
to put the money which they had brought with them for the
purchase of corn into their sacks, and to dismiss them therewith;
who did what he was commanded to do.

5. Now when Jacob's sons were come into the land of Canaan, they
told their father what had happened to them in Egypt, and that
they were taken to have come thither as spies upon the king; and
how they said they were brethren, and had left their eleventh
brother with their father, but were not believed; and how they
had left Symeon with the governor, until Benjamin should go
thither, and be a testimonial of the truth of what they had said:
and they begged of their father to fear nothing, but to send the
lad along with them. But Jacob was not pleased with any thing his
sons had done; and he took the detention of Symeon heinously, and
thence thought it a foolish thing to give up Benjamin also.
Neither did he yield to Reubel's persuasion, though he begged it
of him, and gave leave that the grandfather might, in way of
requital, kill his own sons, in case any harm came to Benjamin in
the journey. So they were distressed, and knew not what to do;
nay, there was another accident that still disturbed them more, -
the money that was found hidden in their sacks of corn. Yet when
the corn they had brought failed them, and when the famine still
afflicted them, and necessity forced them, Jacob did (7) [not]
still resolve to send Benjamin with his brethren, although there
was no returning into Egypt unless they came with what they had
promised. Now the misery growing every day worse, and his sons
begging it of him, he had no other course to take in his present
circumstances. And Judas, who was of a bold temper on other
occasions, spake his mind very freely to him: "That it did not
become him to be afraid on account of his son, nor to suspect the
worst, as he did; for nothing could be done to his son but by the
appointment of God, which must also for certain come to pass,
though he were at home with him; that he ought not to condemn
them to such manifest destruction; nor deprive them of that
plenty of food they might have from Pharaoh, by his unreasonable
fear about his son Benjamin, but ought to take care of the
preservation of Symeon, lest, by attempting to hinder Benjamin's
journey, Symeon should perish. He exhorted him to trust God for
him; and said he would either bring his son back to him safe, or,
together with his, lose his own life." So that Jacob was at
length persuaded, and delivered Benjamin to them, with the price
of the corn doubled; he also sent presents to Joseph of the
fruits of the land of Canaan, balsam and rosin, as also
turpentine and honey. (8) Now their father shed many tears at the
departure of his sons, as well as themselves. His concern was,
that he might receive them back again safe after their journey;
and their concern was, that they might find their father well,
and no way afflicted with grief for them. And this lamentation
lasted a whole day; so that the old man was at last tired with
grief, and staid behind; but they went on their way for Egypt,
endeavoring to mitigate their grief for their present
misfortunes, with the hopes of better success hereafter.

6. As soon as they came into Egypt, they were brought down to
Joseph: but here no small fear disturbed them, lest they should
be accused about the price of the corn, as if they had cheated
Joseph. They then made a long apology to Joseph's steward; and
told him, that when they came home they found the money in their
sacks, and that they had now brought it along with them. He said
he did not know what they meant: so they were delivered from that
fear. And when he had loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome
habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren; at which time
Joseph came from his attendance on the king. So they offered him
their presents; and upon his putting the question to them about
their father, they answered that they found him well. He also,
upon his discovery that Benjamin was alive, asked whether this
was their younger brother; for he had seen him. Whereupon they
said he was: he replied, that the God over all was his protector.
But when his affection to him made him shed tears, he retired,
desiring he might not be seen in that plight by his brethren.
Then Joseph took them to supper, and they were set down in the
same order as they used to sit at their father's table. And
although Joseph treated them all kindly, yet did he send a mess
to Benjamin that was double to what the rest of the guests had
for their shares.

7. Now when after supper they had composed themselves to sleep,
Joseph commanded his steward both to give them their measures of
corn, and to hide its price again in their sacks; and that withal
they should put into Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which
he loved himself to drink. - which things he did, in order to
make trial of his brethren, whether they would stand by Benjamin
when he should be accused of having stolen the cup, and should
appear to be in danger; or whether they would leave him, and,
depending on their own innocency, go to their father without him.
When the servant had done as he was bidden, the sons of Jacob,
knowing nothing of all this, went their way, and took Symeon
along with them, and had a double cause of joy, both because they
had received him again, and because they took back Benjamin to
their father, as they had promised. But presently a troop of
horsemen encompassed them, and brought with them Joseph's
servant, who had put the cup into Benjamin's sack. Upon which
unexpected attack of the horsemen they were much disturbed, and
asked what the reason was that they came thus upon men, who a
little before had been by their lord thought worthy of an
honorable and hospitable reception? They replied, by calling them
wicked wretches, who had forgot that very hospitable and kind
treatment which Joseph had given them, and did not scruple to be
injurious to him, and to carry off that cup out of which he had,
in so friendly a manner, drank to them, and not regarding their
friendship with Joseph, no more than the danger they should be in
if they were taken, in comparison of the unjust gain. Hereupon he
threatened that they should be punished; for though they had
escaped the knowledge of him who was but a servant, yet had they
not escaped the knowledge of God, nor had gone off with what they
had stolen; and, after all, asked why we come upon them, as if
they knew nothing of the matter: and he told them that they
should immediately know it by their punishment. This, and more of
the same nature, did the servant say, in way of reproach to them:
but they being wholly ignorant of any thing here that concerned
them, laughed at what he said, and wondered at the abusive
language which the servant gave them, when he was so hardy as to
accuse those who did not before so much as retain the price of
their corn, which was found in their sacks, but brought it again,
though nobody else knew of any such thing, - so far were they
from offering any injury to Joseph voluntarily. But still,
supposing that a search would be a more sure justification of
themselves than their own denial of the fact, they bid him search
them, and that if any of them had been guilty of the theft, to
punish them all; for being no way conscious to themselves of any
crime, they spake with assurance, and, as they thought, without
any danger to themselves also. The servants desired there might
be a search made; but they said the punishment should extend to
him alone who should be found guilty of the theft. So they made
the search; and, having searched all the rest, they came last of
all to Benjamin, as knowing it was Benjamin's sack in which they
had hidden the cup, they having indeed searched the rest only for
a show of accuracy: so the rest were out of fear for themselves,
and were now only concerned about Benjamin, but still were well
assured that he would also be found innocent; and they reproached
those that came after them for their hindering them, while they
might, in the mean while, have gotten a good way on their
journey. But as soon as they had searched Benjamin's sack, they
found the cup, and took it from him; and all was changed into
mourning and lamentation. They rent their garments, and wept for
the punishment which their brother was to undergo for his theft,
and for the delusion they had put on their father, when they
promised they would bring Benjamin safe to him. What added to
their misery was, that this melancholy accident came
unfortunately at a time when they thought they had been gotten
off clear; but they confessed that this misfortune of their
brother, as well as the grief of their father for him, was owing
to themselves, since it was they that forced their father to send
him with them, when he was averse to it.

8. The horsemen therefore took Benjamin and brought him to
Joseph, his brethren also following him; who, when he saw him in
custody, and them in the habit of mourners, said, "How came you,
vile wretches as you are, to have such a strange notion of my
kindness to you, and of God's providence, as impudently to do
thus to your benefactor, who in such an hospitable manner had
entertained you?" Whereupon they gave up themselves to be
punished, in order to save Benjamin; and called to mind what a
wicked enterprise they had been guilty of against Joseph. They
also pronounced him more happy than themselves, if he were dead,
in being freed from the miseries of this life; and if he were
alive, that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God's vengeance
upon them. They said further; that they were the plague of their
father, since they should now add to his former affliction for
Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin. Reubel also was large
in cutting them upon this occasion. But Joseph dismissed them;
for he said they had been guilty of no offense, and that he would
content himself with the lad's punishment; for he said it was not
a fit thing to let him go free, for the sake of those who had not
offended; nor was it a fit thing to punish them together with him
who had been guilty of stealing. And when he promised to give
them leave to go away in safety, the rest of them were under
great consternation, and were able to say nothing on this sad
occasion. But Judas, who had persuaded their father to send the
lad from him, being otherwise also a very bold and active man,
determined to hazard himself for the preservation of his brother.
"It is true," (9) said he, "O governor, that we have been very
wicked with regard to thee, and on that account deserved
punishment; even all of us may justly be punished, although the
theft were not committed by all, but only by one of us, and he
the youngest also; but yet there remains some hope for us, who
otherwise must be under despair on his account, and this from thy
goodness, which promises us a deliverance out of our present
danger. And now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that great
crime we have been guilty of, but at thy own excellent nature,
and take advice of thine own virtue, instead of that wrath thou
hast against us; which passion those that otherwise are of lower
character indulge, as they do their strength, and that not only
on great, but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome, sir,
that passion, and be not subdued by it, nor suffer it to slay
those that do not otherwise presume upon their own safety, but
are desirous to accept of it from thee; for this is not the first
time that thou wilt bestow it on us, but before, when we came to
buy corn, thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and gavest us
leave to carry so much home to our family as has preserved them
from perishing by famine. Nor is there any difference between not
overlooking men that were perishing for want of necessaries, and
not punishing those that seem to be offenders, and have been so
unfortunate as to lose the advantage of that glorious benefaction
which they received from thee. This will be an instance of equal
favor, though bestowed after a different manner; for thou wilt
save those this way whom thou didst feed the other; and thou wilt
hereby preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls which thou
didst not suffer to be distressed by famine, it being indeed at
once a wonderful and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn,
and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby, now we are distressed,
we may continue those lives. And I am ready to suppose that God
is willing to afford thee this opportunity of showing thy
virtuous disposition, by bringing us into this calamity, that it
may appear thou canst forgive the injuries that are done to
thyself, and mayst be esteemed kind to others, besides those who,
on other accounts, stand in need of thy assistance; since it is
indeed a right thing to do well to those who are in distress for
want of food, but still a more glorious thing to save those who
deserve to be punished, when it is on account of heinous offenses
against thyself; for if it be a thing deserving commendation to
forgive such as have been guilty of small offenses, that tend to
a person's loss, and this be praiseworthy in him that overlooks
such offenses, to restrain a man's passion as to crimes which are
capital to the guilty, is to be like the most excellent nature of
God himself. And truly, as for myself, had it not been that we
had a father, who had discovered, on occasion of the death of
Joseph, how miserably he is always afflicted at the loss of his
sons, I had not made any words on account of the saving of our
own lives; I mean, any further than as that would be an excellent
character for thyself, to preserve even those that would have
nobody to lament them when they were dead, but we would have
yielded ourselves up to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; but now
(for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves, though indeed, if we
die, it will be while we are young, and before we have had the
enjoyment of life) have regard to our father, and take pity of
his old age, on whose account it is that we make these
supplications to thee. We beg thou wilt give us those lives which
this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxious to thy punishment;
and this for his sake who is not himself wicked, nor does his
being our father make us wicked. He is a good man, and not worthy
to have such trials of his patience; and now, we are absent, he
is afflicted with care for us. But if he hear of our deaths, and
what was the cause of it, he will on that account die an immature
death; and the reproachful manner of our ruin will hasten his
end, and will directly kill him; nay, will bring him to a
miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself out of
the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before
the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world.
Consider these things in this manner, although our wickedness
does now provoke thee with a just desire of punishing that
wickedness, and forgive it for our father's sake; and let thy
commiseration of him weigh more with thee than our wickedness.
Have regard to the old age of our father, who, if we perish, will
be very lonely while he lives, and will soon die himself also.
Grant this boon to the name of fathers, for thereby thou wilt
honor him that begat thee, and will grant it to thyself also, who
enjoyest already that denomination; thou wilt then, by that
denomination, be preserved of God, the Father of all, - by
showing a pious regard to which, in the case of our father, thou
wilt appear to honor him who is styled by the same name; I mean,
if thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon this
consideration, how miserable he will be if he be deprived of his
sons! It is thy part therefore to bestow on us what God has given
us, when it is in thy power to take it away, and so to resemble
him entirely in charity; for it is good to use that power, which
can either give or take away, on the merciful side; and when it
is in thy power to destroy, to forget that thou ever hadst that
power, and to look on thyself as only allowed power for
preservation; and that the more any one extends this power, the
greater reputation does he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our
brother what he has unhappily committed, thou wilt preserve us
all; for we cannot think of living if he be put to death, since
we dare not show ourselves alive to our father without our
brother, but here must we partake of one and the same catastrophe
of his life. And so far we beg of thee, O governor, that if thou
condemnest our brother to die, thou wilt punish us together with
him, as partners of his crime, - for we shall not think it
reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves for grief of our
brother's death, but so to die rather as equally guilty with him
of this crime. I will only leave with thee this one
consideration, and then will say no more, viz. that our brother
committed this fault when he was young, and not yet of confirmed
wisdom in his conduct; and that men naturally forgive such young
persons. I end here, without adding what more I have to say, that
in case thou condemnest us, that omission may be supposed to have
hurt us, and permitted thee to take the severer side. But in case
thou settest us free, that this may be ascribed to thy own
goodness, of which thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest
us from condemnation; and that not by barely preserving us, but
by granting us such a favor as will make us appear more righteous
than we really are, and by representing to thyself more motives
for our deliverance than we are able to produce ourselves. If,
therefore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou wilt slay me
in his stead, and send him back to his father; or if thou
pleasest to retain him with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labor
for thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou seest, am better
prepared for either of those sufferings." So Judas, being very
willing to undergo any thing whatever for the deliverance of his
brother, cast himself down at Joseph's feet, and earnestly
labored to assuage and pacify his anger. All his brethren also
fell down before him, weeping and delivering themselves up to
destruction for the preservation of the life of Benjamin.

10. But Joseph, as overcome now with his affections, and no
longer able to personate an angry man, commanded all that were
present to depart, that he might make himself known to his
brethren when they were alone; and when the rest were gone out,
he made himself known to his brethren; and said, "I commend you
for your virtue, and your kindness to our brother: I find you
better men than I could have expected from what you contrived
about me. Indeed, I did all this to try your love to your
brother; so I believe you were not wicked by nature in what you
did in my case, but that all has happened according to God's
will, who has hereby procured our enjoyment of what good things
we have; and, if he continue in a favorable disposition, of what
we hope for hereafter. Since, therefore, I know that our father
is safe and well, beyond expectation, and I see you so well
disposed to your brother, I will no longer remember what guilt
you seem to have had about me, but will leave off to hate you for
that your wickedness; and do rather return you my thanks, that
you have concurred with the intentions of God to bring things to
their present state. I would have you also rather to forget the
same, since that imprudence of yours is come to such a happy
conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at those your offenses.
Do not, therefore, let your evil intentions, when you condemned
me, and that bitter remorse which might follow, be a grief to you
now, because those intentions were frustrated. Go, therefore,
your way, rejoicing in what has happened by the Divine
Providence, and inform your father of it, lest he should be spent
with cares for you, and deprive me of the most agreeable part of
my felicity; I mean, lest he should die before he comes into my
sight, and enjoys the good things that we now have. Bring,
therefore, with you our father, and your wives and children, and
all your kindred, and remove your habitations hither; for it is
not proper that the persons dearest to me should live remote from
me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially when they must
endure five more years of famine." When Joseph had said this, he
embraced his brethren, who were in tears and sorrow; but the
generous kindness of their brother seemed to leave among them no
room for fear, lest they should be punished on account of what
they had consulted and acted against him; and they were then
feasting. Now the king, as soon as he heard that Joseph's
brethren were come to him, was exceeding glad of it, as if it had
been a part of his own good fortune; and gave them wagons full of
corn and gold and silver, to be conveyed to his father. Now when
they had received more of their brother part to be carried to
their father, and part as free gifts to every one of themselves,
Benjamin having still more than the rest, they departed.




CHAPTER 7.

The Removal Of Joseph's Father With All His Family,
To Him, On Account Of The Famine.


1. As soon as Jacob came to know, by his sons returning home, in
what state Joseph was, that he had not only escaped death, for
which yet he lived all along in mourning, but that he lived in
splendor and happiness, and ruled over Egypt, jointly with the
king, and had intrusted to his care almost all his affairs, he
did not think any thing he was told to be incredible, considering
the greatness of the works of God, and his kindness to him,
although that kindness had, for some late times, been
intermitted; so he immediately and zealously set out upon his
journey to him.

2. When he came to the Well of the Oath, (Beersheba,) he offered
sacrifice to God; and being afraid that the happiness there was
in Egypt might tempt his posterity to fall in love with it, and
settle in it, and no more think of removing into the land of
Canaan, and possessing it, as God had promised them; as also
being afraid, lest, if this descent into Egypt were made without
the will of God, his family might be destroyed there; out of
fear, withal, lest he should depart this life before he came to
the sight of Joseph; he fell asleep, revolving these doubts in
his mind.

3. But God stood by him, and called him twice by his name; and
when he asked who he was, God said, "No, sure; it is not just
that thou, Jacob, shouldst be unacquainted with that God who has
been ever a protector and a helper to thy forefathers, and after
them to thyself: for when thy father would have deprived thee of
the dominion, I gave it thee; and by my kindness it was that,
when thou wast sent into Mesopotamia all alone, thou obtainedst
good wives, and returnedst with many children, and much wealth.
Thy whole family also has been preserved by my providence; and it
was I who conducted Joseph, thy son, whom thou gavest up for
lost, to the enjoyment of great prosperity. I also made him lord
of Egypt, so that he differs but little from a king. Accordingly,
I come now as a guide to thee in this journey; and foretell to
thee, that thou shalt die in the arms of Joseph: and I inform
thee, that thy posterity shall be many ages in authority and
glory, and that I will settle them in the land which I have
promised them."

4. Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went on more cheerfully for
Egypt with his sons, and all belonging to them. Now they were in
all seventy. I once, indeed, thought it best not to set down the
names of this family, especially because of their difficult
pronunciation [by the Greeks]; but, upon the whole, I think it
necessary to mention those names, that I may disprove such as
believe that we came not originally from Mesopotamia, but are
Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons; of these Joseph was come
thither before. We will therefore set down the names of Jacob's
children and grandchildren. Reuben had four sons - Anoch, Phallu,
Assaron, Charmi. Simeon had six - Jamuel, Jamin, Avod, Jachin,
Soar, Saul. Levi had three sons - Gersom, Caath, Merari. Judas
had three sons - Sala, Phares, Zerah; and by Phares two
grandchildren, Esrom and Amar. Issachar had four sons - Thola,
Phua, Jasob, Samaron. Zabulon had with him three sons - Sarad,
Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea; with whom went her
daughter Dinah. These are thirty-three. Rachel had two sons, the
one of whom, Joseph, had two sons also, Manasses and Ephraim. The
other, Benjamin, had ten sons - Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel, Geras,
Naaman, Jes, Ros, Momphis, Opphis, Arad. These fourteen added to
the thirty-three before enumerated, amount to the number
forty-seven. And this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He
had besides by Bilhah, the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and
Nephtliali; which last had four sons that followed him - Jesel,
Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an only begotten son, Usi. If
these be added to those before mentioned, they complete the
number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the sons of Zilpha, who was
the handmaid of Lea. These had with them, Gad seven - Saphoniah,
Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Erocd, Ariel. Aser had a daughter,
Sarah, and six male children, whose names were Jomne, Isus,
Isoui, Baris, Abar and Melchiel. If we add these, which are
sixteen, to the fifty-four, the forementioned number [70] is
completed (11) Jacob not being himself included in that number.

5. When Joseph understood that his father was coming, for Judas
his brother was come before him, and informed him of his
approach, he went out to meet him; and they met together at
Heroopolis. But Jacob almost fainted away at this unexpected and
great joy; however, Joseph revived him, being yet not himself
able to contain from being affected in the same manner, at the
pleasure he now had; yet was he not wholly overcome with his
passion, as his father was. After this, he desired Jacob to
travel on slowly; but he himself took five of his brethren with
him, and made haste to the king, to tell him that Jacob and his
family were come; which was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid
Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren loved to lead,
that he might give them leave to follow the same, who told him
they were good shepherds, and had been used to follow no other
employment but this alone. Whereby he provided for them, that
they should not be separated, but live in the same place, and
take care of their father; as also hereby he provided, that they
might be acceptable to the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would
be common to them with the Egyptians; for the Egyptians are
prohibited to meddle with feeding of sheep. (12)

6. When Jacob was come to the king, and saluted him, and wished
all prosperity to his government, Pharaoh asked him how old he
now was; upon whose answer, that he was a hundred and thirty
years old, he admired Jacob on account of the length of his life.
And when he had added, that still he had not lived so long as his
forefathers, he gave him leave to live with his children in
Heliopolis; for in that city the king's shepherds had their
pasturage.

7. However, the famine increased among the Egyptians, and this
heavy judgment grew more oppressive to them, because neither did
the river overflow the ground, for it did not rise to its former
height, nor did God send rain upon it; (13) nor did they indeed
make the least provision for themselves, so ignorant were they
what was to be done; but Joseph sold them corn for their money.
But when their money failed them, they bought corn with their
cattle and their slaves; and if any of them had a small piece of
land, they gave up that to purchase them food, by which means the
king became the owner of all their substance; and they were
removed, some to one place, and some to another, that so the
possession of their country might be firmly assured to the king,
excepting the lands of the priests, for their country continued
still in their own possession. And indeed this sore famine made
their minds, as well as their bodies, slaves; and at length
compelled them to procure a sufficiency of food by such
dishonorable means. But when this misery ceased, and the river
overflowed the ground, and the ground brought forth its fruits
plentifully, Joseph came to every city, and gathered the people
thereto belonging together, and gave them back entirely the land
which, by their own consent, the king might have possessed alone,
and alone enjoyed the fruits of it. He also exhorted them to look
on it as every one's own possession, and to fall to their
husbandry with cheerfulness, and to pay as a tribute to the king,
the fifth part (14) of the fruits for the land which the king,
when it was his own, restored to them. These men rejoiced upon
their becoming unexpectedly owners of their lands, and diligently
observed what was enjoined them; and by this means Joseph
procured to himself a greater authority among the Egyptians, and
greater love to the king from them. Now this law, that they
should pay the fifth part of their fruits as tribute, continued
until their later kings.




CHAPTER 8.

Of The Death Of Jacob And Joseph.


1. Now when Jacob had lived seventeen years in Egypt, he fell
into a disease, and died in the presence of his sons; but not
till he made his prayers for their enjoying prosperity, and till
he had foretold to them prophetically how every one of them was
to dwell in the land of Canaan. But this happened many years
afterward. He also enlarged upon the praises of Joseph (15) how
he had not remembered the evil doings of his brethren to their
disadvantage; nay, on the contrary, was kind to them, bestowing
upon them so many benefits, as seldom are bestowed on men's own
benefactors. He then commanded his own sons that they should
admit Joseph's sons, Ephraim and Manasses, into their number, and
divide the land of Canaan in common with them; concerning whom we
shall treat hereafter. However, he made it his request that he
might be buried at Hebron. So he died, when he had lived full a
hundred and fifty years, three only abated, having not been
behind any of his ancestors in piety towards God, and having such
a recompense for it, as it was fit those should have who were so
good as these were. But Joseph, by the king's permission, carried
his father's dead body to Hebron, and there buried it, at a great
expense. Now his brethren were at first unwilling to return back
with him, because they were afraid lest, now their father was
dead, he should punish them for their secret practices against
him; since he was now gone, for whose sake he had been so
gracious to them. But he persuaded them to fear no harm, and to
entertain no suspicions of him: so he brought them along with
him, and gave them great possessions, and never left off his
particular concern for them.

2. Joseph also died when he had lived a hundred and ten years;
having been a man of admirable virtue, and conducting all his
affairs by the rules of reason; and used his authority with
moderation, which was the cause of his so great felicity among
the Egyptians, even when he came from another country, and that
in such ill circumstances also, as we have already described. At
length his brethren died, after they had lived happily in Egypt.
Now the posterity and sons of these men, after some time, carried
their bodies, and buried them at Hebron: but as to the bones of
Joseph, they carried them into the land of Canaan afterward, when
the Hebrews went out of Egypt, for so had Joseph made them
promise him upon oath. But what became of every one of these men,
and by what toils they got the possession of the land of Canaan,
shall be shown hereafter, when I have first explained upon what
account it was that they left Egypt.




CHAPTER 9.

Concerning The Afflictions That Befell The Hebrews In Egypt,
During Four Hundred Years. (16)


1. Now it happened that the Egyptians grew delicate and lazy, as
to pains-taking, and gave themselves up to other pleasures, and
in particular to the love of gain. They also became very
ill-affected towards the Hebrews, as touched with envy at their
prosperity; for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites
flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth,
which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of
labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment.
And having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had
received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into
another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and
contrived many ways of afflicting them; for they enjoined them to
cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls
for their cities and ramparts, that they might restrain the
river, and hinder its waters from stagnating, upon its running
over its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids, (17)
and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts
of mechanical arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labor. And
four hundred years did they spend under these afflictions; for
they strove one against the other which should get the mastery,
the Egyptians desiring to destroy the Israelites by these labors,
and the Israelites desiring to hold out to the end under them.

2. While the affairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there
was this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made
them more solicitous for the extinction of our nation. One of
those sacred scribes, (18) who are very sagacious in foretelling
future events truly, told the king, that about this time there
would a child be born to the Israelites, who, if he were reared,
would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise the
Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and obtain a
glory that would be remembered through all ages. Which thing was
so feared by the king, that, according to this man's opinion, he
commanded that they should cast every male child, which was born
to the Israelites, into the river, and destroy it; that besides
this, the Egyptian midwives (19) should watch the labors of the
Hebrew women, and observe what is born, for those were the women
who were enjoined to do the office of midwives to them; and by
reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress his
commands. He enjoined also, that if any parents should disobey
him, and venture to save their male children alive, (20) they and
their families should be destroyed. This was a severe affliction
indeed to those that suffered it, not only as they were deprived
of their sons, and while they were the parents themselves, they
were obliged to be subservient to the destruction of their own
children, but as it was to be supposed to tend to the extirpation
of their nation, while upon the destruction of their children,
and their own gradual dissolution, the calamity would become very
hard and inconsolable to them. And this was the ill state they
were in. But no one can be too hard for the purpose of God,
though he contrive ten thousand subtle devices for that end; for
this child, whom the sacred scribe foretold, was brought up and
concealed from the observers appointed by the king; and he that
foretold him did not mistake in the consequences of his
preservation, which were brought to pass after the manner
following:--

3. A man whose name was Amram, one of the nobler sort of the
Hebrews, was afraid for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by
the want of young men to be brought up hereafter, and was very
uneasy at it, his wife being then with child, and he knew not
what to do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God; and
entreated him to have compassion on those men who had nowise
transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them
deliverance from the miseries they at that time endured, and to
render abortive their enemies' hopes of the destruction of their
nation. Accordingly God had mercy on him, and was moved by his
supplication. He stood by him in his sleep, and exhorted him not
to despair of his future favors. He said further, that he did not
forget their piety towards him, and would always reward them for
it, as he had formerly granted his favor to their forefathers,
and made them increase from a few to so great a multitude. He put
him in mind, that when Abraham was come alone out of Mesopotamia
into Canaan, he had been made happy, not only in other respects,
but that when his wife was at first barren, she was afterwards by
him enabled to conceive seed, and bare him sons. That he left to
Ismael and to his posterity the country of Arabia; as also to his
sons by Ketura, Troglodytis; and to Isaac, Canaan. That by my
assistance, said he, he did great exploits in war, which, unless
you be yourselves impious, you must still remember. As for Jacob,
he became well known to strangers also, by the greatness of that
prosperity in which he lived, and left to his sons, who came into
Egypt with no more than seventy souls, while you are now become
above six hundred thousand. Know therefore that I shall provide
for you all in common what is for your good, and particularly for
thyself what shall make thee famous; for that child, out of dread
of whose nativity the Egyptians have doomed the Israelite
children to destruction, shall be this child of thine, and shall
be concealed from those who watch to destroy him: and when he is
brought up in a surprising way, he shall deliver the Hebrew
nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians. His
memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only
among the Hebrews, but foreigners also:-- all which shall be the
effect of my favor to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also
have such a brother, that he shall himself obtain my priesthood,
and his posterity shall have it after him to the end of the
world.

4. When the vision had informed him of these things, Amram awaked
and told it to Jochebed who was his wife. And now the fear
increased upon them on account of the prediction in Amram's
dream; for they were under concern, not only for the child, but
on account of the great happiness that was to come to him also.
However, the mother's labor was such as afforded a confirmation
to what was foretold by God; for it was not known to those that
watched her, by the easiness of her pains, and because the throes
of her delivery did not fall upon her with violence. And now they
nourished the child at home privately for three months; but after
that time Amram, fearing he should be discovered, and, by falling
under the king's displeasure, both he and his child should
perish, and so he should make the promise of God of none effect,
he determined rather to trust the safety and care of the child to
God, than to depend on his own concealment of him, which he
looked upon as a thing uncertain, and whereby both the child, so
privately to be nourished, and himself should be in imminent
danger; but he believed that God would some way for certain
procure the safety of the child, in order to secure the truth of
his own predictions. When they had thus determined, they made an
ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a cradle, and of a bigness
sufficient for an infant to be laid in, without being too
straitened: they then daubed it over with slime, which would
naturally keep out the water from entering between the bulrushes,
and put the infant into it, and setting it afloat upon the river,
they left its preservation to God; so the river received the
child, and carried him along. But Miriam, the child's sister,
passed along upon the bank over against him, as her mother had
bid her, to see whither the ark would be carried, where God
demonstrated that human wisdom was nothing, but that the Supreme
Being is able to do whatsoever he pleases: that those who, in
order to their own security, condemn others to destruction, and
use great endeavors about it, fail of their purpose; but that
others are in a surprising manner preserved, and obtain a
prosperous condition almost from the very midst of their
calamities; those, I mean, whose dangers arise by the appointment
of God. And, indeed, such a providence was exercised in the case
of this child, as showed the power of God.

5. Thermuthis was the king's daughter. She was now diverting
herself by the banks of the river; and seeing a cradle borne
along by the current, she sent some that could swim, and bid them
bring the cradle to her. When those that were sent on this errand
came to her with the cradle, and she saw the little child, she
was greatly in love with it, on account of its largeness and
beauty; for God had taken such great care in the formation of
Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up,
and providing for, by all those that had taken the most fatal
resolutions, on account of the dread of his nativity, for the
destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation. Thermuthis bid them
bring her a woman that might afford her breast to the child; yet
would not the child admit of her breast, but turned away from it,
and did the like to many other women. Now Miriam was by when this
happened, not to appear to be there on purpose, but only as
staying to see the child; and she said, "It is in vain that thou,
O queen, callest for these women for the nourishing of the child,
who are no way of kin to it; but still, if thou wilt order one of
the Hebrew women to be brought, perhaps it may admit the breast
of one of its own nation." Now since she seemed to speak well,
Thermuthis bid her procure such a one, and to bring one of those
Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she had such authority given
her, she came back and brought the mother, who was known to
nobody there. And now the child gladly admitted the breast, and
seemed to stick close to it; and so it was, that, at the queen's
desire, the nursing of the child was entirely intrusted to the
mother.

6. Hereupon it was that Thermuthis imposed this name Mouses upon
him, from what had happened when he was put into the river; for
the Egyptians call water by the name of Mo, and such as are saved
out of it, by the name of Uses: so by putting these two words
together, they imposed this name upon him. And he was, by the
confession of all, according to God's prediction, as well for his
greatness of mind as for his contempt of difficulties, the best
of all the Hebrews, for Abraham was his ancestor of the seventh
generation. For Moses was the son of Amram, who was the son of
Caath, whose father Levi was the son of Jacob, who was the son of
Isaac, who was the son of Abraham. Now Moses's understanding
became superior to his age, nay, far beyond that standard; and
when he was taught, he discovered greater quickness of
apprehension than was usual at his age, and his actions at that
time promised greater, when he should come to the age of a man.
God did also give him that tallness, when he was but three years
old, as was wonderful. And as for his beauty, there was nobody so
unpolite as, when they saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised
at the beauty of his countenance; nay, it happened frequently,
that those that met him as he was carried along the road, were
obliged to turn again upon seeing the child; that they left what
they were about, and stood still a great while to look on him;
for the beauty of the child was so remarkable and natural to him
on many accounts, that it detained the spectators, and made them
stay longer to look upon him.

7. Thermuthis therefore perceiving him to be so remarkable a
child, adopted him for her son, having no child of her own. And
when one time had carried Moses to her father, she showed him to
him, and said she thought to make him her successor, if it should
please God she should have no legitimate child of her own; and to
him, "I have brought up a child who is of a divine form, (21) and
of a generous mind; and as I have received him from the bounty of
the river, in, I thought proper to adopt him my son, and the
heir of thy kingdom." And she had said this, she put the infant
into her father's hands: so he took him, and hugged him to his
breast; and on his daughter's account, in a pleasant way, put his
diadem upon his head; but Moses threw it down to the ground, and,
in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and trod upon his feet,
which seemed to bring along with evil presage concerning the
kingdom of Egypt. But when the sacred scribe saw this, (he was
the person who foretold that his nativity would the dominion of
that kingdom low,) he made a violent attempt to kill him; and
crying out in a frightful manner, he said, "This, O king! this
child is he of whom God foretold, that if we kill him we shall be
in no danger; he himself affords an attestation to the prediction
of the same thing, by his trampling upon thy government, and
treading upon thy diadem. Take him, therefore, out of the way,
and deliver the Egyptians from the fear they are in about him;
and deprive the Hebrews of the hope they have of being encouraged
by him." But Thermuthis prevented him, and snatched the child
away. And the king was not hasty to slay him, God himself, whose
providence protected Moses, inclining the king to spare him. He
was, therefore, educated with great care. So the Hebrews depended
on him, and were of good hopes great things would be done by him;
but the Egyptians were suspicious of what would follow such his
education. Yet because, if Moses had been slain, there was no
one, either akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his side for
pretending to the crown of Egypt, and likely to be of greater
advantage to them, they abstained from killing him.




CHAPTER 10.

How Moses Made War With The Ethiopians.


1. Moses, therefore, when he was born, and brought up in the
foregoing manner, and came to the age of maturity, made his
virtue manifest to the Egyptians; and showed that he was born for
the bringing them down, and raising the Israelites. And the
occasion he laid hold of was this:-- The Ethiopians, who are next
neighbors to the Egyptians, made an inroad into their country,
which they seized upon, and carried off the effects of the
Egyptians, who, in their rage, fought against them, and revenged
the affronts they had received from them; but being overcome in
battle, some of them were slain, and the rest ran away in a
shameful manner, and by that means saved themselves; whereupon
the Ethiopians followed after them in the pursuit, and thinking
that it would be a mark of cowardice if they did not subdue all
Egypt, they went on to subdue the rest with greater vehemence;
and when they had tasted the sweets of the country, they never
left off the prosecution of the war: and as the nearest parts had
not courage enough at first to fight with them, they proceeded as
far as Memphis, and the sea itself, while not one of the cities
was able to oppose them. The Egyptians, under this sad
oppression, betook themselves to their oracles and prophecies;
and when God had given them this counsel, to make use of Moses
the Hebrew, and take his assistance, the king commanded his
daughter to produce him, that he might be the general (22) of
their army. Upon which, when she had made him swear he would do
him no harm, she delivered him to the king, and supposed his
assistance would be of great advantage to them. She withal
reproached the priest, who, when they had before admonished the
Egyptians to kill him, was not ashamed now to own their want of
his help.

2. So Moses, at the persuasion both of Thermuthis and the king
himself, cheerfully undertook the business: and the sacred
scribes of both nations were glad; those of the Egyptians, that
they should at once overcome their enemies by his valor, and that
by the same piece of management Moses would be slain; but those
of the Hebrews, that they should escape from the Egyptians,
because Moses was to be their general. But Moses prevented the
enemies, and took and led his army before those enemies were
apprized of his attacking them; for he did not march by the
river, but by land, where he gave a wonderful demonstration of
his sagacity; for when the ground was difficult to be passed
over, because of the multitude of serpents, (which it produces in
vast numbers, and, indeed, is singular in some of those
productions, which other countries do not breed, and yet such as
are worse than others in power and mischief, and an unusual
fierceness of sight, some of which ascend out of the ground
unseen, and also fly in the air, and so come upon men at
unawares, and do them a mischief,) Moses invented a wonderful
stratagem to preserve the army safe, and without hurt; for he
made baskets, like unto arks, of sedge, and filled them with
ibes, (23) and carried them along with them; which animal is the
greatest enemy to serpents imaginable, for they fly from them
when they come near them; and as they fly they are caught and
devoured by them, as if it were done by the harts; but the ibes
are tame creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine kind: but
about these ibes I say no more at present, since the Greeks
themselves are not unacquainted with this sort of bird. As soon,
therefore, as Moses was come to the land which was the breeder of
these serpents, he let loose the ibes, and by their means
repelled the serpentine kind, and used them for his assistants
before the army came upon that ground. When he had therefore
proceeded thus on his journey, he came upon the Ethiopians before
they expected him; and, joining battle with them, he beat them,
and deprived them of the hopes they had of success against the
Egyptians, and went on in overthrowing their cities, and indeed
made a great slaughter of these Ethiopians. Now when the Egyptian
army had once tasted of this prosperous success, by the means of
Moses, they did not slacken their diligence, insomuch that the
Ethiopians were in danger of being reduced to slavery, and all
sorts of destruction; and at length they retired to Saba, which
was a royal city of Ethiopia, which Cambyses afterwards named
Mero, after the name of his own sister. The place was to be
besieged with very great difficulty, since it was both
encompassed by the Nile quite round, and the other rivers,
Astapus and Astaboras, made it a very difficult thing for such as
attempted to pass over them; for the city was situate in a
retired place, and was inhabited after the manner of an island,
being encompassed with a strong wall, and having the rivers to
guard them from their enemies, and having great ramparts between
the wall and the rivers, insomuch, that when the waters come with
the greatest violence, it can never be drowned; which ramparts
make it next to impossible for even such as are gotten over the
rivers to take the city. However, while Moses was uneasy at the
army's lying idle, (for the enemies durst not come to a battle,)
this accident happened:-- Tharbis was the daughter of the king of
the Ethiopians: she happened to see Moses as he led the army near
the walls, and fought with great courage; and admiring the
subtility of his undertakings, and believing him to be the author
of the Egyptians' success, when they had before despaired of
recovering their liberty, and to be the occasion of the great
danger the Ethiopians were in, when they had before boasted of
their great achievements, she fell deeply in love with him; and
upon the prevalency of that passion, sent to him the most
faithful of all her servants to discourse with him about their
marriage. He thereupon accepted the offer, on condition she would
procure the delivering up of the city; and gave her the assurance
of an oath to take her to his wife; and that when he had once
taken possession of the city, he would not break his oath to her.
No sooner was the agreement made, but it took effect immediately;
and when Moses had cut off the Ethiopians, he gave thanks to God,
and consummated his marriage, and led the Egyptians back to their
own land.




CHAPTER 11.

How Moses Fled Out Of Egypt Into Midian.


1. Now the Egyptians, after they had been preserved by Moses,
entertained a hatred to him, and were very eager in compassing
their designs against him, as suspecting that he would take
occasion, from his good success, to raise a sedition, and bring
innovations into Egypt; and told the king he ought to be slain.
The king had also some intentions of himself to the same purpose,
and this as well out of envy at his glorious expedition at the
head of his army, as out of fear of being brought low by him and
being instigated by the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake
to kill Moses: but when he had learned beforehand what plots
there were against him, he went away privately; and because the
public roads were watched, he took his flight through the
deserts, and where his enemies could not suspect he would travel;
and, though he was destitute of food, he went on, and despised
that difficulty courageously; and when he came to the city
Midian, which lay upon the Red Sea, and was so denominated from
one of Abraham's sons by Keturah, he sat upon a certain well, and
rested himself there after his laborious journey, and the
affliction he had been in. It was not far from the city, and the
time of the day was noon, where he had an occasion offered him by
the custom of the country of doing what recommended his virtue,
and afforded him an opportunity of bettering his circumstances.

2. For that country having but little water, the shepherds used
to seize on the wells before others came, lest their flocks
should want water, and lest it should be spent by others before
they came. There were now come, therefore, to this well seven
sisters that were virgins, the daughters of Raguel, a priest, and
one thought worthy by the people of the country of great honor.
These virgins, who took care of their father's flocks, which sort
of work it was customary and very familiar for women to do in the
country of the Troglodytes, they came first of all, and drew
water out of the well in a quantity sufficient for their flocks,
into troughs, which were made for the reception of that water;
but when the shepherds came upon the maidens, and drove them
away, that they might have the command of the water themselves,
Moses, thinking it would be a terrible reproach upon him if he
overlooked the young women under unjust oppression, and should
suffer the violence of the men to prevail over the right of the
maidens, he drove away the men, who had a mind to more than their
share, and afforded a proper assistance to the women; who, when
they had received such a benefit from him, came to their father,
and told him how they had been affronted by the shepherds, and
assisted by a stranger, and entreated that he would not let this
generous action be done in vain, nor go without a reward. Now the
father took it well from his daughters that they were so desirous
to reward their benefactor; and bid them bring Moses into his
presence, that he might be rewarded as he deserved. And when
Moses came, he told him what testimony his daughters bare to him,
that he had assisted them; and that, as he admired him for his
virtue, he said that Moses had bestowed such his assistance on
persons not insensible of benefits, but where they were both able
and willing to return the kindness, and even to exceed the
measure of his generosity. So he made him his son, and gave him
one of his daughters in marriage; and appointed him to be the
guardian and superintendent over his cattle; for of old, all the
wealth of the barbarians was in those cattle.




CHAPTER 12.

Concerning The Burning Bush And The Rod Of Moses.


1. Now Moses, when he had obtained the favor of Jethro, for that
was one of the names of Raguel, staid there and fed his flock;
but some time afterward, taking his station at the mountain
called Sinai, he drove his flocks thither to feed them. Now this
is the highest of all the mountains thereabout, and the best for
pasturage, the herbage being there good; and it had not been
before fed upon, because of the opinion men had that God dwelt
there, the shepherds not daring to ascend up to it; and here it
was that a wonderful prodigy happened to Moses; for a fire fed
upon a thorn bush, yet did the green leaves and the flowers
continue untouched, and the fire did not at all consume the fruit
branches, although the flame was great and fierce. Moses was
aftrighted at this strange sight, as it was to him; but he was
still more astonished when the fire uttered a voice, and called
to him by name, and spake words to him, by which it signified how
bold he had been in venturing to come into a place whither no man
had ever come before, because the place was divine; and advised
him to remove a great way off from the flame, and to be contented
with what he had seen; and though he were himself a good man, and
the offspring of great men, yet that he should not pry any
further; and he foretold to him, that he should have glory and
honor among men, by the blessing of God upon him. He also
commanded him to go away thence with confidence to Egypt, in
order to his being the commander and conductor of the body of the
Hebrews, and to his delivering his own people from the injuries
they suffered there: "For," said God, "they shall inhabit this
happy land which your forefather Abraham inhabited, and shall
have the enjoyment of all good things." But still he enjoined
them, when he brought the Hebrews out of the land of Egypt, to
come to that place, and to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving
there, Such were the divine oracles which were delivered out of
the fire.

2. But Moses was astonished at what he saw, and much more at what
he heard; and he said, "I think it would be an instance of too
great madness, O Lord, for one of that regard I bear to thee, to
distrust thy power, since I myself adore it, and know that it has
been made manifest to my progenitors: but I am still in doubt how
I, who am a private man, and one of no abilities, should either
persuade my own countrymen to leave the country they now inhabit,
and to follow me to a land whither I lead them; or, if they
should be persuaded, how can I force Pharaoh to permit them to
depart, since they augment their own wealth and prosperity by the
labors and works they put upon them?"

3. But God persuaded him to be courageous on all occasions, and
promised to be with him, and to assist him in his words, when he
was to persuade men; and in his deeds, when he was to perform
wonders. He bid him also to take a signal of the truth of what he
said, by throwing his rod upon the ground, which, when he had
done, it crept along, and was become a serpent, and rolled itself
round in its folds, and erected its head, as ready to revenge
itself on such as should assault it; after which it become a rod
again as it was before. After this God bid Moses to put his right
hand into his bosom: he obeyed, and when he took it out it was
white, and in color like to chalk, but afterward it returned to
its wonted color again. He also, upon God's command, took some of
the water that was near him, and poured it upon the ground, and
saw the color was that of blood. Upon the wonder that Moses
showed at these signs, God exhorted him to be of good courage,
and to be assured that he would be the greatest support to him;
and bid him make use of those signs, in order to obtain belief
among all men, that "thou art sent by me, and dost all things
according to my commands. Accordingly I enjoin thee to make no
more delays, but to make haste to Egypt, and to travel night and
day, and not to draw out the time, and so make the slavery of the
Hebrews and their sufferings to last the longer."

4. Moses having now seen and heard these wonders that assured him
of the truth of these promises of God, had no room left him to
disbelieve them: he entreated him to grant him that power when he
should be in Egypt; and besought him to vouchsafe him the
knowledge of his own name; and since he had heard and seen him,
that he would also tell him his name, that when he offered
sacrifice he might invoke him by such his name in his oblations.
Whereupon God declared to him his holy name, which had never been
discovered to men before; concerning which it is not lawful for
me to say any more (24) Now these signs accompanied Moses, not
then only, but always when he prayed for them: of all which signs
he attributed the firmest assent to the fire in the bush; and
believing that God would be a gracious supporter to him, he hoped
he should be able to deliver his own nation, and bring calamities
on the Egyptians.




CHAPTER 13.

How Moses And Aaron Returned Into Egypt To Pharaoh.


1. So Moses, when he understood that the Pharaoh, in whose reign
he fled away, was dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to Egypt, for
the benefit of his own people. And he took with him Zipporah, the
daughter of Raguel, whom he had married, and the children he had
by her, Gersom and Eleazer, and made haste into Egypt. Now the
former of those names, Gersom, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies
that he was in a strange land; and Eleazer, that, by the
assistance of the God of his fathers, he had escaped from the
Egyptians. Now when they were near the borders, Aaron his
brother, by the command of God, met him, to whom he declared what
had befallen him at the mountain, and the commands that God had
given him. But as they were going forward, the chief men among
the Hebrews, having learned that they were coming, met them: to
whom Moses declared the signs he had seen; and while they could
not believe them, he made them see them, So they took courage at
these surprising and unexpected sights, and hoped well of their
entire deliverance, as believing now that God took care of their
preservation.

2. Since then Moses found that the Hebrews would be obedient to
whatsoever he should direct, as they promised to be, and were in
love with liberty, he came to the king, who had indeed but lately
received the government, and told him how much he had done for
the good of the Egyptians, when they were despised by the
Ethiopians, and their country laid waste by them; and how he had
been the commander of their forces, and had labored for them, as
if they had been his own people and he informed him in what
danger he had been during that expedition, without having any
proper returns made him as he had deserved. He also informed him
distinctly what things happened to him at Mount Sinai; and what
God said to him; and the signs that were done by God, in order to
assure him of the authority of those commands which he had given
him. He also exhorted him not to disbelieve what he told him, nor
to oppose the will of God.

3. But when the king derided Moses; he made him in earnest see
the signs that were done at Mount Sinai. Yet was the king very
angry with him and called him an ill man, who had formerly run
away from his Egyptian slavery, and came now back with deceitful
tricks, and wonders, and magical arts, to astonish him. And when
he had said this, he commanded the priests to let him see the
same wonderful sights; as knowing that the Egyptians were
skillful in this kind of learning, and that he was not the only
person who knew them, and pretended them to be divine; as also he
told him, that when he brought such wonderful sights before him,
he would only be believed by the unlearned. Now when the priests
threw down their rods, they became serpents. But Moses was not
daunted at it; and said, "O king, I do not myself despise the
wisdom of the Egyptians, but I say that what I do is so much
superior to what these do by magic arts and tricks, as Divine
power exceeds the power of man: but I will demonstrate that what
I do is not done by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really
true, but that they appear by the providence and power of God."
And when he had said this, he cast his rod down upon the ground,
and commanded it to turn itself into a serpent. It obeyed him,
and went all round, and devoured the rods of the Egyptians, which
seemed to be dragons, until it had consumed them all. It then
returned to its own form, and Moses took it into his hand again.

4. However, the king was no more moved when was done than before;
and being very angry, he said that he should gain nothing by this
his cunning and shrewdness against the Egyptians; - and he
commanded him that was the chief taskmaster over the Hebrews, to
give them no relaxation from their labors, but to compel them to
submit to greater oppressions than before; and though he allowed
them chaff before for making their bricks, he would allow it them
no longer, but he made them to work hard at brick-making in the
day-time, and to gather chaff in the night. Now when their labor
was thus doubled upon them, they laid the blame upon Moses,
because their labor and their misery were on his account become
more severe to them. But Moses did not let his courage sink for
the king's threatenings; nor did he abate of his zeal on account
of the Hebrews' complaints; but he supported himself, and set his
soul resolutely against them both, and used his own utmost
diligence to procure liberty to his countrymen. So he went to the
king, and persuaded him to let the Hebrews go to Mount Sinai, and
there to sacrifice to God, because God had enjoined them so to
do. He persuaded him also not to counterwork the designs of God,
but to esteem his favor above all things, and to permit them to
depart, lest, before he be aware, he lay an obstruction in the
way of the Divine commands, and so occasion his own suffering
such punishments as it was probable any one that counterworked
the Divine commands should undergo, since the severest
afflictions arise from every object to those that provoke the
Divine wrath against them; for such as these have neither the
earth nor the air for their friends; nor are the fruits of the
womb according to nature, but every thing is unfriendly and
adverse towards them. He said further, that the Egyptians should
know this by sad experience; and that besides, the Hebrew people
should go out of their country without their consent.




CHAPTER 14.

Concerning The Ten Plagues Which Came Upon The Egyptians.


1. But when the king despised the words of Moses, and had no
regard at all to them, grievous plagues seized the Egyptians;
every one of which I will describe, both because no such plagues
did ever happen to any other nation as the Egyptians now felt,
and because I would demonstrate that Moses did not fail in any
one thing that he foretold them; and because it is for the good
of mankind, that they may learn this caution - Not to do anything
that may displease God, lest he be provoked to wrath, and avenge
their iniquities upon them. For the Egyptian river ran with
bloody water at the command of God, insomuch that it could not be
drunk, and they had no other spring of water neither; for the
water was not only of the color of blood, but it brought upon
those that ventured to drink of it, great pains and bitter
torment. Such was the river to the Egyptians; but it was sweet
and fit for drinking to the Hebrews, and no way different from
what it naturally used to be. As the king therefore knew not what
to do in these surprising circumstances, and was in fear for the
Egyptians, he gave the Hebrews leave to go away; but when the
plague ceased, he changed his mind again, end would not suffer
them to go.

2. But when God saw that he was ungrateful, and upon the ceasing
of this calamity would not grow wiser, he sent another plague
upon the Egyptians:-- An innumerable multitude of frogs consumed
the fruit of the ground; the river was also full of them,
insomuch that those who drew water had it spoiled by the blood of
these animals, as they died in, and were destroyed by, the water;
and the country was full of filthy slime, as they were born, and
as they died: they also spoiled their vessels in their houses
which they used, and were found among what they eat and what they
drank, and came in great numbers upon their beds. There was also
an ungrateful smell, and a stink arose from them, as they were
born, and as they died therein. Now, when the Egyptians were
under the oppression of these miseries, the king ordered Moses to
take the Hebrews with him, and be gone. Upon which the whole
multitude of the frogs vanished away; and both the land and the
river returned to their former natures. But as soon as Pharaoh
saw the land freed from this plague, he forgot the cause of it,
and retained the Hebrews; and, as though he had a mind to try the
nature of more such judgments, he would not yet suffer Moses and
his people to depart, having granted that liberty rather out of
fear than out of any good consideration. (35)

3. Accordingly, God punished his falseness with another plague,
added to the former; for there arose out of the bodies of the
Egyptians an innumerable quantity of lice, by which, wicked as
they were, they miserably perished, as not able to destroy this
sort of vermin either with washes or with ointments. At which
terrible judgment the king of Egypt was in disorder, upon the
fear into which he reasoned himself, lest his people should be
destroyed, and that the manner of this death was also
reproachful, so that he was forced in part to recover himself
from his wicked temper to a sounder mind, for he gave leave for
the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when the plague thereupon
ceased, he thought it proper to require that they should leave
their children and wives behind them, as pledges of their return;
whereby he provoked God to be more vehemently angry at him, as if
he thought to impose on his providence, and as if it were only
Moses, and not God, who punished the Egyptians for the sake of
the Hebrews: for he filled that country full of various sorts of
pestilential creatures, with their various properties, such
indeed as had never come into the sight of men before, by whose
means the men perished themselves, and the land was destitute of
husbandmen for its cultivation; but if any thing escaped
destruction from them, it was killed by a distemper which the men
underwent also.

4. But when Pharaoh did not even then yield to the will of God,
but, while he gave leave to the husbands to take their wives with
them, yet insisted that the children should be left behind, God
presently resolved to punish his wickedness with several sorts of
calamities, and those worse than the foregoing, which yet had so
generally afflicted them; for their bodies had terrible boils,
breaking forth with blains, while they were already inwardly
consumed; and a great part of the Egyptians perished in this
manner. But when the king was not brought to reason by this
plague, hail was sent down from heaven; and such hail it was, as
the climate of Egypt had never suffered before, nor was it like
to that which falls in other climates in winter time, (26) but
was larger than that which falls in the middle of spring to those
that dwell in the northern and north-western regions. This hail
broke down their boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe of
locusts consumed the seed which was not hurt by the hail; so that
to the Egyptians all hopes of the future fruits of the ground
were entirely lost.

5. One would think the forementioned calamities might have been
sufficient for one that was only foolish, without wickedness, to
make him wise, and to make him Sensible what was for his
advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so much by his folly as by his
wickedness, even when he saw the cause of his miseries, he still
contested with God, and willfully deserted the cause of virtue;
so he bid Moses take the Hebrews away, with their wives and
children, to leave their cattle behind, since their own cattle
were destroyed. But when Moses said that what he desired was
unjust, since they were obliged to offer sacrifices to God of
those cattle, and the time being prolonged on this account, a
thick darkness, without the least light, spread itself over the
Egyptians, whereby their sight being obstructed, and their
breathing hindered by the thickness of the air, they died
miserably, and under a terror lest they should be swallowed up by
the dark cloud. Besides this, when the darkness, after three days
and as many nights, was dissipated, and when Pharaoh did not
still repent and let the Hebrews go, Moses came to him and said,
"How long wilt thou be disobedient to the command of God? for he
enjoins thee to let the Hebrews go; nor is there any other way of
being freed from the calamities are under, unless you do so." But
the king angry at what he said, and threatened to cut off his
head if he came any more to trouble him these matters. Hereupon
Moses said he not speak to him any more about them, for he
himself, together with the principal men among the Egyptians,
should desire the Hebrews away. So when Moses had said this, he
his way.

6. But when God had signified, that with one plague he would
compel the Egyptians to let Hebrews go, he commanded Moses to
tell the people that they should have a sacrifice ready, and they
should prepare themselves on the tenth day of the month
Xanthicus, against the fourteenth, (which month is called by the
Egyptians Pharmuth, Nisan by the Hebrews; but the Macedonians
call it Xanthicus,) and that he should carry the Hebrews with all
they had. Accordingly, he having got the Hebrews ready for their
departure, and having sorted the people into tribes, he kept them
together in one place: but when the fourteenth day was come, and
all were ready to depart they offered the sacrifice, and purified
their houses with the blood, using bunches of hyssop for that
purpose; and when they had supped, they burnt the remainder of
the flesh, as just ready to depart. Whence it is that we do still
offer this sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call this
festival Pascha which signifies the feast of the passover;
because on that day God passed us over, and sent the plague upon
the Egyptians; for the destruction of the first-born came upon
the Egyptians that night, so that many of the Egyptians who lived
near the king's palace, persuaded Pharaoh to let the Hebrews go.
Accordingly he called for Moses, and bid them be gone; as
supposing, that if once the Hebrews were gone out of the country,
Egypt should be freed from its miseries. They also honored the
Hebrews with gifts; (27) some, in order to get them to depart
quickly, and others on account of their neighborhood, and the
friendship they had with them.




CHAPTER 15.

How The Hebrews Under The Conduct Of Moses Left Egypt.


1. So the Hebrews went out of Egypt, while the Egyptians wept,
and repented that they had treated them so hardly. - Now they
took their journey by Letopolis, a place at that time deserted,
but where Babylon was built afterwards, when Cambyses laid Egypt
waste: but as they went away hastily, on the third day they came
to a place called Beelzephon, on the Red Sea; and when they had
no food out of the land, because it was a desert, they eat of
loaves kneaded of flour, only warmed by a gentle heat; and this
food they made use of for thirty days; for what they brought with
them out of Egypt would not suffice them any longer time; and
this only while they dispensed it to each person, to use so much
only as would serve for necessity, but not for satiety. Whence it
is that, in memory of the want we were then in, we keep a feast
for eight days, which is called the feast of unleavened bread.
Now the entire multitude of those that went out, including the
women and children, was not easy to be numbered, but those that
were of an age fit for war, were six hundred thousand.

2. They left Egypt in the month Xanthicus, on the fifteenth day
of the lunar month; four hundred and thirty years after our
forefather Abraham came into Canaan, but two hundred and fifteen
years only after Jacob removed into Egypt. (28) It was the
eightieth year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron three
more. They also carried out the bones of Joesph with them, as he
had charged his sons to do.

3. But the Egyptians soon repented that the Hebrews were gone;
and the king also was mightily concerned that this had been
procured by the magic arts of Moses; so they resolved to go after
them. Accordingly they took their weapons, and other warlike
furniture, and pursued after them, in order to bring them back,
if once they overtook them, because they would now have no
pretense to pray to God against them, since they had already been
permitted to go out; and they thought they should easily overcome
them, as they had no armor, and would be weary with their
journey; so they made haste in their pursuit, and asked of every
one they met which way they were gone. And indeed that land was
difficult to be traveled over, not only by armies, but by single
persons. Now Moses led the Hebrews this way, that in case the
Egyptians should repent and be desirous to pursue after them,
they might undergo the punishment of their wickedness, and of the
breach of those promises they had made to them. As also he led
them this way on account of the Philistines, who had quarreled
with them, and hated them of old, that by all means they might
not know of their departure, for their country is near to that of
Egypt; and thence it was that Moses led them not along the road
that tended to the land of the Philistines, but he was desirous
that they should go through the desert, that so after a long
journey, and after many afflictions, they might enter upon the
land of Canaan. Another reason of this was, that God commanded
him to bring the people to Mount Sinai, that there they might
offer him sacrifices. Now when the Egyptians had overtaken the
Hebrews, they prepared to fight them, and by their multitude they
drove them into a narrow place; for the number that pursued after
them was six hundred chariots, with fifty thousand horsemen, and
two hundred thousand foot-men, all armed. They also seized on the
passages by which they imagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting
them up (29) between inaccessible precipices and the sea; for
there was [on each side] a [ridge of] mountains that terminated
at the sea, which were impassable by reason of their roughness,
and obstructed their flight; wherefore they there pressed upon
the Hebrews with their army, where [the ridges of] the mountains
were closed with the sea; which army they placed at the chops of
the mountains, that so they might deprive them of any passage
into the plain.

4. When the Hebrews, therefore, were neither able to bear up,
being thus, as it were, besieged, because they wanted provisions,
nor saw any possible way of escaping; and if they should have
thought of fighting, they had no weapons; they expected a
universal destruction, unless they delivered themselves up to the
Egyptians. So they laid the blame on Moses, and forgot all the
signs that had been wrought by God for the recovery of their
freedom; and this so far, that their incredulity prompted them to
throw stones at the prophet, while he encouraged them and
promised them deliverance; and they resolved that they would
deliver themselves up to the Egyptians. So there was sorrow and
lamentation among the women and children, who had nothing but
destruction before their eyes, while they were encompassed with
mountains, the sea, and their enemies, and discerned no way of
flying from them.

5. But Moses, though the multitude looked fiercely at him, did
not, however, give over the care of them, but despised all
dangers, out of his trust in God, who, as he had afforded them
the several steps already taken for the recovery of their
liberty, which he had foretold them, would not now suffer them to
be subdued by their enemies, to be either made slaves or be slain
by them; and, standing in midst of them, he said, "It is not just
of us to distrust even men, when they have hitherto well managed
our affairs, as if they would not be the same hereafter; but it
is no better than madness, at this time to despair of the
providence of God, by whose power all those things have been
performed he promised, when you expected no such things: I mean
all that I have been concerned in for deliverance and escape from
slavery. Nay, when we are in the utmost distress, as you see we
ought rather to hope that God will succor us, by whose operation
it is that we are now this narrow place, that he may out of such
difficulties as are otherwise insurmountable and out of which
neither you nor your enemies expect you can be delivered, and may
at once demonstrate his own power and his providence over us. Nor
does God use to give his help in small difficulties to those whom
he favors, but in such cases where no one can see how any hope in
man can better their condition. Depend, therefore, upon such a
Protector as is able to make small things great, and to show that
this mighty force against you is nothing but weakness, and be not
affrighted at the Egyptian army, nor do you despair of being
preserved, because the sea before, and the mountains behind,
afford you no opportunity for flying, for even these mountains,
if God so please, may be made plain ground for you, and the sea
become dry land."




CHAPTER 16.

How The Sea Was Divided Asunder For The Hebrews, When They Were
Pursued By The Egyptians, And So Gave Them An Opportunity Of
Escaping From Them.


1. When Moses had said this, he led them to the sea, while the
Egyptians looked on; for they were within sight. Now these were
so distressed by the toil of their pursuit, that they thought
proper to put off fighting till the next day. But when Moses was
come to the sea-shore, he took his rod, and made supplication to
God, and called upon him to be their helper and assistant; and
said "Thou art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is beyond human
strength and human contrivance to avoid the difficulties we are
now under; but it must be thy work altogether to procure
deliverance to this army, which has left Egypt at thy
appointment. We despair of any other assistance or contrivance,
and have recourse only to that hope we have in thee; and if there
be any method that can promise us an escape by thy providence, we
look up to thee for it. And let it come quickly, and manifest thy
power to us; and do thou raise up this people unto good courage
and hope of deliverance, who are deeply sunk into a disconsolate
state of mind. We are in a helpless place, but still it is a
place that thou possessest; still the sea is thine, the mountains
also that enclose us are thine; so that these mountains will open
themselves if thou commandest them, and the sea also, if thou
commandest it, will become dry land. Nay, we might escape by a
flight through the air, if thou shouldst determine we should have
that way of salvation."

2. When Moses had thus addressed himself to God, he smote the sea
with his rod, which parted asunder at the stroke, and receiving
those waters into itself, left the ground dry, as a road and a
place of flight for the Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this
appearance of God, and that the sea went out of its own place,
and left dry land, he went first of all into it, and bid the
Hebrews to follow him along that divine road, and to rejoice at
the danger their enemies that followed them were in; and gave
thanks to God for this so surprising a deliverance which appeared
from him.

3. Now, while these Hebrews made no stay, but went on earnestly,
as led by God's presence with them, the Egyptians supposed first
that they were distracted, and were going rashly upon manifest
destruction. But when they saw that they were going a great way
without any harm, and that no obstacle or difficulty fell in
their journey, they made haste to pursue them, hoping that the
sea would be calm for them also. They put their horse foremost,
and went down themselves into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while
these were putting on their armor, and therein spending their
time, were beforehand with them, and escaped them, and got first
over to the land on the other side without any hurt. Whence the
others were encouraged, and more courageously pursued them, as
hoping no harm would come to them neither: but the Egyptians were
not aware that they went into a road made for the Hebrews, and
not for others; that this road was made for the deliverance of
those in danger, but not for those that were earnest to make use
of it for the others' destruction. As soon, therefore, as ever
the whole Egyptian army was within it, the sea flowed to its own
place, and came down with a torrent raised by storms of wind,
(30) and encompassed the Egyptians. Showers of rain also came
down from the sky, and dreadful thunders and lightning, with
flashes of fire. Thunderbolts also were darted upon them. Nor was
there any thing which used to be sent by God upon men, as
indications of his wrath, which did not happen at this time, for
a dark and dismal night oppressed them. And thus did all these
men perish, so that there was not one man left to be a messenger
of this calamity to the rest of the Egyptians.

4. But the Hebrews were not able to contain themselves for joy at
their wonderful deliverance, and destruction of their enemies;
now indeed supposing themselves firmly delivered, when those that
would have forced them into slavery were destroyed, and when they
found they had God so evidently for their protector. And now
these Hebrews having escaped the danger they were in, after this
manner, and besides that, seeing their enemies punished in such a
way as is never recorded of any other men whomsoever, were all
the night employed in singing of hymns, and in mirth. (31) Moses
also composed a song unto God, containing his praises, and a
thanksgiving for his kindness, in hexameter verse. (32)

5. As for myself, I have delivered every part of this history as
I found it in the sacred books; nor let any one wonder at the
strangeness of the narration if a way were discovered to those
men of old time, who were free from the wickedness of the modern
ages, whether it happened by the will of God or whether it
happened of its own accord; - while, for the sake of those that
accompanied Alexander, king of Macedonia, who yet lived,
comparatively but a little while ago, the Pamphylian Sea retired
and afforded them a passage (33) through itself, had no other way
to go; I mean, when it was the will of God to destroy the
monarchy of the Persians: and this is confessed to be true by all
that have written about the actions of Alexander. But as to these
events, let every one determine as he pleases.

6. On the next day Moses gathered together the weapons of the
Egyptians, which were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by the
current of the sea, and the force of the winds resisting it; and
he conjectured that this also happened by Divine Providence, that
so they might not be destitute of weapons. So when he had ordered
the Hebrews to arm themselves with them, he led them to Mount
Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and to render
oblations for the salvation of the multitude, as he was charged
to do beforehand.




BOOK III.

Containing The Interval Of Two Years.

From The Exodus Out Of Egypt, To The Rejection Of That
Generation.

CHAPTER 1.

How Moses When He Had Brought The People Out Of Egypt Led Them To
Mount Sinai; But Not Till They Had Suffered Much In Their
Journey.


1. When the Hebrews had obtained such a wonderful deliverance,
the country was a great trouble to them, for it was entirely a
desert, and without
sustenance for them; and also had exceeding little water, so that
it not only was not at all sufficient for the men, but not enough
to feed any of the cattle, for it was parched up, and had no
moisture that might afford nutriment to the vegetables; so they
were forced to travel over this country, as having no other
country but this to travel in. They had indeed carried water
along with them from the land over which they had traveled
before, as their conductor had bidden them; but when that was
spent, they were obliged to draw water out of wells, with pain,
by reason of the hardness of the soil. Moreover, what water they
found was bitter, and not fit for drinking, and this in small
quantities also; and as they thus traveled, they came late in the
evening to a place called Marah, (1) which had that name from the
badness of its water, for Mar denotes bitterness. Thither they
came afflicted both by the tediousness of their journey, and by
their want of food, for it entirely failed them at that time. Now
here was a well, which made them choose to stay in the place,
which, although it were not sufficient to satisfy so great an
army, did yet afford them some comfort, as found in such desert
places; for they heard from those who had been to search, that
there was nothing to be found, if they traveled on farther. Yet
was this water bitter, and not fit for men to drink; and not only
so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle themselves.

2. When Moses saw how much the people were cast down, and that
the occasion of it could not be contradicted, for the people were
not in the nature of a complete army of men, who might oppose a
manly fortitude to the necessity that distressed them; the
multitude of the children, and of the women also, being of too
weak capacities to be persuaded by reason, blunted the courage of
the men themselves, - he was therefore in great difficulties, and
made everybody's calamity his own; for they ran all of them to
him, and begged of him; the women begged for their infants, and
the men for the women, that he would not overlook them, but
procure some way or other for their deliverance. He therefore
betook himself to prayer to God, that he would change the water
from its present badness, and make it fit for drinking. And when
God had granted him that favor, he took the top of a stick that
lay down at his feet, and divided it in the middle, and made the
section lengthways. He then let it down into the well, and
persuaded the Hebrews that God had hearkened to his prayers, and
had promised to render the water such as they desired it to be,
in case they would be subservient to him in what he should enjoin
them to do, and this not after a remiss or negligent manner. And
when they asked what they were to do in order to have the water
changed for the better, he bid the strongest men among them that
stood there, to draw up water (2) and told them, that when the
greatest part was drawn up, the remainder would be fit to drink.
So they labored at it till the water was so agitated and purged
as to be fit to drink.

3. And now removing from thence they came to Elim; which place
looked well at a distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees;
but when they came near to it, it appeared to be a bad place, for
the palm-trees were no more than seventy; and they were ill-grown
and creeping trees, by the want of water, for the country about
was all parched, and no moisture sufficient to water them, and
make them hopeful and useful, was derived to them from the
fountains, which were in number twelve: they were rather a few
moist places than springs, which not breaking out of the ground,
nor running over, could not sufficiently water the trees. And
when they dug into the sand, they met with no water; and if they
took a few drops of it into their hands, they found it to be
useless, on account of its mud. The trees were too weak to bear
fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished and enlivened by
the water. So they laid the blame on their conductor, and made
heavy complaints against him; and said that this their miserable
state, and the experience they had of adversity, were owing to
him; for that they had then journeyed an entire thirty days, and
had spent all the provisions they had brought with them; and
meeting with no relief, they were in a very desponding condition.
And by fixing their attention upon nothing but their present
misfortunes, they were hindered from remembering what
deliverances they had received from God, and those by the virtue
and wisdom of Moses also; so they were very angry at their
conductor, and were zealous in their attempt to stone him, as the
direct occasion of their present miseries.

4. But as for Moses himself, while the multitude were irritated
and bitterly set against him, he cheerfully relied upon God, and
upon his consciousness of the care he had taken of these his own
people; and he came into the midst of them, even while they
clamored against him, and had stones in their hands in order to
despatch him. Now he was of an agreeable presence, and very able
to persuade the people by his speeches; accordingly he began to
mitigate their anger, and exhorted them not to be over-mindful of
their present adversities, lest they should thereby suffer the
benefits that had formerly been bestowed on them to slip out of
their memories; and he desired them by no means, on account of
their present uneasiness, to cast those great and wonderful
favors and gifts, which they had obtained of God, out of their
minds, but to expect deliverance out of those their present
troubles which they could not free themselves from, and this by
the means of that Divine Providence which watched over them.
Seeing it is probable that God tries their virtue, and exercises
their patience by these adversities, that it may appear what
fortitude they have, and what memory they retain of his former
wonderful works in their favor, and whether they will not think
of them upon occasion of the miseries they now feel. He told
them, it appeared they were not really good men, either in
patience, or in remembering what had been successfully done for
them, sometimes by contemning God and his commands, when by those
commands they left the land of Egypt; and sometimes by behaving
themselves ill towards him who was the servant of God, and this
when he had never deceived them, either in what he said, or had
ordered them to do by God's command. He also put them in mind of
all that had passed; how the Egyptians were destroyed when they
attempted to detain them, contrary to the command of God; and
after what manner the very same river was to the others bloody,
and not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet, and fit for
drinking; and how they went a new road through the sea, which
fled a long way from them, by which very means they were
themselves preserved, but saw their enemies destroyed; and that
when they were in want of weapons, God gave them plenty of them;
- and so he recounted all the particular instances, how when they
were, in appearance, just going to be destroyed, God had saved
them in a surprising manner; and that he had still the same
power; and that they ought not even now to despair of his
providence over them; and accordingly he exhorted them to
continue quiet, and to consider that help would not come too
late, though it come not immediately, if it be present with them
before they suffer any great misfortune; that they ought to
reason thus: that God delays to assist them, not because he has
no regard to them, but because he will first try their fortitude,
and the pleasure they take in their freedom, that he may learn
whether you have souls great enough to bear want of food, and
scarcity of water, on its account; or whether you rather love to
be slaves, as cattle are slaves to such as own them, and feed
them liberally, but only in order to make them more useful in
their service. That as for himself, he shall not be so much
concerned for his own preservation; for if he die unjustly, he
shall not reckon it any affliction, but that he is concerned for
them, lest, by casting stones at him, they should be thought to
condemn God himself.

5. By this means Moses pacified the people, and restrained them
from stoning him, and brought them to repent of what they were
going to do. And because he thought the necessity they were under
made their passion less unjustifiable, he thought he ought to
apply himself to God by prayer and supplication; and going up to
an eminence, he requested of God for some succor for the people,
and some way of deliverance from the want they were in, because
in him, and in him alone, was their hope of salvation; and he
desired that he would forgive what necessity had forced the
people to do, since such was the nature of mankind, hard to
please, and very complaining under adversities. Accordingly God
promised he would take care of them, and afford them the succor
they were desirous of. Now when Moses had heard this from God, he
came down to the multitude. But as soon as they saw him joyful at
the promises he had received from God, they changed their sad
countenances into gladness. So he placed himself in the midst of
them, and told them he came to bring them from God a deliverance
from their present distresses. Accordingly a little after came a
vast number of quails, which is a bird more plentiful in this
Arabian Gulf than any where else, flying over the sea, and
hovered over them, till wearied with their laborious flight, and,
indeed, as usual, flying very near to the earth, they fell down
upon the Hebrews, who caught them, and satisfied their hunger
with them, and supposed that this was the method whereby God
meant to supply them with food. Upon which Moses returned thanks
to God for affording them his assistance so suddenly, and sooner
than he had promised them.

6. But presently after this first supply of food, he sent them a
second; for as Moses was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew
fell down; and Moses, when he found it stick to his hands,
supposed this was also come for food from God to them. He tasted
it; and perceiving that the people knew not what it was, and
thought it snowed, and that it was what usually fell at that time
of the year, he informed them that this dew did not fall from
heaven after the manner they imagined, but came for their
preservation and sustenance. So he tasted it, and gave them some
of it, that they might be satisfied about what he told them. They
also imitated their conductor, and were pleased with the food,
for it was like honey in sweetness and pleasant taste, but like
in its body to bdellium, one of the sweet spices, and in bigness
equal to coriander seed. And very earnest they were in gathering
it; but they were enjoined to gather it equally (3) - the measure
of an omer for each one every day, because this food should not
come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker might not be able
to get their share, by reason of the overbearing of the strong in
collecting it. However, these strong men, when they had gathered
more than the measure appointed for them, had no more than
others, but only tired themselves more in gathering it, for they
found no more than an omer apiece; and the advantage they got by
what was superfluous was none at all, it corrupting, both by the
worms breeding in it, and by its bitterness. So divine and
wonderful a food was this! It also supplied the want of other
sorts of food to those that fed on it. And even now, in all that
place, this manna comes down in rain, (4) according to what Moses
then obtained of God, to send it to the people for their
sustenance. Now the Hebrews call this food manna: for the
particle man, in our language, is the asking of a question. What
is this? So the Hebrews were very joyful at what was sent them
from heaven. Now they made use of this food for forty years, or
as long as they were in the wilderness.

7. As soon as they were removed thence, they came to Rephidim,
being distressed to the last degree by thirst; and while in the
foregoing days they had lit on a few small fountains, but now
found the earth entirely destitute of water, they were in an evil
case. They again turned their anger against Moses; but he at
first avoided the fury of the multitude, and then betook himself
to prayer to God, beseeching him, that as he had given them food
when they were in the greatest want of it, so he would give them
drink, since the favor of giving them food was of no value to
them while they had nothing to drink. And God did not long delay
to give it them, but promised Moses that he would procure them a
fountain, and plenty of water, from a place they did not expect
any. So he commanded him to smite the rock which they saw lying
there, (5) with his rod, and out of it to receive plenty of what
they wanted; for he had taken care that drink should come to them
without any labor or pains-taking. When Moses had received this
command from God, he came to the people, who waited for him, and
looked upon him, for they saw already that he was coming apace
from his eminence. As soon as he was come, he told them that God
would deliver them from their present distress, and had granted
them an unexpected favor; and informed them, that a river should
run for their sakes out of the rock. But they were amazed at that
hearing, supposing they were of necessity to cut the rock in
pieces, now they were distressed by their thirst and by their
journey; while Moses only smiting the rock with his rod, opened a
passage, and out of it burst water, and that in great abundance,
and very clear. But they were astonished at this wonderful
effect; and, as it were, quenched their thirst by the very sight
of it. So they drank this pleasant, this sweet water; and such it
seemed to be, as might well be expected where God was the donor.
They were also in admiration how Moses was honored by God; and
they made grateful returns of sacrifices to God for his
providence towards them. Now that Scripture, which is laid up in
the temple, (6) informs us, how God foretold to Moses, that water
timid in this manner be derived out of the rock.'




CHAPTER 2.

How The Amalekites And The Neighbouring Nations, Made War With
The Hebrews And Were Beaten And Lost A Great Part Of Their Army.


1. The name of the Hebrews began already to be every where
renowned, and rumors about them ran abroad. This made the
inhabitants of those countries to be in no small fear.
Accordingly they sent ambassadors to one another, and exhorted
one another to defend themselves, and to endeavor to destroy
these men. Those that induced the rest to do so, were such as
inhabited Gobolitis and Petra. They were called Amalekites, and
were the most warlike of the nations that lived thereabout; and
whose kings exhorted one another, and their neighbors, to go to
this war against the Hebrews; telling them that an army of
strangers, and such a one as had run away from slavery under the
Egyptians, lay in wait to ruin them; which army they were not, in
common prudence and regard to their own safety, to overlook, but
to crush them before they gather strength, and come to be in
prosperity: and perhaps attack them first in a hostile manner, as
presuming upon our indolence in not attacking them before; and
that we ought to avenge ourselves of them for what they have done
in the wilderness, but that this cannot be so well done when they
have once laid their hands on our cities and our goods: that
those who endeavor to crush a power in its first rise, are wiser
than those that endeavor to put a stop to its progress when it is
become formidable; for these last seem to be angry only at the
flourishing of others, but the former do not leave any room for
their enemies to become troublesome to them. After they had sent
such embassages to the neighboring nations, and among one
another, they resolved to attack the Hebrews in battle.

2. These proceedings of the people of those countries occasioned
perplexity and trouble to Moses, who expected no such warlike
preparations. And when these nations were ready to fight, and the
multitude of the Hebrews were obliged to try the fortune of war,
they were in a mighty disorder, and in want of all necessaries,
and yet were to make war with men who were thoroughly well
prepared for it. Then therefore it was that Moses began to
encourage them, and to exhort them to have a good heart, and rely
on God's assistance by which they had been state of freedom and
to hope for victory over those who were ready to fight with them,
in order to deprive them of that blessing: that they were to
suppose their own army to be numerous, wanting nothing, neither
weapons, nor money, nor provisions, nor such other conveniences
as, when men are in possession of, they fight undauntedly; and
that they are to judge themselves to have all these advantages in
the Divine assistance. They are also to suppose the enemy's army
to be small, unarmed, weak, and such as want those conveniences
which they know must be wanted, when it is God's will that they
shall be beaten; and how valuable God's assistance is, they had
experienced in abundance of trials; and those such as were more
terrible than war, for that is only against men; but these were
against famine and thirst, things indeed that are in their own
nature insuperable; as also against mountains, and that sea which
afforded them no way for escaping; yet had all these difficulties
been conquered by God's gracious kindness to them. So he exhorted
them to be courageous at this time, and to look upon their entire
prosperity to depend on the present conquest of their enemies.

3. And with these words did Moses encourage the multitude, who
then called together the princes of their tribes, and their chief
men, both separately and conjointly. The young men he charged to
obey their elders, and the elders to hearken to their leader. So
the people were elevated in their minds, and ready to try their
fortune in battle, and hoped to be thereby at length delivered
from all their miseries: nay, they desired that Moses would
immediately lead them against their enemies without the least
delay, that no backwardness might be a hindrance to their present
resolution. So Moses sorted all that were fit for war into
different troops, and set Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of
Ephraim, over them; one that was of great courage, and patient to
undergo labors; of great abilities to understand, and to speak
what was proper; and very serious in the worship of God; and
indeed made like another Moses, a teacher of piety towards God.
He also appointed a small party of the armed men to be near the
water, and to take care of the children, and the women, and of
the entire camp. So that whole night they prepared themselves for
the battle; they took their weapons, if any of them had such as
were well made, and attended to their commanders as ready to rush
forth to the battle as soon as Moses should give the word of
command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after what manner
he should order his camp. But when the day began, Moses called
for Joshua again, and exhorted him to approve himself in deeds
such a one as a his reputation made men expect from him; and to
gain glory by the present expedition, in the opinion of those
under him, for his exploits in this battle. He also gave a
particular exhortation to the principal men of the Hebrews, and
encouraged the whole army as it stood armed before him. And when
he had thus animated the army, both by his words and works, and
prepared every thing, he retired to a mountain, and committed the
army to God and to Joshua.

4. So the armies joined battle; and it came to a close fight,
hand to hand, both sides showing great alacrity, and encouraging
one another. And indeed while Moses stretched out his hand
towards heaven (7) the Hebrews were too hard for the Amalekites:
but Moses not being able to sustain his hands thus stretched out,
(for as often as he let down his hands, so often were his own
people worsted,) he bade his brother Aaron, and Hur their sister
Miriam's husband, to stand on each side of him, and take hold of
his hands, and not permit his weariness to prevent it, but to
assist him in the extension of his hands. When this was done, the
Hebrews conquered the Amalekites by main force; and indeed they
had all perished, unless the approach of the night had obliged
the Hebrews to desist from killing any more. So our forefathers
obtained a most signal and most seasonable victory; for they not
only overcame those that fought against them, but terrified also
the neighboring nations, and got great and splendid advantages,
which they obtained of their enemies by their hard pains in this
battle: for when they had taken the enemy's camp, they got ready
booty for the public, and for their own private families, whereas
till then they had not any sort of plenty, of even necessary
food. The forementioned battle, when they had once got it, was
also the occasion of their prosperity, not only for the present,
but for the future ages also; for they not only made slaves of
the bodies of their enemies, but subdued their minds also, and
after this battle, became terrible to all that dwelt round about
them. Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of riches; for a
great deal of silver and gold was left in the enemy's camp; as
also brazen vessels, which they made common use of in their
families; many utensils also that were embroidered there were of
both sorts, that is, of what were weaved, and what were the
ornaments of their armor, and other things that served for use in
the family, and for the furniture of their rooms; they got also
the prey of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to follow camps,
when they remove from one place to another. So the Hebrews now
valued themselves upon their courage, and claimed great merit for
their valor; and they perpetually inured themselves to take
pains, by which they deemed every difficulty might be surmounted.
Such were the consequences of this battle.

5. On the next day, Moses stripped the dead bodies of their
enemies, and gathered together the armor of those that were fled,
and gave rewards to such as had signalized themselves in the
action; and highly commended Joshua, their general, who was
attested to by all the army, on account of the great actions he
had done. Nor was any one of the Hebrews slain; but the slain of
the enemy's army were too many to be enumerated. So Moses offered
sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and built an altar, which he
named The Lord the Conqueror. He also foretold that the
Amalekites should utterly be destroyed; and that hereafter none
of them should remain, because they fought against the Hebrews,
and this when they were in the wilderness, and in their distress
also. Moreover, he refreshed the army with feasting. And thus did
they fight this first battle with those that ventured to oppose
them, after they were gone out of Egypt. But when Moses had
celebrated this festival for the victory, he permitted the
Hebrews to rest for a few days, and then he brought them out
after the fight, in order of battle; for they had now many
soldiers in light armor. And going gradually on, he came to Mount
Sinai, in three months' time after they were removed out of
Egypt; at which mountain, as we have before related, the vision
of the bush, and the other wonderful appearances, had happened.




CHAPTER 3.

That Moses Kindly Received-His Father-In-Law, Jethro, When He
Came To Him To Mount Sinai.


Now when Raguel, Moses's father-in-law, understood in what a
prosperous condition his affairs were, he willingly came to meet
him. And Moses and his children, and pleased himself with his
coming. And when he had offered sacrifice, he made a feast for
the multitude, near the Bush he had formerly seen; which
multitude, every one according to their families, partook of the
feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to
God, as to Him who had been the author procurer of their
deliverance and their freedom. They also praised their conductor,
as him by whose virtue it was that all things had succeeded with
them. Raguel also, in his eucharistical oration to Moses, made
great encomiums upon the whole multitude; and he could not but
admire Moses for his fortitude, and that humanity he had shewn in
the delivery of his friends.




CHAPTER 4.

How Raguel Suggested To Moses To Set His People In Order, Under
Their Rulers Of Thousands, And Rulers Of Hundreds, Who Lived
Without Order Before; And How Moses Complied In All Things With
His Father-In-Law's Admonition.


1. The next day, as Raguel saw Moses in the of a crowd of
business for he determined the differences of those that referred
them to him, every one still going to him, and supposing that
they should then only obtain justice, if he were the arbitrator;
and those that lost their causes thought it no harm, while they
thought they lost them justly, and not by partiality. Raguel
however said nothing to him at that time, as not desirous to be
any hinderance to such as had a mind to make use of the virtue of
their conductor. But afterward he took him to himself, and when
he had him alone, he instructed him in what he ought to do; and
advised him to leave the trouble of lesser causes to others, but
himself to take care of the greater, and of the people's safety,
for that certain others of the Hebrews might be found that were
fit to determine causes, but that nobody but a Moses could take
of the safety of so many ten thousands. "Be therefore," says he,
"insensible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast done by
ministering under God to the people's preservation. Permit,
therefore, the determination of common causes to be done by
others, but do thou reserve thyself to the attendance on God
only, and look out for methods of preserving the multitude from
their present distress. Make use of the method I suggest to you,
as to human affairs; and take a review of the army, and appoint
chosen rulers over tens of thousands, and then over thousands;
then divide them into five hundreds, and again into hundreds, and
into fifties; and set rulers over each of them, who may
distinguish them into thirties, and keep them in order; and at
last number them by twenties and by tens: and let there be one
commander over each number, to be denominated from the number of
those over whom they are rulers, but such as the whole multitude
have tried, and do approve of, as being good and righteous men;
(8) and let those rulers decide the controversies they have one
with another. But if any great cause arise, let them bring the
cognizance of it before the rulers of a higher dignity; but if
any great difficulty arise that is too hard for even their
determination, let them send it to thee. By these means two
advantages will be gained; the Hebrews will have justice done
them, and thou wilt be able to attend constantly on God, and
procure him to be more favorable to the people."

2. This was the admonition of Raguel; and Moses received his
advice very kindly, and acted according to his suggestion. Nor
did he conceal the invention of this method, nor pretend to it
himself, but informed the multitude who it was that invented it:
nay, he has named Raguel in the books he wrote, as the person who
invented this ordering of the people, as thinking it right to
give a true testimony to worthy persons, although he might have
gotten reputation by ascribing to himself the inventions of other
men; whence we may learn the virtuous disposition of Moses: but
of such his disposition, we shall have proper occasion to speak
in other places of these books.




CHAPTER 5.

How Moses Ascended Up To Mount Sinai, And Received Laws From God,
And Delivered Them To The Hebrews.


1. Now Moses called the multitude together, and told them that he
was going from them unto mount Sinai to converse with God; to
receive from him, and to bring back with him, a certain oracle;
but he enjoined them to pitch their tents near the mountain, and
prefer the habitation that was nearest to God, before one more
remote. When he had said this, he ascended up to Mount Sinai,
which is the highest of all the mountains that are in that
country (9) and is not only very difficult to be ascended by men,
on account of its vast altitude, but because of the sharpness of
its precipices also; nay, indeed, it cannot be looked at without
pain of the eyes: and besides this, it was terrible and
inaccessible, on account of the rumor that passed about, that God
dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed their tents as Moses had
bidden them, and took possession of the lowest parts of the
mountain; and were elevated in their minds, in expectation that
Moses would return from God with promises of the good things he
had proposed to them. So they feasted and waited for their
conductor, and kept themselves pure as in other respects, and not
accompanying with their wives for three days, as he had before
ordered them to do. And they prayed to God that he would
favorably receive Moses in his conversing with him, and bestow
some such gift upon them by which they might live well. They also
lived more plentifully as to their diet; and put on their wives
and children more ornamental and decent clothing than they
usually wore.

2. So they passed two days in this way of feasting; but on the
third day, before the sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the
whole camp of the Hebrews, such a one as none had before seen,
and encompassed the place where they had pitched their tents; and
while all the rest of the air was clear, there came strong winds,
that raised up large showers of rain, which became a mighty
tempest. There was also such lightning, as was terrible to those
that saw it; and thunder, with its thunderbolts, were sent down,
and declared God to be there present in a gracious way to such as
Moses desired he should be gracious. Now, as to these matters,
every one of my readers may think as he pleases; but I am under a
necessity of relating this history as it is described in the
sacred books. This sight, and the amazing sound that came to
their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a prodigious degree, for
they were not such as they were accustomed to; and then the rumor
that was spread abroad, how God frequented that mountain, greatly
astonished their minds, so they sorrowfully contained themselves
within their tents, as both supposing Moses to be destroyed by
the Divine wrath, and expecting the like destruction for
themselves.

3. When they were under these apprehensions, Moses appeared as
joyful and greatly exalted. When they saw him, they were freed
from their fear, and admitted of more comfortable hopes as to
what was to come. The air also was become clear and pure of its
former disorders, upon the appearance of Moses; whereupon he
called together the people to a congregation, in order to their
hearing what God would say to them: and when they were gathered
together, he stood on an eminence whence they might all hear him,
and said, "God has received me graciously, O Hebrews, as he has
formerly done; and has suggested a happy method of living for
you, and an order of political government, and is now present in
the camp: I therefore charge you, for his sake and the sake of
his works, and what we have done by his means, that you do not
put a low value on what I am going to say, because the commands
have been given by me that now deliver them to you, nor because
it is the tongue of a man that delivers them to you; but if you
have a due regard to the great importance of the things
themselves, you will understand the greatness of Him whose
institutions they are, and who has not disdained to communicate
them to me for our common advantage; for it is not to be supposed
that the author of these institutions is barely Moses, the son of
Amram and Jochebed, but He who obliged the Nile to run bloody for
your sakes, and tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by various
sorts of judgments; he who provided a way through the sea for us;
he who contrived a method of sending us food from heaven, when we
were distressed for want of it; he who made the water to issue
out of a rock, when we had very little of it before; he by whose
means Adam was made to partake of the fruits both of the land and
of the sea; he by whose means Noah escaped the deluge; he by
whose means our forefather Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was
made the heir of the land of Canaan; he by whose means Isaac was
born of parents that were very old; he by whose means Jacob was
adorned with twelve virtuous sons; he by whose means Joseph
became a potent lord over the Egyptians; he it is who conveys
these instructions to you by me as his interpreter. And let them
be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you than
your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow
them, you will lead a happy life you will enjoy the land
fruitful, the sea calm, and the fruit of the womb born complete,
as nature requires; you will be also terrible to your enemies for
I have been admitted into the presence of God and been made a
hearer of his incorruptible voice so great is his concern for
your nation, and its duration."

4. When he had said this, he brought the people, with their wives
and children, so near the mountain, that they might hear God
himself speaking to them about the precepts which they were to
practice; that the energy of what should be spoken might not be
hurt by its utterance by that tongue of a man, which could but
imperfectly deliver it to their understanding. And they all heard
a voice that came to all of them from above, insomuch that no one
of these words escaped them, which Moses wrote on two tables;
which it is not lawful for us to set down directly, but their
import we will declare (10)

5. The first commandment teaches us that there is but one God,
and that we ought to worship him only. The second commands us not
to make the image of any living creature to worship it. The
third, that we must not swear by God in a false matter. The
fourth, that we must keep the seventh day, by resting from all
sorts of work. The fifth, that we must honor our parents. The
sixth that we must abstain from murder. The seventh that we must
not commit adultery. The eighth, that we must not be guilty of
theft. The ninth, that we must not bear false witness. The tenth,
that we must not admit of the desire of any thing that is
another's.

6. Now when the multitude had heard God himself giving those
precepts which Moses had discoursed of, they rejoiced at what was
said; and the congregation was dissolved: but on the following
days they came to his tent, and desired him to bring them,
besides, other laws from God. Accordingly he appointed such laws,
and afterwards informed them in what manner they should act in
all cases; which laws I shall make mention of in their proper
time; but I shall reserve most of those laws for another work,
(11) and make there a distinct explication of them.

7. When matters were brought to this state, Moses went up again
to Mount Sinai, of which he had told them beforehand. He made his
ascent in their sight; and while he staid there so long a time,
(for he was absent from them forty days,) fear seized upon the
Hebrews, lest Moses should have come to any harm; nor was there
any thing else so sad, and that so much troubled them, as this
supposal that Moses was perished. Now there was a variety in
their sentiments about it; some saying that he was fallen among
wild beasts; and those that were of this opinion were chiefly
such as were ill-disposed to him; but others said that he was
departed, and gone to God; but the wiser sort were led by their
reason to embrace neither of those opinions with any
satisfaction, thinking, that as it was a thing that sometimes
happens to men to fall among wild beasts and perish that way, so
it was probable enough that he might depart and go to God, on
account of his virtue; they therefore were quiet, and expected
the event: yet were they exceeding sorry upon the supposal that
they were deprived of a governor and a protector, such a one
indeed as they could never recover again; nor would this
suspicion give them leave to expect any comfortable event about
this man, nor could they prevent their trouble and melancholy
upon this occasion. However, the camp durst not remove all this
while, because Moses had bidden them afore to stay there.

8. But when the forty days, and as many nights, were over, Moses
came down, having tasted nothing of food usually appointed for
the nourishment of men. His appearance filled the army with
gladness, and he declared to them what care God had of them, and
by what manner of conduct of their lives they might live happily;
telling them, that during these days of his absence he had
suggested to him also that he would have a tabernacle built for
him, into which he would descend when he came to them, and how we
should carry it about with us when we remove from this place; and
that there would be no longer any occasion for going up to Mount
Sinai, but that he would himself come and pitch his tabernacle
amongst us, and be present at our prayers; as also, that the
tabernacle should be of such measures and construction as he had
shown him, and that you are to fall to the work, and prosecute it
diligently. When he had said this, he showed them the two tables,
with the ten commandments engraven upon them, five upon each
table; and the writing was by the hand of God.




CHAPTER 6.

Concerning The Tabernacle Which Moses Built In The Wilderness For
The Honor Of God And Which Seemed To Be A Temple.


1. Hereupon the Israelites rejoiced at what they had seen and
heard of their conductor, and were not wanting in diligence
according to their ability; for they brought silver, and gold,
and brass, and of the best sorts of wood, and such as would not
at all decay by putrefaction; camels' hair also, and sheep-skins,
some of them dyed of a blue color, and some of a scarlet; some
brought the flower for the purple color, and others for white,
with wool dyed by the flowers aforementioned; and fine linen and
precious stones, which those that use costly ornaments set in
ouches of gold; they brought also a great quantity of spices; for
of these materials did Moses build the tabernacle, which did not
at all differ from a movable and ambulatory temple. Now when
these things were brought together with great diligence, (for
every one was ambitious to further the work even beyond their
ability,) he set architects over the works, and this by the
command of God; and indeed the very same which the people
themselves would have chosen, had the election been allowed to
them. Now their names are set down in writing in the sacred
books; and they were these: Besaleel, the son of Uri, of the
tribe of Judah, the grandson of Miriam, the sister of their
conductor and Aholiab, file son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of
Dan. Now the people went on with what they had undertaken with so
great alacrity, that Moses was obliged to restrain them, by
making proclamation, that what had been brought was sufficient,
as the artificers had informed him; so they fell to work upon the
building of the tabernacle. Moses also informed them, according
to the direction of God, both what the measures were to be, and
its largeness; and how many vessels it ought to contain for the
use of the sacrifices. The women also were ambitious to do their
parts, about the garments of the priests, and about other things
that would be wanted in this work, both for ornament and for the
divine service itself.

2. Now when all things were prepared, the gold, and the silver,
and the brass, and what was woven, Moses, when he had appointed
beforehand that there should be a festival, and that sacrifices
should be offered according to every one's ability, reared up the
tabernacle (12) and when he had measured the open court, fifty
cubits broad and a hundred long, he set up brazen pillars, five
cubits high, twenty on each of the longer sides, and ten pillars
for the breadth behind; every one of the pillars also had a ring.
Their chapiters were of silver, but their bases were of brass:
they resembled the sharp ends of spears, and were of brass, fixed
into the ground. Cords were also put through the rings, and were
tied at their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit long, which,
at every pillar, were driven into the floor, and would keep the
tabernacle from being shaken by the violence of winds; but a
curtain of fine soft linen went round all the pillars, and hung
down in a flowing and loose manner from their chapiters, and
enclosed the whole space, and seemed not at all unlike to a wall
about it. And this was the structure of three of the sides of
this enclosure; but as for the fourth side, which was fifty
cubits in extent, and was the front of the whole, twenty cubits
of it were for the opening of the gates, wherein stood two
pillars on each side, after the resemblance of open gates. These
were made wholly of silver, and polished, and that all over,
excepting the bases, which were of brass. Now on each side of the
gates there stood three pillars, which were inserted into the
concave bases of the gates, and were suited to them; and round
them was drawn a curtain of fine linen; but to the gates
themselves, which were twenty cubits in extent, and five in
height, the curtain was composed of purple, and scarlet, and
blue, and fine linen, and embroidered with many and divers sorts
of figures, excepting the figures of animals. Within these gates
was the brazen laver for purification, having a basin beneath of
the like matter, whence the priests might wash their hands and
sprinkle their feet; and this was the ornamental construction of
the enclosure about the court of the tabernacle, which was
exposed to the open air.

3. As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed it in the middle of
that court, with its front to the east, that, when the sun arose,
it might send its first rays upon it. Its length, when it was set
up, was thirty cubits, and its breadth was twelve [ten] cubits.
The one of its walls was on the south, and the other was exposed
to the north, and on the back part of it remained the west. It
was necessary that its height should be equal to its breadth [ten
cubits]. There were also pillars made of wood, twenty on each
side; they were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in breadth a
cubit and a half, but the thickness was four fingers: they had
thin plates of gold affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and
outwardly: they had each of them two tenons belonging to them,
inserted into their bases, and these were of silver, in each of
which bases there was a socket to receive the tenon; but the
pillars on the west wall were six. Now all these tenons and
sockets accurately fitted one another, insomuch that the joints
were invisible, and both seemed to be one entire and united wall.
It was also covered with gold, both within and without. The
number of pillars was equal on the opposite sides, and there were
on each part twenty, and every one of them had the third part of
a span in thickness; so that the number of thirty cubits were
fully made up between them; but as to the wall behind, where the
six pillars made up together only nine cubits, they made two
other pillars, and cut them out of one cubit, which they placed
in the corners, and made them equally fine with the other. Now
every one of the pillars had rings of gold affixed to their
fronts outward, as if they had taken root in the pillars, and
stood one row over against another round about, through which
were inserted bars gilt over with gold, each of them five cubits
long, and these bound together the pillars, the head of one bar
running into another, after the nature of one tenon inserted into
another; but for the wall behind, there was but one row of bars
that went through all the pillars, into which row ran the ends of
the bars on each side of the longer walls; the male with its
female being so fastened in their joints, that they held the
whole firmly together; and for this reason was all this joined so
fast together, that the tabernacle might not be shaken, either by
the winds, or by any other means, but that it might preserve
itself quiet and immovable continually.

4. As for the inside, Moses parted its length into three
partitions. At the distance of ten cubits from the most secret
end, Moses placed four pillars, the workmanship of which was the
very same with that of the rest; and they stood upon the like
bases with them, each a small matter distant from his fellow. Now
the room within those pillars was the most holy place; but the
rest of the room was the tabernacle, which was open for the
priests. However, this proportion of the measures of the
tabernacle proved to be an imitation of the system of the world;
for that third part thereof which was within the four pillars, to
which the priests were not admitted, is, as it were, a heaven
peculiar to God. But the space of the twenty cubits, is, as it
were, sea and land, on which men live, and so this part is
peculiar to the priests only. But at the front, where the
entrance was made, they placed pillars of gold, that stood on
bases of brass, in number seven; but then they spread over the
tabernacle veils of fine linen and purple, and blue, and scarlet
colors, embroidered. The first veil was ten cubits every way, and
this they spread over the pillars which parted the temple, and
kept the most holy place concealed within; and this veil was that
which made this part not visible to any. Now the whole temple was
called The Holy Place: but that part which was within the four
pillars, and to which none were admitted, was called The Holy of
Holies. This veil was very ornamental, and embroidered with all
sorts of flowers which the earth produces; and there were
interwoven into it all sorts of variety that might be an
ornament, excepting the forms of animals. Another veil there was
which covered the five pillars that were at the entrance. It was
like the former in its magnitude, and texture, and color; and at
the corner of every pillar a ring retained it from the top
downwards half the depth of the pillars, the other half affording
an entrance for the priests, who crept under it. Over this there
was a veil of linen, of the same largeness with the former: it
was to be drawn this way or that way by cords, the rings of
which, fixed to the texture of the veil, and to the cords also,
were subservient to the drawing and undrawing of the veil, and to
the fastening it at the corner, that then it might be no
hinderance to the view of the sanctuary, especially on solemn
days; but that on other days, and especially when the weather was
inclined to snow, it might be expanded, and afford a covering to
the veil of divers colors. Whence that custom of ours is derived,
of having a fine linen veil, after the temple has been built, to
be drawn over the entrances. But the ten other curtains were four
cubits in breadth, and twenty-eight in length; and had golden
clasps, in order to join the one curtain to the other, which was
done so exactly that they seemed to be one entire curtain. These
were spread over the temple, and covered all the top and parts of
the walls, on the sides and behind, so far as within one cubit of
the ground. There were other curtains of the same breadth with
these, but one more in number, and longer, for they were thirty
cubits long; but these were woven of hair, with the like subtilty
as those of wool were made, and were extended loosely down to the
ground, appearing like a triangular front and elevation at the
gates, the eleventh curtain being used for this very purpose.
There were also other curtains made of skins above these, which
afforded covering and protection to those that were woven both in
hot weather and when it rained. And great was the surprise of
those who viewed these curtains at a distance, for they seemed
not at all to differ from the color of the sky. But those that
were made of hair and of skins, reached down in the same manner
as did the veil at the gates, and kept off the heat of the sun,
and what injury the rains might do. And after this manner was the
tabernacle reared.

5. There was also an ark made, sacred to God, of wood that was
naturally strong, and could not be corrupted. This was called
Eron in our own language. Its construction was thus: its length
was five spans, but its breadth and height was each of them three
spans. It was covered all over with gold, both within and
without, so that the wooden part was not seen. It had also a
cover united to it, by golden hinges, after a wonderful manner;
which cover was every way evenly fitted to it, and had no
eminences to hinder its exact conjunction. There were also two
golden rings belonging to each of the longer boards, and passing
through the entire wood, and through them gilt bars passed along
each board, that it might thereby be moved and carried about, as
occasion should require; for it was not drawn in a cart by beasts
of burden, but borne on the shoulders of the priests. Upon this
its cover were two images, which the Hebrews call Cherubims; they
are flying creatures, but their form is not like to that of any
of the creatures which men have seen, though Moses said he had
seen such beings near the throne of God. In this ark he put the
two tables whereon the ten commandments were written, five upon
each table, and two and a half upon each side of them; and this
ark he placed in the most holy place.

6. But in the holy place he placed a table, like those at Delphi.
Its length was two cubits, and its breadth one cubit, and its
height three spans. It had feet also, the lower half of which
were complete feet, resembling those which the Dorians put to
their bedsteads; but the upper parts towards the table were
wrought into a square form. The table had a hollow towards every
side, having a ledge of four fingers' depth, that went round
about like a spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the body
of the work. Upon every one of the feet was there also inserted a
ring, not far from the cover, through which went bars of wood
beneath, but gilded, to be taken out upon occasion, there being a
cavity where it was joined to the rings; for they were not entire
rings; but before they came quite round they ended in acute
points, the one of which was inserted into the prominent part of
the table, and the other into the foot; and by these it was
carried when they journeyed: Upon this table, which was placed on
the north side of the temple, not far from the most holy place,
were laid twelve unleavened loaves of bread, six upon each heap,
one above another: they were made of two tenth-deals of the
purest flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a measure of the
Hebrews, containing seven Athenian cotyloe; and above those
loaves were put two vials full of frankincense. Now after seven
days other loaves were brought in their stead, on the day which
is by us called the Sabbath; for we call the seventh day the
Sabbath. But for the occasion of this intention of placing loaves
here, we will speak to it in another place.

7. Over against this table, near the southern wall, was set a
candlestick of cast gold, hollow within, being of the weight of
one hundred pounds, which the Hebrews call Chinchares, if it be
turned into the Greek language, it denotes a talent. It was made
with its knops, and lilies, and pomegranates, and bowls (which
ornaments amounted to seventy in all); by which means the shaft
elevated itself on high from a single base, and spread itself
into as many branches as there are planets, including the sun
among them. It terminated in seven heads, in one row, all
standing parallel to one another; and these branches carried
seven lamps, one by one, in imitation of the number of the
planets. These lamps looked to the east and to the south, the
candlestick being situate obliquely.

8. Now between this candlestick and the table, which, as we said,
were within the sanctuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood
indeed, but of the same wood of which the foregoing vessels were
made, such as was not liable to corruption; it was entirely
crusted over with a golden plate. Its breadth on each side was a
cubit, but the altitude double. Upon it was a grate of gold, that
was extant above the altar, which had a golden crown encompassing
it round about, whereto belonged rings and bars, by which the
priests carried it when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle
there was reared a brazen altar, but it was within made of wood,
five cubits by measure on each side, but its height was but
three, in like manner adorned with brass plates as bright as
gold. It had also a brazen hearth of network; for the ground
underneath received the fire from the hearth, because it had no
basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay the basins, and the
vials, and the censers, and the caldrons, made of gold; but the
other vessels, made for the use of the sacrifices, were all of
brass. And such was the construction of the tabernacle; and these
were the vessels thereto belonging.




CHAPTER 7.

Concerning The Garments Of The Priests, And Of The High Priest.


1. There were peculiar garments appointed for the priests, and
for all the rest, which they call Cohanoeoe [-priestly] garments,
as also for the high priests, which they call Cahanoeoe Rabbae,
and denote the high priest's garments. Such was therefore the
habit of the rest. But when the priest approaches the sacrifices,
he purifies himself with the purification which the law
prescribes; and, in the first place, he puts on that which is
called Machanase, which means somewhat that is fast tied. It is a
girdle, composed of fine twined linen, and is put about the privy
parts, the feet being to be inserted into them in the nature of
breeches, but above half of it is cut off, and it ends at the
thighs, and is there tied fast.

2. Over this he wore a linen vestment, made of fine flax doubled:
it is called Chethone, and denotes linen, for we call linen by
the name of Chethone. This vestment reaches down to the feet, and
sits close to the body; and has sleeves that are tied fast to the
arms: it is girded to the breast a little above the elbows, by a
girdle often going round, four fingers broad, but so loosely
woven, that you would think it were the skin of a serpent. It is
embroidered with flowers of scarlet, and purple, and blue, and
fine twined linen, but the warp was nothing but fine linen. The
beginning of its circumvolution is at the breast; and when it has
gone often round, it is there tied, and hangs loosely there down
to the ankles: I mean this, all the time the priest is not about
any laborious service, for in this position it appears in the
most agreeable manner to the spectators; but when he is obliged
to assist at the offering sacrifices, and to do the appointed
service, that he may not be hindered in his operations by its
motion, he throws it to the left, and bears it on his shoulder.
Moses indeed calls this belt Albaneth; but we have learned from
the Babylonians to call it Emia, for so it is by them called.
This vestment has no loose or hollow parts any where in it, but
only a narrow aperture about the neck; and it is tied with
certain strings hanging down from the edge over the breast and
back, and is fastened above each shoulder: it is called
Massabazanes.

3. Upon his head he wears a cap, not brought to a conic form nor
encircling the whole head, but still covering more than the half
of it, which is called Masnaemphthes; and its make is such that
it seems to be a crown, being made of thick swathes, but the
contexture is of linen; and it is doubled round many times, and
sewed together; besides which, a piece of fine linen covers the
whole cap from the upper part, and reaches down to the forehead,
and hides the seams of the swathes, which would otherwise appear
indecently: this adheres closely upon the solid part of the head,
and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may not fall off during
the sacred service about the sacrifices. So we have now shown you
what is the habit of the generality of the priests.

4. The high priest is indeed adorned with the same garments that
we have described, without abating one; only over these he puts
on a vestment of a blue color. This also is a long robe, reaching
to his feet, [in our language it is called Meeir,] and is tied
round with a girdle, embroidered with the same colors and flowers
as the former, with a mixture of gold interwoven. To the bottom
of which garment are hung fringes, in color like pomegranates,
with golden bells (13) by a curious and beautiful contrivance; so
that between two bells hangs a pomegranate, and between two
pomegranates a bell. Now this vesture was not composed of two
pieces, nor was it sewed together upon the shoulders and the
sides, but it was one long vestment so woven as to have an
aperture for the neck; not an oblique one, but parted all along
the breast and the back. A border also was sewed to it, lest the
aperture should look too indecently: it was also parted where the
hands were to come out.

5. Besides these, the high priest put on a third garment, which
was called the Ephod, which resembles the Epomis of the Greeks.
Its make was after this manner: it was woven to the depth of a
cubit, of several colors, with gold intermixed, and embroidered,
but it left the middle of the breast uncovered: it was made with
sleeves also; nor did it appear to be at all differently made
from a short coat. But in the void place of this garment there
was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span, embroidered with
gold, and the other colors of the ephod, and was called Essen,
[the breastplate,] which in the Greek language signifies the
Oracle. This piece exactly filled up the void space in the ephod.
It was united to it by golden rings at every corner, the like
rings being annexed to the ephod, and a blue riband was made use
of to tie them together by those rings; and that the space
between the rings might not appear empty, they contrived to fill
it up with stitches of blue ribands. There were also two
sardonyxes upon the ephod, at the shoulders, to fasten it in the
nature of buttons, having each end running to the sardonyxes of
gold, that they might be buttoned by them. On these were engraven
the names of the sons of Jacob, in our own country letters, and
in our own tongue, six on each of the stones, on either side; and
the elder sons' names were on the right shoulder. Twelve stones
also there were upon the breast-plate, extraordinary in largeness
and beauty; and they were an ornament not to be purchased by men,
because of their immense value. These stones, however, stood in
three rows, by four in a row, and were inserted into the
breastplate itself, and they were set in ouches of gold, that
were themselves inserted in the breastplate, and were so made
that they might not fall out low the first three stones were a
sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second row contained a
carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire. The first of the third row
was a ligure, then an amethyst, and the third an agate, being the
ninth of the whole number. The first of the fourth row was a
chrysolite, the next was an onyx, and then a beryl, which was the
last of all. Now the names of all those sons of Jacob were
engraven in these stones, whom we esteem the heads of our tribes,
each stone having the honor of a name, in the order according to
which they were born. And whereas the rings were too weak of
themselves to bear the weight of the stones, they made two other
rings of a larger size, at the edge of that part of the
breastplate which reached to the neck, and inserted into the very
texture of the breastplate, to receive chains finely wrought,
which connected them with golden bands to the tops of the
shoulders, whose extremity turned backwards, and went into the
ring, on the prominent back part of the ephod; and this was for
the security of the breastplate, that it might not fall out of
its place. There was also a girdle sewed to the breastplate,
which was of the forementioned colors, with gold intermixed,
which, when it had gone once round, was tied again upon the seam,
and hung down. There were also golden loops that admitted its
fringes at each extremity of the girdle, and included them
entirely.

6. The high priest's mitre was the same that we described before,
and was wrought like that of all the other priests; above which
there was another, with swathes of blue embroidered, and round it
was a golden crown polished, of three rows, one above another;
out of which arose a cup of gold, which resembled the herb which
we call Saccharus; but those Greeks that are skillful in botany
call it Hyoscyamus. Now, lest any one that has seen this herb,
but has not been taught its name, and is unacquainted with its
nature, or, having known its name, knows not the herb when he
sees it, I shall give such as these are a description of it.
This herb is oftentimes in tallness above three spans, but its
root is like that of a turnip (for he that should compare it
thereto would not be mistaken); but its leaves are like the
leaves of mint. Out of its branches it sends out a calyx,
cleaving to the branch; and a coat encompasses it, which it
naturally puts off when it is changing, in order to produce its
fruit. This calyx is of the bigness of the bone of the little
finger, but in the compass of its aperture is like a cup. This I
will further describe, for the use of those that are unacquainted
with it. Suppose a sphere be divided into two parts, round at the
bottom, but having another segment that grows up to a
circumference from that bottom; suppose it become narrower by
degrees, and that the cavity of that part grow decently smaller,
and then gradually grow wider again at the brim, such as we see
in the navel of a pomegranate, with its notches. And indeed such
a coat grows over this plant as renders it a hemisphere, and
that, as one may say, turned accurately in a lathe, and having
its notches extant above it, which, as I said, grow like a
pomegranate, only that they are sharp, and end in nothing but
prickles. Now the fruit is preserved by this coat of the calyx,
which fruit is like the seed of the herb Sideritis: it sends out
a flower that may seem to resemble that of poppy. Of this was a
crown made, as far from the hinder part of the head to each of
the temples; but this Ephielis, for so this calyx may be called,
did not cover the forehead, but it was covered with a golden
plate, (14) which had inscribed upon it the name of God in sacred
characters. And such were the ornaments of the high priest.

7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-will which men bear to us,
and which they profess to bear on account of our despising that
Deity which they pretend to honor; for if any one do but consider
the fabric of the tabernacle, and take a view of the garments of
the high priest, and of those vessels which we make use of in our
sacred ministration, he will find that our legislator was a
divine man, and that we are unjustly reproached by others; for if
any one do without prejudice, and with judgment, look upon these
things, he will find they were every one made in way of imitation
and representation of the universe. When Moses distinguished the
tabernacle into three parts, (15) and allowed two of them to the
priests, as a place accessible and common, he denoted the land
and the sea, these being of general access to all; but he set
apart the third division for God, because heaven is inaccessible
to men. And when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the table,
he denoted the year, as distinguished into so many months. By
branching out the candlestick into seventy parts, he secretly
intimated the Decani, or seventy divisions of the planets; and as
to the seven lamps upon the candlesticks, they referred to the
course of the planets, of which that is the number. The veils,
too, which were composed of four things, they declared the four
elements; for the fine linen was proper to signify the earth,
because the flax grows out of the earth; the purple signified the
sea, because that color is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish;
the blue is fit to signify the air; and the scarlet will
naturally be an indication of fire. Now the vestment of the high
priest being made of linen, signified the earth; the blue denoted
the sky, being like lightning in its pomegranates, and in the
noise of the bells resembling thunder. And for the ephod, it
showed that God had made the universe of four elements; and as
for the gold interwoven, I suppose it related to the splendor by
which all things are enlightened. He also appointed the
breastplate to be placed in the middle of the ephod, to resemble
the earth, for that has the very middle place of the world. And
the girdle which encompassed the high priest round, signified the
ocean, for that goes round about and includes the universe. Each
of the sardonyxes declares to us the sun and the moon; those, I
mean, that were in the nature of buttons on the high priest's
shoulders. And for the twelve stones, whether we understand by
them the months, or whether we understand the like number of the
signs of that circle which the Greeks call the Zodiac, we shall
not be mistaken in their meaning. And for the mitre, which was of
a blue color, it seems to me to mean heaven; for how otherwise
could the name of God be inscribed upon it? That it was also
illustrated with a crown, and that of gold also, is because of
that splendor with which God is pleased. Let this explication
(16) suffice at present, since the course of my narration will
often, and on many occasions, afford me the opportunity of
enlarging upon the virtue of our legislator.




CHAPTER 8.

Of The Priesthood Of Aaron.


1. When what has been described was brought to a conclusion,
gifts not being yet presented, God appeared to Moses, and
enjoined him to bestow the high priesthood upon Aaron his
brother, as upon him that best of them all deserved to obtain
that honor, on account of his virtue. And when he had gathered
the multitude together, he gave them an account of Aaron's
virtue, and of his good-will to them, and of the dangers he had
undergone for their sakes. Upon which, when they had given
testimony to him in all respects, and showed their readiness to
receive him, Moses said to them, "O you Israelites, this work is
already brought to a conclusion, in a manner most acceptable to
God, and according to our abilities. And now since you see that
he is received into this tabernacle, we shall first of all stand
in need of one that may officiate for us, and may minister to the
sacrifices, and to the prayers that are to be put up for us. And
indeed had the inquiry after such a person been left to me, I
should have thought myself worthy of this honor, both because all
men are naturally fond of themselves, and because I am conscious
to myself that I have taken a great deal of pains for your
deliverance; but now God himself has determined that Aaron is
worthy of this honor, and has chosen him for his priest, as
knowing him to be the most righteous person among you. So that he
is to put on the vestments which are consecrated to God; he is to
have the care of the altars, and to make provision for the
sacrifices; and he it is that must put up prayers for you to God,
who will readily hear them, not only because he is himself
solicitous for your nation, but also because he will receive them
as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this office."
The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their
approbation to him whom God had ordained; for Aaron was of them
all the most deserving of this honor, on account of his own stock
and gift of prophecy, and his brother's virtue. He had at that
time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar.

2. Now Moses commanded them to make use of all the utensils which
were more than were necessary to the structure of the tabernacle,
for covering the tabernacle itself, the candlestick, and altar of
incense, and the other vessels, that they might not be at all
hurt when they journeyed, either by the rain, or by the rising of
the dust. And when he had gathered the multitude together again,
he ordained that they should offer half a shekel for every man,
as an oblation to God; which shekel is a piece among the Hebrews,
and is equal to four Athenian drachmae. (18) Whereupon they
readily obeyed what Moses had commanded; and the number of the
offerers was six hundred and five thousand five hundred and
fifty. Now this money that was brought by the men that were free,
was given by such as were about twenty years old, but under
fifty; and what was collected was spent in the uses of the
tabernacle.

3. Moses now purified the tabernacle and the priests; which
purification was performed after the following manner:-- He
commanded them to take five hundred shekels of choice myrrh, an
equal quantity of cassia, and half the foregoing weight of
cinnamon and calamus (this last is a sort of sweet spice); to
beat them small, and wet them with an bin of oil of olives (an
hin is our own country measure, and contains two Athenian choas,
or congiuses); then mix them together, and boil them, and prepare
them after the art of the apothecary, and make them into a very
sweet ointment; and afterward to take it to anoint and to purify
the priests themselves, and all the tabernacle, as also the
sacrifices. There were also many, and those of various kinds, of
sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle, and such as were
of very great price, and were brought to the golden altar of
incense; the nature of which I do not now describe, lest it
should be troublesome to my readers; but incense (19) was to be
offered twice a-day, both before sun-rising and at sun-setting.
They were also to keep oil already purified for the lamps; three
of which were to give light all day long, (20) upon the sacred
candlestick, before God, and the rest were to be lighted at the
evening.

4. Now all was finished. Besaleel and Aholiab appeared to be the
most skillful of the workmen; for they invented finer works than
what others had done before them, and were of great abilities to
gain notions of what they were formerly ignorant of; and of
these, Besaleel was judged to be the best. Now the whole time
they were about this work was the interval of seven months; and
after this it was that was ended the first year since their
departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning of the second year,
on the month Xanthicus, as the Macedonians call it, but on the
month Nisan, as the Hebrews call it, on the new moon, they
consecrated the tabernacle, and all its vessels, which I have
already described.

5. Now God showed himself pleased with the work of the Hebrews,
and did not permit their labors to be in vain; nor did he disdain
to make use of what they had made, but he came and sojourned with
them, and pitched his tabernacle in the holy house. And in the
following manner did he come to it:-- The sky was clear, but
there was a mist over the tabernacle only, encompassing it, but
not with such a very deep and thick cloud as is seen in the
winter season, nor yet in so thin a one as men might be able to
discern any thing through it, but from it there dropped a sweet
dew, and such a one as showed the presence of God to those that
desired and believed it.

6. Now when Moses had bestowed such honorary presents on the
workmen, as it was fit they should receive, who had wrought so
well, he offered sacrifices in the open court of the tabernacle,
as God commanded him; a bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for
a sin-offering. Now I shall speak of what we do in our sacred
offices in my discourse about sacrifices; and therein shall
inform men in what cases Moses bid us offer a whole
burnt-offering, and in what cases the law permits us to partake
of them as of food. And when Moses had sprinkled Aaron's
vestments, himself, and his sons, with the blood of the beasts
that were slain, and had purified them with spring waters and
ointment, they became God's priests. After this manner did he
consecrate them and their garments for seven days together. The
same he did to the tabernacle, and the vessels thereto belonging,
both with oil first incensed, as I said, and with the blood of
bulls and of rams, slain day by day one, according to its kind.
But on the eighth day he appointed a feast for the people, and
commanded them to offer sacrifice according to their ability.
Accordingly they contended one with another, and were ambitious
to exceed each other in the sacrifices which they brought, and so
fulfilled Moses's injunctions. But as the sacrifices lay upon the
altar, a sudden fire was kindled from among them of its own
accord, and appeared to the sight like fire from a flash of
lightning, and consumed whatsoever was upon the altar.

7. Hereupon an affliction befell Aaron, considered as a man and a
father, but was undergone by him with true fortitude; for he had
indeed a firmness of soul in such accidents, and he thought this
calamity came upon him according to God's will: for whereas he
had four sons, as I said before, the two elder of them, Nadab and
Abihu, did not bring those sacrifices which Moses bade them
bring, but which they used to offer formerly, and were burnt to
death. Now when the fire rushed upon them, and began to burn
them, nobody could quench it. Accordingly they died in this
manner. And Moses bid their father and their brethren to take up
their bodies, to carry them out of the camp, and to bury them
magnificently. Now the multitude lamented them, and were deeply
affected at this their death, which so unexpectedly befell them.
But Moses entreated their brethren and their father not to be
troubled for them, and to prefer the honor of God before their
grief about them; for Aaron had already put on his sacred
garments.

8. But Moses refused all that honor which he saw the multitude
ready to bestow upon him, and attended to nothing else but the
service of God. He went no more up to Mount Sinai; but he went
into the tabernacle, and brought back answers from God for what
he prayed for. His habit was also that of a private man, and in
all other circumstances he behaved himself like one of the common
people, and was desirous to appear without distinguishing himself
from the multitude, but would have it known that he did nothing
else but take care of them. He also set down in writing the form
of their government, and those laws by obedience whereto they
would lead their lives so as to please God, and so as to have no
quarrels one among another. However, the laws he ordained were
such as God suggested to him; so I shall now discourse concerning
that form of government, and those laws.

9. I will now treat of what I before omitted, the garment of the
high priest: for he [Moses] left no room for the evil practices
of [false] prophets; but if some of that sort should attempt to
abuse the Divine authority, he left it to God to be present at
his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleased to be absent.
(21) And he was willing this should be known, not to the Hebrews
only, but to those foreigners also who were there. For as to
those stones, (22) which we told you before, the high priest bare
on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes, (and I think it needless
to describe their nature, they being known to every body,) the
one of them shined out when God was present at their sacrifices;
I mean that which was in the nature of a button on his right
shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and being seen even by
those that were most remote; which splendor yet was not before
natural to the stone. This has appeared a wonderful thing to such
as have not so far indulged themselves in philosophy, as to
despise Divine revelation. Yet will I mention what is still more
wonderful than this: for God declared beforehand, by those twelve
stones which the high priest bare on his breast, and which were
inserted into his breastplate, when they should be victorious in
battle; for so great a splendor shone forth from them before the
army began to march, that all the people were sensible of God's
being present for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that
those Greeks, who had a veneration for our laws, because they
could not possibly contradict this, called that breastplate the
Oracle. Now this breastplate, and this sardonyx, left off shining
two hundred years before I composed this book, God having been
displeased at the transgressions of his laws. Of which things we
shall further discourse on a fitter opportunity; but I will now
go on with my proposed narration.

10. The tabernacle being now consecrated, and a regular order
being settled for the priests, the multitude judged that God now
dwelt among them, and betook themselves to sacrifices and praises
to God as being now delivered from all expectation of evils and
as entertaining a hopeful prospect of better times hereafter.
They offered also gifts to God some as common to the whole
nation, and others as peculiar to themselves, and these tribe by
tribe; for the heads of the tribes combined together, two by two,
and brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These amounted to six,
and they carried the tabernacle when they journeyed. Besides
which, each head of a tribe brought a bowl, and a charger, and a
spoon, of ten darics, full of incense. Now the charger and the
bowl were of silver, and together they weighed two hundred
shekels, but the bowl cost no more than seventy shekels; and
these were full of fine flour mingled with oil, such as they used
on the altar about the sacrifices. They brought also a young
bullock, and a ram, with a lamb of a year old, for a whole
burnt-offering, as also a goat for the forgiveness of sins. Every
one of the heads of the tribes brought also other sacrifices,
called peace-offerings, for every day two bulls, and five rams,
with lambs of a year old, and kids of the goats. These heads of
tribes were twelve days in sacrificing, one sacrificing every
day. Now Moses went no longer up to Mount Sinai, but went into
the tabernacle, and learned of God what they were to do, and what
laws should be made; which laws were preferable to what have been
devised by human understanding, and proved to be firmly observed
for all time to come, as being believed to be the gift of God,
insomuch that the Hebrews did not transgress any of those laws,
either as tempted in times of peace by luxury, or in times of war
by distress of affairs. But I say no more here concerning them,
because I have resolved to compose another work concerning our
laws.




CHAPTER 9.

The Manner Of Our Offering Sacrifices.


1. I Will now, however, make mention of a few of our laws which
belong to purifications, and the like sacred offices, since I am
accidentally come to this matter of sacrifices. These sacrifices
were of two sorts; of those sorts one was offered for private
persons, and the other for the people in general; and they are
done in two different ways. In the one case, what is slain is
burnt, as a whole burnt-offering, whence that name is given to
it; but the other is a thank-offering, and is designed for
feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak of the former.
Suppose a private man offer a burnt-offering, he must slay either
a bull, a lamb, or a kid of the goats, and the two latter of the
first year, though of bulls he is permitted to sacrifice those of
a greater age; but all burnt-offerings are to be of males. When
they are slain, the priests sprinkle the blood round about the
altar; they then cleanse the bodies, and divide them into parts,
and salt them with salt, and lay them upon the altar, while the
pieces of wood are piled one upon another, and the fire is
burning; they next cleanse the feet of the sacrifices, and the
inwards, in an accurate manner and so lay them to the rest to be
purged by the fire, while the priests receive the hides. This is
the way of offering a burnt-offering.

2. But those that offer thank-offerings do indeed sacrifice the
same creatures, but such as are unblemished, and above a year
old; however, they may take either males or females. They also
sprinkle the altar with their blood; but they lay upon the altar
the kidneys and the caul, and all the fat, and the lobe of the
liver, together with the rump of the lamb; then, giving the
breast and the right shoulder to the priests, the offerers feast
upon the remainder of the flesh for two days; and what remains
they burn.

3. The sacrifices for sins are offered in the same manner as is
the thank-offering. But those who are unable to purchase complete
sacrifices, offer two pigeons, or turtle doves; the one of which
is made a burnt-offering to God, the other they give as food to
the priests. But we shall treat more accurately about the
oblation of these creatures in our discourse concerning
sacrifices. But if a person fall into sin by ignorance, he offers
an ewe lamb, or a female kid of the goats, of the same age; and
the priests sprinkle the blood at the altar, not after the former
manner, but at the corners of it. They also bring the kidneys and
the rest of the fat, together with the lobe of the liver, to the
altar, while the priests bear away the hides and the flesh, and
spend it in the holy place, on the same day; (23) for the law
does not permit them to leave of it until the morning. But if any
one sin, and is conscious of it himself, but hath nobody that can
prove it upon him, he offers a ram, the law enjoining him so to
do; the flesh of which the priests eat, as before, in the holy
place, on the same day. And if the rulers offer sacrifices for
their sins, they bring the same oblations that private men do;
only they so far differ, that they are to bring for sacrifices a
bull or a kid of the goats, both males.

4. Now the law requires, both in private and public sacrifices,
that the finest flour be also brought; for a lamb the measure of
one tenth deal, - for a ram two, - and for a bull three. This
they consecrate upon the altar, when it is mingled with oil; for
oil is also brought by those that sacrifice; for a bull the half
of an hin, and for a ram the third part of the same measure, and
one quarter of it for a lamb. This hin is an ancient Hebrew
measure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas (or congiuses).
They bring the same quantity of oil which they do of wine, and
they pour the wine about the altar; but if any one does not offer
a complete sacrifice of animals, but brings fine flour only for a
vow, he throws a handful upon the altar as its first-fruits,
while the priests take the rest for their food, either boiled or
mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread. But whatsoever it
be that a priest himself offers, it must of necessity be all
burnt. Now the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at the same
time with its dam; and, in other cases, not till the eighth day
after its birth. Other sacrifices there are also appointed for
escaping distempers, or for other occasions, in which
meat-offerings are consumed, together with the animals that are
sacrificed; of which it is not lawful to leave any part till the
next day, only the priests are to take their own share.




CHAPTER 10.

Concerning The Festivals; And How Each Day Of Such Festival Is To
Be Observed.


1. The law requires, that out of the public expenses a lamb of
the first year be killed every day, at the beginning and at the
ending of the day; but on the seventh day, which is called the
Sabbath, they kill two, and sacrifice them in the same manner. At
the new moon, they both perform the daily sacrifices, and slay
two bulls, with seven lambs of the first year, and a kid of the
goats also, for the expiation of sins; that is, if they have
sinned through ignorance.

2. But on the seventh month, which the Macedonians call
Hyperberetaeus, they make an addition to those already mentioned,
and sacrifice a bull, a ram, and seven lambs, and a kid of the
goats, for sins.

3. On the tenth day of the same lunar month, they fast till the
evening; and this day they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and
seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. And, besides
these, they bring two kids of the goats; the one of which is sent
alive out of the limits of the camp into the wilderness for the
scapegoat, and to be an expiation for the sins of the whole
multitude; but the other is brought into a place of great
cleanness, within the limits of the camp, and is there burnt,
with its skin, without any sort of cleansing. With this goat was
burnt a bull, not brought by the people, but by the high priest,
at his own charges; which, when it was slain, he brought of the
blood into the holy place, together with the blood of the kid of
the goats, and sprinkled the ceiling with his finger seven times,
as also its pavement, and again as often toward the most holy
place, and about the golden altar: he also at last brings it into
the open court, and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides
this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys, and the fat,
with the lobe of the liver, upon the altar. The high priest
likewise presents a ram to God as a burnt-offering.

4. Upon the fifteenth day of the same month, when the season of
the year is changing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch
tabernacles in every one of our houses, so that we preserve
ourselves from the cold of that time of the year; as also that
when we should arrive at our own country, and come to that city
which we should have then for our metropolis, because of the
temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days,
and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we
should then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow,
and a bough of the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome
citron: That the burnt-offering on the first of those days was to
be a sacrifice of thirteen bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen
rams, with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an expiation
for sins; and on the following days the same number of lambs, and
of rams, with the kids of the goats; but abating one of the bulls
every day till they amounted to seven only. On the eighth day all
work was laid aside, and then, as we said before, they sacrificed
to God a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a kid of the
goats, for an expiation of sins. And this is the accustomed
solemnity of the Hebrews, when they pitch their tabernacles.

5. In the month of Xanthicus, which is by us called Nisan, and is
the beginning of our year, on the fourteenth day of the lunar
month, when the sun is in Aries, (for in this month it was that
we were delivered from bondage under the Egyptians,) the law
ordained that we should every year slay that sacrifice which I
before told you we slew when we came out of Egypt, and which was
called the Passover; and so we do celebrate this passover in
companies, leaving nothing of what we sacrifice till the day
following. The feast of unleavened bread succeeds that of the
passover, and falls on the fifteenth day of the month, and
continues seven days, wherein they feed on unleavened bread; on
every one of which days two bulls are killed, and one ram, and
seven lambs. Now these lambs are entirely burnt, besides the kid
of the goats which is added to all the rest, for sins; for it is
intended as a feast for the priest on every one of those days.
But on the second day of unleavened bread, which is the sixteenth
day of the month, they first partake of the fruits of the earth,
for before that day they do not touch them. And while they
suppose it proper to honor God, from whom they obtain this
plentiful provision, in the first place, they offer the
first-fruits of their barley, and that in the manner following:
They take a handful of the ears, and dry them, then beat them
small, and purge the barley from the bran; they then bring one
tenth deal to the altar, to God; and, casting one handful of it
upon the fire, they leave the rest for the use of the priest. And
after this it is that they may publicly or privately reap their
harvest. They also at this participation of the first-fruits of
the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-offering to God.

6. When a week of weeks has passed over after this sacrifice,
(which weeks contain forty and nine days,) on the fiftieth day,
which is Pentecost, but is called by the Hebrews Asartha, which
signifies Pentecost, they bring to God a loaf, made of wheat
flour, of two tenth deals, with leaven; and for sacrifices they
bring two lambs; and when they have only presented them to God,
they are made ready for supper for the priests; nor is it
permitted to leave any thing of them till the day following. They
also slay three bullocks for a burnt-offering, and two rams; and
fourteen lambs, with two kids of the goats, for sins; nor is
there anyone of the festivals but in it they offer
burnt-offerings; they also allow themselves to rest on every one
of them. Accordingly, the law prescribes in them all what kinds
they are to sacrifice, and how they are to rest entirely, and
must slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon them.

7. However, out of the common charges, baked bread [was set on
the table of shew-bread], without leaven, of twenty-four tenth
deals of flour, for so much is spent upon this bread; two heaps
of these were baked, they were baked the day before the sabbath,
but were brought into the holy place on the morning of the
sabbath, and set upon the holy table, six on a heap, one loaf
still standing over against another; where two golden cups full
of frankincense were also set upon them, and there they remained
till another sabbath, and then other loaves were brought in their
stead, while the loaves were given to the priests for their food,
and the frankincense was burnt in that sacred fire wherein all
their offerings were burnt also; and so other frankincense was
set upon the loaves instead of what was there before. The [high
priest also, of his own charges, offered a sacrifice, and that
twice every day. It was made of flour mingled with oil, and
gently baked by the fire; the quantity was one tenth deal of
flour; he brought the half of it to the fire in the morning, and
the other half at night. The account of these sacrifices I shall
give more accurately hereafter; but I think I have premised what
for the present may be sufficient concerning them.




CHAPTER 11.

Of The Purifications.


1. Moses took out the tribe of Levi from communicating with the
rest of the people, and set them apart to be a holy tribe; and
purified them by water taken from perpetual springs, and with
such sacrifices as were usually offered to God on the like
occasions. He delivered to them also the tabernacle, and the
sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which were made for
covering the tabernacle, that they might minister under the
conduct of the priests, who had been already consecrated to God.

2. He also determined concerning animals; which of them might be
used for food, and which they were obliged to abstain from; which
matters, when this work shall give me occasion, shall be further
explained; and the causes shall be added by which he was moved to
allot some of them to be our food, and enjoined us to abstain
from others. However, he entirely forbade us the use of blood for
food, and esteemed it to contain the soul and spirit. He also
forbade us to eat the flesh of an animal that died of itself, as
also the caul, and the fat of goats, and sheep, and bulls.

3. He also ordered that those whose bodies were afflicted with
leprosy, and that had a gonorrhea, should not come into the city;
nay, he removed the women, when they had their natural
purgations, till the seventh day; after which he looked on them
as pure, and permitted them to come in again. The law permits
those also who have taken care of funerals to come in after the
same manner, when this number of days is over; but if any
continued longer than that number of days in a state of
pollution, the law appointed the offering two lambs for a
sacrifice; the one of which they are to purge by fire, and for
the other, the priests take it for themselves. In the same manner
do those sacrifice who have had the gonorrhea. But he that sheds
his seed in his sleep, if he go down into cold water, has the
same privilege with those that have lawfully accompanied with
their wives. And for the lepers, he suffered them not to come
into the city at all, nor to live with any others, as if they
were in effect dead persons; but if any one had obtained by
prayer to God, the recovery from that distemper, and had gained a
healthful complexion again, such a one returned thanks to God,
with several sorts of sacrifices; concerning which we will speak
hereafter.

4. Whence one cannot but smile at those who say that Moses was
himself afflicted with the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and
that he became the conductor of those who on that account left
that country, and led them into the land of Canaan; for had this
been true, Moses would not have made these laws to his own
dishonor, which indeed it was more likely he would have opposed,
if others had endeavored to introduce them; and this the rather,
because there are lepers in many nations, who yet are in honor,
and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but who have been
great captains of armies, and been intrusted with high offices in
the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of entering into
holy places and temples; so that nothing hindered, but if either
Moses himself, or the multitude that was with him, had been
liable to such a misfortune in the color of his skin, he might
have made laws about them for their credit and advantage, and
have laid no manner of difficulty upon them. Accordingly, it is a
plain case, that it is out of violent prejudice only that they
report these things about us. But Moses was pure from any such
distemper, and lived with countrymen who were pure of it also,
and thence made the laws which concerned others that had the
distemper. He did this for the honor of God. But as to these
matters, let every one consider them after what manner he
pleases.

5. As to the women, when they have born a child, Moses forbade
them to come into the temple, or touch the sacrifices, before
forty days were over, supposing it to be a boy; but if she hath
born a girl, the law is that she cannot be admitted before twice
that number of days be over. And when after the before-mentioned
time appointed for them, they perform their sacrifices, the
priests distribute them before God.

6. But if any one suspect that his wife has been guilty of
adultery, he was to bring a tenth deal of barley flour; they then
cast one handful to God and gave the rest of it to the priests
for food. One of the priests set the woman at the gates that are
turned towards the temple, and took the veil from her head, and
wrote the name of God on parchment, and enjoined her to swear
that she had not at all injured her husband; and to wish that, if
she had violated her chastity, her right thigh might be put out
of joint; that her belly might swell; and that she might die
thus: but that if her husband, by the violence of his affection,
and of the jealousy which arose from it, had been rashly moved to
this suspicion, that she might bear a male child in the tenth
month. Now when these oaths were over, the priest wiped the name
of God out of the parchment, and wrung the water into a vial. He
also took some dust out of the temple, if any happened to be
there, and put a little of it into the vial, and gave it her to
drink; whereupon the woman, if she were unjustly accused,
conceived with child, and brought it to perfection in her womb:
but if she had broken her faith of wedlock to her husband, and
had sworn falsely before God, she died in a reproachful manner;
her thigh fell off from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy.
And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices, and about the
purifications thereto belonging, which Moses provided for his
countrymen. He also prescribed the following laws to them:--




CHAPTER 12.

Several Laws.


1. As for adultery, Moses forbade it entirely, as esteeming it a
happy thing that men should be wise in the affairs of wedlock;
and that it was profitable both to cities and families that
children should be known to be genuine. He also abhorred men's
lying with their mothers, as one of the greatest crimes; and the
like for lying with the father's wife, and with aunts, and
sisters, and sons' wives, as all instances of abominable
wickedness. He also forbade a man to lie with his wife when she
was defiled by her natural purgation: and not to come near brute
beasts; nor to approve of the lying with a male, which was to
hunt after unlawful pleasures on account of beauty. To those who
were guilty of such insolent behavior, he ordained death for
their punishment.

2. As for the priests, he prescribed to them a double degree of
purity (25) for he restrained them in the instances above, and
moreover forbade them to marry harlots. He also forbade them to
marry a slave, or a captive, and such as got their living by
cheating trades, and by keeping inns; as also a woman parted from
her husband, on any account whatsoever. Nay, he did not think it
proper for the high priest to marry even the widow of one that
was dead, though he allowed that to the priests; but he permitted
him only to marry a virgin, and to retain her. Whence it is that
the high priest is not to come near to one that is dead, although
the rest are not prohibited from coming near to their brethren,
or parents, or children, when they are dead; but they are to be
unblemished in all respects. He ordered that the priest who had
any blemish, should have his portion indeed among the priests,
but he forbade him to ascend the altar, or to enter into the holy
house. He also enjoined them, not only to observe purity in their
sacred ministrations, but in their daily conversation, that it
might be unblamable also. And on this account it is that those
who wear the sacerdotal garments are without spot, and eminent
for their purity and sobriety: nor are they permitted to drink
wine so long as they wear those garments. (26) Moreover, they
offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no defect whatsoever.

3. And truly Moses gave them all these precepts, being such as
were observed during his own lifetime; but though he lived now in
the wilderness, yet did he make provision how they might observe
the same laws when they should have taken the land of Canaan. He
gave them rest to the land from ploughing and planting every
seventh year, as he had prescribed to them to rest from working
every seventh day; and ordered, that then what grew of its own
accord out of the earth should in common belong to all that
pleased to use it, making no distinction in that respect between
their own countrymen and foreigners: and he ordained, that they
should do the same after seven times seven years, which in all
are fifty years; and that fiftieth year is called by the Hebrews
The Jubilee, wherein debtors are freed from their debts, and
slaves are set at liberty; which slaves became such, though they
were of the same stock, by transgressing some of those laws the
punishment of which was not capital, but they were punished by
this method of slavery. This year also restores the land to its
former possessors in the manner following:-- When the Jubilee is
come, which name denotes liberty, he that sold the land, and he
that bought it, meet together, and make an estimate, on one hand,
of the fruits gathered; and, on the other hand, of the expenses
laid out upon it. If the fruits gathered come to more than the
expenses laid out, he that sold it takes the land again; but if
the expenses prove more than the fruits, the present possessor
receives of the former owner the difference that was wanting, and
leaves the land to him; and if the fruits received, and the
expenses laid out, prove equal to one another, the present
possessor relinquishes it to the former owners. Moses would have
the same law obtain as to those houses also which were sold in
villages; but he made a different law for such as were sold in a
city; for if he that sold it tendered the purchaser his money
again within a year, he was forced to restore it; but in case a
whole year had intervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he had
bought. This was the constitution of the laws which Moses learned
of God when the camp lay under Mount Sinai, and this he delivered
in writing to the Hebrews.

4. Now when this settlement of laws seemed to be well over, Moses
thought fit at length to take a review of the host, as thinking
it proper to settle the affairs of war. So he charged the heads
of the tribes, excepting the tribe of Levi, to take an exact
account of the number of those that were able to go to war; for
as to the Levites, they were holy, and free from all such
burdens. Now when the people had been numbered, there were found
six hundred thousand that were able to go to war, from twenty to
fifty years of age, besides three thousand six hundred and fifty.
Instead of Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of Joseph, among
the heads of tribes; and Ephraim instead of Joseph. It was indeed
the desire of Jacob himself to Joseph, that he would give him his
sons to be his own by adoption, as I have before related.

5. When they set up the tabernacle, they received it into the
midst of their camp, three of the tribes pitching their tents on
each side of it; and roads were cut through the midst of these
tents. It was like a well-appointed market; and every thing was
there ready for sale in due order; and all sorts of artificers
were in the shops; and it resembled nothing so much as a city
that sometimes was movable, and sometimes fixed. The priests had
the first places about the tabernacle; then the Levites, who,
because their whole multitude was reckoned from thirty days old,
were twenty-three thousand eight hundred and eighty males; and
during the time that the cloud stood over the tabernacle, they
thought proper to stay in the same place, as supposing that God
there inhabited among them; but when that removed, they journeyed
also.

6. Moreover, Moses was the inventor of the form of their trumpet,
which was made of silver. Its description is this:-- In length it
was little less than a cubit. It was composed of a narrow tube,
somewhat thicker than a flute, but with so much breadth as was
sufficient for admission of the breath of a man's mouth: it ended
in the form of a bell, like common trumpets. Its sound was called
in the Hebrew tongue Asosra. Two of these being made, one of them
was sounded when they required the multitude to come together to
congregations. When the first of them gave a signal, the heads of
the tribes were to assemble, and consult about the affairs to
them properly belonging; but when they gave the signal by both of
them, they called the multitude together. Whenever the tabernacle
was removed, it was done in this solemn order:-- At the first
alarm of the trumpet, those whose tents were on the east quarter
prepared to remove; when the second signal was given, those that
were on the south quarter did the like; in the next place, the
tabernacle was taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst of
six tribes that went before, and of six that followed, all the
Levites assisting about the tabernacle; when the third signal was
given, that part which had their tents towards the west put
themselves in motion; and at the fourth signal those on the north
did so likewise. They also made use of these trumpets in their
sacred ministrations, when they were bringing their sacrifices to
the altar as well on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the
[festival] days; and now it was that Moses offered that sacrifice
which was called the Passover in the Wilderness, as the first he
had offered after the departure out of Egypt.




CHAPTER 13.

Moses Removed From Mount Sinai, And Conducted The People To The
Borders Of The Canaanites.


A Little while afterwards he rose up, and went from Mount Sinai;
and, having passed through several mansions, of which we will
speak he came to a place called Hazeroth, where the multitude
began again to be mutinous, and to Moses for the misfortunes they
had suffered their travels; and that when he had persuaded to
leave a good land, they at once had lost land, and instead of
that happy state he had them, they were still wandering in their
miserable condition, being already in want water; and if the
manna should happen to fail, must then utterly perish. Yet while
they spake many and sore things against the there was one of them
who exhorted them to be unmindful of Moses, and of what great
pains he had been at about their common safety; not to despair of
assistance from God. The multitude thereupon became still more
unruly, and mutinous against Moses than before. Hereupon Moses,
although he was so basely abused by them encouraged them in their
despairing conditioned and promised that he would procure them a
quantity of flesh-meat, and that not for a few days only, but for
many days. This they were not to believe; and when one of them
asked, whence he could obtain such vast plenty of what he
promised, he replied, "Neither God nor I, we hear such
opprobrious language from will leave off our labors for you; and
this soon appear also." As soon as ever he had this, the whole
camp was filled with quails, they stood round about them, and
gathered great numbers. However, it was not long ere God punished
the Hebrews for their insolence, those reproaches they had used
towards him, no small number of them died; and still to this day
the place retains the memory of this destruction and is named
Kibrothhattaavah, which is, Graves of Lust.




CHAPTER 14.

How Moses Sent Some Persons To Search Out The Land Of The
Canaanites, And The Largeness Of Their Cities; And Further That
When Those Who Were Sent Were Returned, After Forty Days And
Reported That They Should Not Be A Match For Them, And Extolled
The Strengh Of The Canaanites The Multitude Were Disturbed And
Fell Into Despair; And Were Resolved To Stone Moses, And To
Return Back Again Into Egypt, And Serve The Egyptians.


1. When Moses had led the Hebrews away from thence to a place
called Paran, which was near to the borders of the Canaanites,
and a place difficult to be continued in, he gathered the
multitude together to a congregation; and standing in the midst
of them, he said, "Of the two things that God determined to
bestow upon us, liberty, and the possession of a Happy Country,
the one of them ye already are partakers of, by the gift of God,
and the other you will quickly obtain; for we now have our abode
near the borders of the Canaanites, and nothing can hinder the
acquisition of it, when we now at last are fallen upon it: I say,
not only no king nor city, but neither the whole race of mankind,
if they were all gathered together, could do it. Let us therefore
prepare ourselves for the work, for the Canaanites will not
resign up their land to us without fighting, but it must be
wrested from them by great struggles in war. Let us then send
spies, who may take a view of the goodness of the land, and what
strength it is of; but, above all things, let us be of one mind,
and let us honor God, who above all is our helper and assister."

2. When Moses had said thus, the multitude requited him with
marks of respect; and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent
men, one out of each tribe, who, passing over all the land of
Canaan, from the borders of Egypt, came to the city Hamath, and
to Mount Lebanon; and having learned the nature of the land, and
of its inhabitants, they came home, having spent forty days in
the whole work. They also brought with them of the fruits which
the land bare; they also showed them the excellency of those
fruits, and gave an account of the great quantity of the good
things that land afforded, which were motives to the multitude to
go to war. But then they terrified them again with the great
difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the rivers were so
large and deep that they could not be passed over; and that the
hills were so high that they could not travel along for them;
that the cities were strong with walls, and their firm
fortifications round about them. They told them also, that they
found at Hebron the posterity of the giants. Accordingly these
spies, who had seen the land of Canaan, when they perceived that
all these difficulties were greater there than they had met with
since they came out of Egypt, they were aftrighted at them
themselves, and endeavored to affright the multitude also.

3. So they supposed, from what they had heard, that it was
impossible to get the possession of the country. And when the
congregation was dissolved, they, their wives and children,
continued their lamentation, as if God would not indeed assist
them, but only promised them fair. They also again blamed Moses,
and made a clamor against him and his brother Aaron, the high
priest. Accordingly they passed that night very ill, and with
contumelious language against them; but in the morning they ran
to a congregation, intending to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to
return back into Egypt.

4. But of the spies, there were Joshua the son of Nun, of the
tribe of Ephraim, and Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were
afraid of the consequence, and came into the midst of them, and
stilled the multitude, and desired them to be of good courage;
and neither to condemn God, as having told them lies, nor to
hearken to those who had aftrighted them, by telling them what
was not true concerning the Canaanites, but to those that
encouraged them to hope for good success; and that they should
gain possession of the happiness promised them, because neither
the height of mountains, nor the depth of rivers, could hinder
men of true courage from attempting them, especially while God
would take care of them beforehand, and be assistant to them.
"Let us then go," said they, "against our enemies, and have no
suspicion of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us, and
following those that are to be our leaders." Thus did these two
exhort them, and endeavor to pacify the rage they were in. But
Moses and Aaron fell on the ground, and besought God, not for
their own deliverance, but that he would put a stop to what the
people were unwarily doing, and would bring their minds to a
quiet temper, which were now disordered by their present passion.
The cloud also did now appear, and stood over the tabernacle, and
declared to them the presence of God to be there.




CHAPTER 15.

How Moses Was Displeased At This, And Foretold That God Was Angry
And That They Should Continue In The Wilderness For Forty Years
And Not, During That Time, Either Return Into Egypt Or Take
Possession Of Canaan.


1. Moses came now boldly to the multitude, and informed them that
God was moved at their abuse of him, and would inflict punishment
upon them, not indeed such as they deserved for their sins, but
such as parents inflict on their children, in order to their
correction. For, he said, that when he was in the tabernacle, and
was bewailing with ears that destruction which was coming upon
them God put him in mind what things he had done for them, and
what benefits they had received from him, and yet how ungrateful
they had been to him that just now they had been induced, through
the timorousness of the spies, to think that their words were
truer than his own promise to them; and that on this account,
though he would not indeed destroy them all, nor utterly
exterminate their nation, which he had honored more than any
other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take
possession of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy its happiness; but
would make them wander in the wilderness, and live without a
fixed habitation, and without a city, for forty years together,
as a punishment for this their transgression; but that he had
promised to give that land to our children, and that he would
make them the possessors of those good things which, by your
ungoverned passions, you have deprived yourselves of.

2. When Moses had discoursed thus to them according to the
direction of God, the multitude, grieved, and were in affliction;
and entreated Most to procure their reconciliation to God, and to
permit them no longer to wander in the wilderness, but bestow
cities upon them. But he replied, that God would not admit of any
such trial, for that God was not moved to this determination from
any human levity or anger, but that he had judicially condemned
them to that punishment. Now we are not to disbelieve that Moses,
who was but a single person, pacified so many ten thousands when
they werre in anger, and converted them to a mildness temper; for
God was with him, and prepared way to his persuasions of the
multitude; and as they had often been disobedient, they were now
sensible that such disobedience was disadvantageous to them and
that they had still thereby fallen into calamities.

3. But this man was admirable for his virtue, and powerful in
making men give credit to what he delivered, not only during the
time of his natural life, but even there is still no one of the
Hebrews who does not act even now as if Moses were present, and
ready to punish him if he should do any thing that is indecent;
nay, there is no one but is obedient to what laws he ordained,
although they might be concealed in their transgressions. There
are also many other demonstrations that his power was more than
human, for still some there have been, who have come from the
parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four months, through many
dangers, and at great expenses, in honor of our temple; and yet,
when they had offered their oblations, could not partake of their
own sacrifices, because Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in
the law that did not permit them, or somewhat that had befallen
them, which our ancient customs made inconsistent therewith; some
of these did not sacrifice at all, and others left their
sacrifices in an imperfect condition; many were not able, even at
first, so much as to enter the temple, but went their ways in
this as preferring a submission to the laws of Moses before the
fulfilling of their own inclinations, they had no fear upon them
that anybody could convict them, but only out of a reverence to
their own conscience. Thus this legislation, which appeared to be
divine, made this man to be esteemed as one superior to his own
nature. Nay, further, a little before the beginning of this war,
when Claudius was emperor of the Romans, and Ismael was our high
priest, and when so great a famine (27) was come upon us, that
one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four drachmae, and when no
less than seventy cori of flour were brought into the temple, at
the feast of unleavened bread, (these cori are thirty-one
Sicilian, but forty-one Athenian medimni,) not one of the priests
was so hardy as to eat one crumb of it, even while so great a
distress was upon the land; and this out of a dread of the law,
and of that wrath which God retains against acts of wickedness,
even when no one can accuse the actors. Whence we are not to
wonder at what was then done, while to this very day the writings
left by Moses have so great a force, that even those that hate us
do confess, that he who established this settlement was God, and
that it was by the means of Moses, and of his virtue; but as to
these matters, let every one take them as he thinks fit.




BOOK IV.

Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Eight Years.

From The Rejection Of That Generation To The Death Of Moses.

CHAPTER 1.

Fight Of The Hebrews With The Canaanites Without The Consent Of
Moses; And Their Defeat.


1. Now this life of the Hebrews in the wilderness was so
disagreeable and troublesome to them, and they were so uneasy at
it, that although God had forbidden them to meddle with the
Canaanites, yet could they not be persuaded to be obedient to the
words of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing they should be
able to beat their enemies, without his approbation, they accused
him, and suspected that he made it his business to keep in a
distressed condition, that they might always stand in need of his
assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight with the
Canaanites, and said that God gave them his assistance, not out
of regard to Moses's intercessions, but because he took care of
their entire nation, on account of their forefathers, whose
affairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on
account of their own virtue that he had formerly procured them
their liberty, and would be assisting to them, now they were
willing to take pains for it. They also said that they were
possessed of abilities sufficient for the conquest of their
enemies, although Moses should have a mind to alienate God from
them; that, however, it was for their advantage to be their own
masters, and not so far to rejoice in their deliverance from the
indignities they endured under the Egyptians, as to bear the
tyranny of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves to be
deluded, and live according to his pleasure, as though God did
only foretell what concerns us out of his kindness to him, as if
they were not all the posterity of Abraham; that God made him
alone the author of all the knowledge we have, and we must still
learn it from him; that it would be a piece of prudence to oppose
his arrogant pretenses, and to put their confidence in God, and
to resolve to take possession of that land which he had promised
them, and not to give ear to him, who on this account, and under
the pretense of Divine authority, forbade them so to do.
Considering, therefore, the distressed state they were in at
present, and that in those desert places they were still to
expect things would be worse with them, they resolved to fight
with the Canaanites, as submitting only to God, their supreme
Commander, and not waiting for any assistance from their
legislator.

2. When, therefore, they had come to this resolution, as being
best for them, they went against their enemies; but those enemies
were not dismayed either at the attack itself, or at the great
multitude that made it, and received them with great courage.
Many of the Hebrews were slain; and the remainder of the army,
upon the disorder of their troops, were pursued, and fled, after
a shameful manner, to their camp. Whereupon this unexpected
misfortune made them quite despond; and they hoped for nothing
that was good; as gathering from it, that this affliction came
from the wrath of God, because they rashly went out to war
without his approbation.

3. But when Moses saw how deeply they were affected with this
defeat, and being afraid lest the enemies should grow insolent
upon this victory, and should be desirous of gaining still
greater glory, and should attack them, he resolved that it was
proper to withdraw the army into the wilderness to a further
distance from the Canaanites: so the multitude gave themselves up
again to his conduct, for they were sensible that, without his
care for them, their affairs could not be in a good condition;
and he caused the host to remove, and he went further into the
wilderness, as intending there to let them rest, and not to
permit them to fight the Canaanites before God should afford them
a more favorable opportunity.




CHAPTER 2.

The Sedition Of Corah And Of The Multitude Against Moses, And
Against His Brother, Concerning The Priesthood.


1. That which is usually the case of great armies, and especially
upon ill success, to be hard to be pleased, and governed with
difficulty, did now befall the Jews; for they being in number six
hundred thousand, and by reason of their great multitude not
readily subject to their governors, even in prosperity, they at
this time were more than usually angry, both against one another
and against their leader, because of the distress they were in,
and the calamities they then endured. Such a sedition overtook
them, as we have not the like example either among the Greeks or
the Barbarians, by which they were in danger of being all
destroyed, but were notwithstanding saved by Moses, who would not
remember that he had been almost stoned to death by them. Nor did
God neglect to prevent their ruin; but, notwithstanding the
indignities they had offered their legislator and the laws, and
disobedience to the commandments which he had sent them by Moses,
he delivered them from those terrible calamities which, without
his providential care, had been brought upon them by this
sedition. So I will first explain the cause whence this sedition
arose, and then will give an account of the sedition itself; as
also of what settlements made for their government after it was
over.

2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account, both by his family and
by his wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that
could easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses
was in an exceeding great dignity, and was at it, and envied him
on that account, (he of the same tribe with Moses, and of kin to
him,) was particularly grieved, because he thought he better
deserved that honorable post on account of great riches, and not
inferior to him in his birth. So he raised a clamor against him
among the Levites, who were of the same tribe, and among his
kindred, saying, "That it was a very sad thing that they should
overlook Moses, while hunted after and paved the way to glory for
himself, and by ill arts should obtain it, under the pretense of
God's command, while, contrary to laws, he had given the
priesthood to Aaron, the common suffrage of the multitude, but by
his own vote, as bestowing dignities in a way on whom he
pleased." He added, "That this concealed way of imposing on them
was harder to be borne than if it had been done by an open force
upon them, because he did now not only their power without their
consent, but even they were unapprised of his contrivances
against them; for whosoever is conscious to himself that he
deserves any dignity, aims to get it by persuasion, and not by an
arrogant method of violence; those that believe it impossible to
obtain honors justly, make a show of goodness, and do not
introduce force, but by cunning tricks grow wickedly powerful.
That it was proper for the multitude to punish such men, even
while they think themselves concealed in their designs, and not
suffer them to gain strength till they have them for their open
enemies. For what account," added he, "is Moses able to give, why
he has bestowed the priesthood on Aaron and his sons? for if God
had determined to bestow that honor on one of the tribe of Levi,
I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses
by my family, and superior to him both in riches and in age: but
if God had determined to bestow it on the eldest be, that of
Reuben might have it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram,
and [On, the son of] Peleth, would have it; for these are the
oldest men of that tribe, and potent on account of their great
wealth also."

3. Now Corah, when he said this, had a mind to appear to take
care of the public welfare, but in reality he was endeavoring to
procure to have that dignity transferred by the multitude to
himself. Thus did he, out of a malignant design, but with
discourse to those of his own tribe; when these words did
gradually spread to more people, and when the hearers still added
to what tended to the scandals that were cast upon the whole army
was full of them. Now of those that conspired with Corah, there
were two hundred and fifty, and those of the principal men also,
who were eager to have the priesthood taken away from Moses's
brother, and to bring him into disgrace: nay, the multitude
themselves were provoked to be seditious, and attempted to stone
Moses, wad gathered themselves together after an indecent manner,
with confusion and disorder. And now all were, in a tumultuous
manner, raising a before the tabernacle of God, to prosecute the
tyrant, and to relieve the multitude from their slavery under him
who, under color of the Divine laid violent injunctions upon
them; for had it been God who chose one that was to the office of
a priest, he would have raised person to that dignity, and would
not produced such a one as was inferior to many others nor have
given him that office; and that in he had judged it fit to bestow
it on Aaron, he would have permitted it to the multitude to
bestow it, and not have left it to be bestowed by his own
brother.

4. Now although Moses had a great while ago foreseen this calumny
of Corah, and had seen the people were irritated, yet was he not
affrighted at it; but being of good courage, because given them
right advice about their affairs, and knowing that his brother
had been made partaker of the priesthood at the command of God,
and not by his own favor to him, he came to the assembly; and as
for the multitude, he said not a word to them, but spake as loud
to Corah as he could; and being very skillful in making speeches,
and having this natural talent, among others, that he could
greatly move the multitude with his discourses, he said, "O
Corah, both thou and all these with thee (pointing to the two
hundred and fifty men) seem to be worthy of this honor; nor do I
pretend but that this whole company may be worthy of the like
dignity, although they may not be so rich or so great as you are:
nor have I taken and given this office to my brother because he
excelled others in riches, for thou exceedest us both in the
greatness of thy wealth; (1) nor indeed because he was of an
eminent family, for God, by giving us the same common ancestor,
has made our families equal: nay, nor was it out of brotherly
affection, which another might yet have justly done; for
certainly, unless I had bestowed this honor out of regard to God,
and to his laws, I had not passed by myself, and given it to
another, as being nearer of kin to myself than to my brother, and
having a closer intimacy with myself than I have with him; for
surely it would not be a wise thing for me to expose myself to
the dangers of offending, and to bestow the happy employment on
this account upon another. But I am above such base practices:
nor would God have overlooked this matter, and seen himself thus
despised; nor would he have suffered you to be ignorant of what
you were to do, in order to please him; but he hath himself
chosen one that is to perform that sacred office to him, and
thereby freed us from that care. So that it was not a thing that
I pretend to give, but only according to the determination of
God; I therefore propose it still to be contended for by such as
please to put in for it, only desiring that he who has been
already preferred, and has already obtained it, may be allowed
now also to offer himself for a candidate. He prefers your peace,
and your living without sedition, to this honorable employment,
although in truth it was with your approbation that he obtained
it; for though God were the donor, yet do we not offend when we
think fit to accept it with your good-will; yet would it have
been an instance of impiety not to have taken that honorable
employment when he offered it; nay, it had been exceedingly
unreasonable, when God had thought fit any one should have it for
all time to come, and had made it secure and firm to him, to have
refused it. However, he himself will judge again who it shall be
whom he would have to offer sacrifices to him, and to have the
direction of matters of religion; for it is absurd that Corah,
who is ambitious of this honor, should deprive God of the power
of giving it to whom he pleases. Put an end, therefore, to your
sedition and disturbance on this account; and tomorrow morning do
every one of you that desire the priesthood bring a censer from
home, and come hither with incense and fire: and do thou, O
Corah, leave the judgment to God, and await to see on which side
he will give his determination upon this occasion, but do not
thou make thyself greater than God. Do thou also come, that this
contest about this honorable employment may receive
determination. And I suppose we may admit Aaron without offense,
to offer himself to this scrutiny, since he is of the same
lineage with thyself, and has done nothing in his priesthood that
can be liable to exception. Come ye therefore together, and offer
your incense in public before all the people; and when you offer
it, he whose sacrifice God shall accept shall be ordained to the
priesthood, and shall be clear of the present calumny on Aaron,
as if I had granted him that favor because he was my brother."




CHAPTER 3.

How Those That Stirred Up This Sedition Were Destroyed, According
To The Will Of God; And How Aaron, Moses's Brother Both He And
His Posterity, Retained The Priesthood.


1. When Moses had said this, the multitude left off the turbulent
behavior they had indulged, and the suspicion they had of Moses,
and commended what he had said; for those proposals were good,
and were so esteemed of the people. At that time therefore they
dissolved the assembly. But on the next day they came to the
congregation, in order to be present at the sacrifice, and at the
determination that was to be made between the candidates for the
priesthood. Now this congregation proved a turbulent one, and the
multitude were in great suspense in expectation of what was to be
done; for some of them would have been pleased if Moses had been
convicted of evil practices, but the wiser sort desired that they
might be delivered from the present disorder and disturbance; for
they were afraid, that if this sedition went on, the good order
of their settlement would rather be destroyed; but the whole body
of the people do naturally delight in clamors against their
governors, and, by changing their opinions upon the harangues of
every speaker, disturb the public tranquillity. And now Moses
sent messengers for Abiram and Dathan, and ordered them to come
to the assembly, and wait there for the holy offices that were to
be performed. But they answered the messenger, that they would
not obey his summons; nay, would not overlook Moses's behavior,
who was growing too great for them by evil practices. Now when
Moses heard of this their answer, he desired the heads of the
people to follow him, and he went to the faction of Dathan, not
thinking it any frightful thing at all to go to these insolent
people; so they made no opposition, but went along with him. But
Dathan, and his associates, when they understood that Moses and
the principal of the people were coming to them, came out, with
their wives and children, and stood before their tents, and
looked to see what Moses would do. They had also their servants
about them to defend themselves, in case Moses should use force
against them.

2. But he came near, and lifted up his hands to heaven, and cried
out with a loud voice, in order to be heard by the whole
multitude, and said, "O Lord of the creatures that are in the
heaven, in the earth, and in the sea; for thou art the most
authentic witness to what I have done, that it has all been done
by thy appointment, and that it was thou that affordedst us
assistance when we attempted any thing, and showedst mercy on the
Hebrews in all their distresses; do thou come now, and hear all
that I say, for no action or thought escapes thy knowledge; so
that thou wilt not disdain to speak what is true, for my
vindication, without any regard to the ungrateful imputations of
these men. As for what was done before I was born, thou knowest
best, as not learning them by report, but seeing them, and being
present with them when they were done; but for what has been done
of late, and which these men, although they know them well
enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be thou my witness. When I
lived a private quiet life, I left those good things which, by my
own diligence, and by thy counsel, I enjoyed with Raguel my
father-in-law; and I gave myself up to this people, and underwent
many miseries on their account. I also bore great labors at
first, in order to obtain liberty for them, and now in order to
their preservation; and have always showed myself ready to assist
them in every distress of theirs. Now, therefore, since I am
suspected by those very men whose being is owing to my labors,
come thou, as it is reasonable to hope thou wilt; thou, I say,
who showedst me that fire at mount Sinai, and madest me to hear
its voice, and to see the several wonders which that place
afforded thou who commandedst me to go to Egypt, and declare thy
will to this people; thou who disturbest the happy estate of the
Egyptians, and gavest us the opportunity of flying away from our
under them, and madest the dominion of Pharaoh inferior to my
dominion; thou who didst make the sea dry land for us, when we
knew not whither to go, and didst overwhelm the Egyptians with
those destructive waves which had been divided for us; thou who
didst bestow upon us the security of weapons when we were naked;
thou who didst make the fountains that were corrupted to flow, so
as to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us with water that
came out of the rocks, when we were in want of it; thou who didst
preserve our lives with [quails, which was] food from the sea,
when the fruits of the ground failed us; thou didst send us such
food from heaven as had never been seen before; thou who didst
suggest to us the knowledge of thy laws, and appoint to us a of
government, - come thou, I say, O Lord of the whole world, and
that as such a Judge and a Witness to me as cannot be bribed, and
show how I never admitted of any gift against justice from any of
the Hebrews; and have never condemned a man that ought to have
been acquitted, on account of one that was rich; and have never
attempted to hurt this commonwealth. I am now and am suspected of
a thing the remotest from my intentions, as if I had given the
preisthood to Aaron, not at thy command, but out own favor to
him; do thou at this time demonstrate that all things are
administered by thy providence and that nothing happens by
chance, but is governed by thy will, and thereby attains its end:
as also demonstrate that thou takest care that have done good to
the Hebrews; demonstrate this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram
and Dathan, who condemn thee as an insensible Being, and one
overcome by my contrivances. This thou do by inflicting such an
open punishment on these men who so madly fly in the face of thy
glory, as will take them out of the world, not in an manner, but
so that it may appear they do die after the manner of other men:
let that ground which they tread upon open about them and consume
them, with their families and goods. This will be a demonstration
of thy power to all and this method of their sufferings will be
an instruction of wisdom for those that entertain profane
sentiments of thee. By this means I shall be a good servant, in
the precepts thou hast given by me. But if the calumnies they
have raised against me be true, mayst thou preserve these men
from every evil accident, and bring all that destruction on me
which I have imprecated upon them. And when thou hast inflicted
punishment on those that have endeavored to deal unjustly with
this people, bestow upon them concord and peace. Save this
multitude that follow thy commandments, and preserve them free
from harm, and let them not partake of the punishment of those
that have sinned; for thou knowest thyself it is not just, that
for the wickedness of those men the whole body of the Israelites
should suffer punishment."

3. When Moses had said this, with tears in his eyes, the ground
was moved on a sudden; and the agitation that set it in motion
was like that which the wind produces in waves of the sea. The
people were all aftrighted; and the ground that was about their
tents sunk down at the great noise, with a terrible sound, and
carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious into itself, who so
entirely perished, that there was not the least appearance that
any man had ever been seen there, the earth that had opened
itself about them, closing again, and becoming entire as it was
before, insomuch that such as saw it afterward did not perceive
that any such accident had happened to it. Thus did these men
perish, and become a demonstration of the power of God. And
truly, any one would lament them, not only on account of this
calamity that befell them, which yet deserves our commiseration,
but also because their kindred were pleased with their
sufferings; for they forgot the relation they bare to them, and
at the sight of this sad accident approved of the judgment given
against them; and because they looked upon the people about
Dathan as pestilent men, they thought they perished as such, and
did not grieve for them.

4. And now Moses called for those that contended about the
priesthood, that trial might be made who should be priest, and
that he whose sacrifice God was best pleased with might be
ordained to that function. There attended two hundred and fifty
men, who indeed were honored by the people, not only on account
of the power of their ancestors, but also on account of their
own, in which they excelled the others: Aaron also and Corah came
forth, and they all offered incense, in those censers of theirs
which they brought with them, before the tabernacle. Hereupon so
great a fire shone out as no one ever saw in any that is made by
the hand of man, neither in those eruptions out of the earth that
are caused by subterraneous burn-rags, nor in such fires as arise
of their own accord in the woods, when the agitation is caused by
the trees rubbing one against another: but this fire was very
bright, and had a terrible flame, such as is kindled at the
command of God; by whose irruption on them, all the company, and
Corah himself, were destroyed, (2) and this so entirely, that
their very bodies left no remains behind them. Aaron alone was
preserved, and not at all hurt by the fire, because it was God
that sent the fire to burn those only who ought to be burned.
Hereupon Moses, after these men were destroyed, was desirous that
the memory of this judgment might be delivered down to posterity,
and that future ages might be acquainted with it; and so he
commanded Eleazar, the son of Aaron, to put their censers near
the brazen altar, that they might be a memorial to posterity of
what these men suffered, for supposing that the power of God
might be eluded. And thus Aaron was now no longer esteemed to
have the priesthood by the favor of Moses, but by the public
judgment of God; and thus he and his children peaceably enjoyed
that honor afterward.




CHAPTER 4.

What Happened To The Hebrews During Thirty-Eight Years In The
Wilderness.


1. However, this sedition was so far from ceasing upon this
destruction, that it grew much stronger, and became more
intolerable. And the occasion of its growing worse was of that
nature, as made it likely the calamity would never cease, but
last for a long time; for the men, believing already that nothing
is done without the providence of God, would have it that these
things came thus to pass not without God's favor to Moses; they
therefore laid the blame upon him that God was so angry, and that
this happened not so much because of the wickedness of those that
were punished, as because Moses procured the punishment; and that
these men had been destroyed without any sin of theirs, only
because they were zealous about the Divine worship; as also, that
he who had been the cause of this diminution of the people, by
destroying so many men, and those the most excellent of them all,
besides his escaping any punishment himself, had now given the
priesthood to his brother so firmly, that nobody could any longer
dispute it with him; for no one else, to be sure, could now put
in for it, since he must have seen those that first did so to
have miserably perished. Nay, besides this, the kindred of those
that were destroyed made great entreaties to the multitude to
abate the arrogance of Moses, because it would be safest for them
so to do.

2. Now Moses, upon his hearing for a good while that the people
were tumultuous, was afraid that they would attempt some other
innovation, and that some great and sad calamity would be the
consequence. He called the multitude to a congregation, and
patiently heard what apology they had to make for themselves,
without opposing them, and this lest he should imbitter the
multitude: he only desired the heads of the tribes to bring their
rods, (3) with the names of their tribes inscribed upon them, and
that he should receive the priesthood in whose rod God should
give a sign. This was agreed to. So the rest brought their rods,
as did Aaron also, who had written the tribe of Levi on his rod.
These rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle of God. On the next
day he brought out the rods, which were known from one another by
those who brought them, they having distinctly noted them, as had
the multitude also; and as to the rest, in the same form Moses
had received them, in that they saw them still; but they also saw
buds and branches grown out of Aaron's rod, with ripe fruits upon
them; they were almonds, the rod having been cut out of that
tree. The people were so amazed at this strange sight, that
though Moses and Aaron were before under some degree of hatred,
they now laid that hatred aside, and began to admire the judgment
of God concerning them; so that hereafter they applauded what God
had decreed, and permitted Aaron to enjoy the priesthood
peaceably. And thus God ordained him priest three several times,
and he retained that honor without further disturbance. And
hereby this sedition of the Hebrews, which had been a great one,
and had lasted a great while, was at last composed.

3. And now Moses, because the tribe of Levi was made free from
war and warlike expeditions, and was set apart for the Divine
worship, lest they should want and seek after the necessaries of
life, and so neglect the temple, commanded the Hebrews, according
to the will of God, that when they should gain the possession of
the land of Canaan, they should assign forty-eight good and fair
cities to the Levites; and permit them to enjoy their suburbs, as
far as the limit of two thousand cubits would extend from the
walls of the city. And besides this, he appointed that the people
should pay the tithe of their annual fruits of the earth, both to
the Levites and to the priests. And this is what that tribe
receives of the multitude; but I think it necessary to set down
what is paid by all, peculiarly to the priests.

4. Accordingly he commanded the Levites to yield up to the
priests thirteen of their forty-eight cities, and to set apart
for them the tenth part of the tithes which they every year
receive of the people; as also, that it was but just to offer to
God the first-fruits of the entire product of the ground; and
that they should offer the first-born of those four-footed beasts
that are appointed for sacrifices, if it be a male, to the
priests, to be slain, that they and their entire families may eat
them in the holy city; but that the owners of those first-born
which are not appointed for sacrifices in the laws of our
country, should bring a shekel and a half in their stead: but for
the first-born of a man, five shekels: that they should also have
the first-fruits out of the shearing of the sheep; and that when
any baked bread corn, and made loaves of it, they should give
somewhat of what they had baked to them. Moreover, when any have
made a sacred vow, I mean those that are called Nazarites, that
suffer their hair to grow long, and use no wine, when they
consecrate their hair, (4) and offer it for a sacrifice, they are
to allot that hair for the priests [to be thrown into the fire].
Such also as dedicate themselves to God, as a corban, which
denotes what the Greeks call a gift, when they are desirous of
being freed from that ministration, are to lay down money for the
priests; thirty shekels if it be a woman, and fifty if it be a
man; but if any be too poor to pay the appointed sum, it shall be
lawful for the priests to determine that sum as they think fit.
And if any slay beasts at home for a private festival, but not
for a religious one, they are obliged to bring the maw and the
cheek, [or breast,] and the right shoulder of the sacrifice, to
the priests. With these Moses contrived that the priests should
be plentifully maintained, besides what they had out of those
offerings for sins which the people gave them, as I have set it
down in the foregoing book. He also ordered, that out of every
thing allotted for the priests, their servants, [their sons,]
their daughters, and their wives, should partake, as well as
themselves, excepting what came to them out of the sacrifices
that were offered for sins; for of those none but the males of
the family of the priests might eat, and this in the temple also,
and that the same day they were offered.

5. When Moses had made these constitutions, after the sedition
was over, he removed, together with the whole army, and came to
the borders of Idumea. He then sent ambassadors to the king of
the Idumeans, and desired him to give him a passage through his
country; and agreed to send him what hostages he should desire,
to secure him from an injury. He desired him also, that he would
allow his army liberty to buy provisions; and, if he insisted
upon it, he would pay down a price for the very water they should
drink. But the king was not pleased with this embassage from
Moses: nor did he allow a passage for the army, but brought his
people armed to meet Moses, and to hinder them, in case they
should endeavor to force their passage. Upon which Moses
consulted God by the oracle, who would not have him begin the war
first; and so he withdrew his forces, and traveled round about
through the wilderness.

6. Then it was that Miriam, the sister of Moses, came to her end,
having completed her fortieth year (5) since she left Egypt, on
the first (6) day of the lunar month Xanthicus. They then made a
public funeral for her, at a great expense. She was buried upon a
certain mountain, which they call Sin: and when they had mourned
for her thirty days, Moses purified the people after this manner:
He brought a heifer that had never been used to the plough or to
husbandry, that was complete in all its parts, and entirely of a
red color, at a little distance from the camp, into a place
perfectly clean. This heifer was slain by the high priest, and
her blood sprinkled with his finger seven times before the
tabernacle of God; after this, the entire heifer was burnt in
that state, together with its skin and entrails; and they threw
cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet wool, into the midst of the
fire; then a clean man gathered all her ashes together, and laid
them in a place perfectly clean. When therefore any persons were
defiled by a dead body, they put a little of these ashes into
spring water, with hyssop, and, dipping part of these ashes in
it, they sprinkled them with it, both on the third day, and on
the seventh, and after that they were clean. This he enjoined
them to do also when the tribes should come into their own land.

7. Now when this purification, which their leader made upon the
mourning for his sister, as it has been now described, was over,
he caused the army to remove and to march through the wilderness
and through Arabia; and when he came to a place which the
Arabians esteem their metropolis, which was formerly called Arce,
but has now the name of Petra, at this place, which was
encompassed with high mountains, Aaron went up one of them in the
sight of the whole army, Moses having before told him that he was
to die, for this place was over against them. He put off his
pontifical garments, and delivered them to Eleazar his son, to
whom the high priesthood belonged, because he was the elder
brother; and died while the multitude looked upon him. He died in
the same year wherein he lost his sister, having lived in all a
hundred twenty and three years. He died on the first day of that
lunar month which is called by the Athenians Hecatombaeon, by the
Macedonians Lous, but by the Hebrews Abba.




CHAPTER 5.

How Moses Conquered Sihon And Og Kings Of The Amorites, And
Destroyed Their Whole Army And Then Divided Their Land By Lot To
Two Tribes And A Half Of The Hebrews.


1. The people mourned for Aaron thirty days, and when this
mourning was over, Moses removed the army from that place, and
came to the river Arnon, which, issuing out of the mountains of
Arabia, and running through all that wilderness, falls into the
lake Asphaltitis, and becomes the limit between the land of the
Moabites and the land of the Amorites. This land is fruitful, and
sufficient to maintain a great number of men, with the good
things it produces. Moses therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the
king of this country, desiring that he would grant his army a
passage, upon what security he should please to require; he
promised that he should be no way injured, neither as to that
country which Sihon governed, nor as to its inhabitants; and that
he would buy his provisions at such a price as should be to their
advantage, even though he should desire to sell them their very
water. But Sihon refused his offer, and put his army into battle
array, and was preparing every thing in order to hinder their
passing over Arnon.

2. When Moses saw that the Amorite king was disposed to enter
upon hostilities with them, he thought he ought not to bear that
insult; and, determining to wean the Hebrews from their indolent
temper, and prevent the disorders which arose thence, which had
been the occasion of their former sedition, (nor indeed were they
now thoroughly easy in their minds,) he inquired of God, whether
he would give him leave to fight? which when he had done, and God
also promised him the victory, he was himself very courageous,
and ready to proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encouraged the
soldiers; and he desired of them that they would take the
pleasure of fighting, now God gave them leave so to do. They
then, upon the receipt of this permission, which they so much
longed for, put on their whole armor, and set about the work
without delay. But the Amorite king was not now like to himself
when the Hebrews were ready to attack him; but both he himself
was affrighted at the Hebrews, and his army, which before had
showed themselves to be of good courage, were then found to be
timorous: so they could not sustain the first onset, nor bear up
against the Hebrews, but fled away, as thinking this would afford
them a more likely way for their escape than fighting, for they
depended upon their cities, which were strong, from which yet
they reaped no advantage when they were forced to fly to them;
for as soon as the Hebrews saw them giving ground, they
immediately pursued them close; and when they had broken their
ranks, they greatly terrified them, and some of them broke off
from the rest, and ran away to the cities. Now the Hebrews
pursued them briskly, and obstinately persevered in the labors
they had already undergone; and being very skillful in slinging,
and very dexterous in throwing of darts, or any thing else of
that kind, and also having nothing but light armor, which made
them quick in the pursuit, they overtook their enemies; and for
those that were most remote, and could not be overtaken, they
reached them by their slings and their bows, so that many were
slain; and those that escaped the slaughter were sorely wounded,
and these were more distressed with thirst than with any of those
that fought against them, for it was the summer season; and when
the greatest number of them were brought down to the river out of
a desire to drink, as also when others fled away by troops, the
Hebrews came round them, and shot at them; so that, what with
darts and what with arrows, they made a slaughter of them all.
Sihon their king was also slain. So the Hebrews spoiled the dead
bodies, and took their prey. The land also which they took was
full of abundance of fruits, and the army went all over it
without fear, and fed their cattle upon it; and they took the
enemies prisoners, for they could no way put a stop to them,
since all the fighting men were destroyed. Such was the
destruction which overtook the Amorites, who were neither
sagacious in counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereupon the
Hebrews took possession of their land, which is a country situate
between three rivers, and naturally resembled an island: the
river Arnon being its southern; the river Jabbok determining its
northern side, which running into Jordan loses its own name, and
takes the other; while Jordan itself runs along by it, on its
western coast.

3. When matters were come to this state, Og, the king of Gilead
and Gaulanitis, fell upon the Israelites. He brought an army with
him, and in haste to the assistance of his friend Sihon: but
though he found him already slain, yet did he resolve still to
come and fight the Hebrews, supposing he should be too hard for
them, and being desirous to try their valor; but failing of his
hope, he was both himself slain in the battle, and all his army
was destroyed. So Moses passed over the river Jabbok, and overran
the kingdom of Og. He overthrew their cities, and slew all their
inhabitants, who yet exceeded in riches all the men in that part
of the continent, on account of the goodness of the soil, and the
great quantity of their wealth. Now Og had very few equals,
either in the largeness of his body, or handsomeness of his
appearance. He was also a man of great activity in the use of his
hands, so that his actions were not unequal to the vast largeness
and handsome appearance of his body. And men could easily guess
at his strength and magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath,
the royal city of the Ammonites; its structure was of iron, its
breadth four cubits, and its length a cubit more than double
thereto. However, his fall did not only improve the circumstances
of the Hebrews for the present, but by his death he was the
occasion of further good success to them; for they presently took
those sixty cities, which were encompassed with excellent walls,
and had been subject to him, and all got both in general and in
particular a great prey.




CHAPTER 6.

Concerning Balaam The Prophet And What Kind Of Man He Was.


1. Now Moses, when he had brought his army to Jordan; pitched his
camp in the great plain over against Jericho. This city is a very
happy situation, and very fit for producing palm-trees and
balsam. And now the Israelites began to be very proud of
themselves, and were very eager for fighting. Moses then, after
he had offered for a few days sacrifices of thanksgiving to God,
and feasted the people, sent a party of armed men to lay waste
the country of the Midianites, and to take their cities. Now the
occasion which he took for making war upon them was this that
follows:--

2. When Balak, the king of the Moabites, who had from his
ancestors a friendship and league with the Midianites, saw how
great the Israelites were grown, he was much affrighted on
account of his own and his kingdom's danger; for he was not
acquainted with this, that the Hebrews would not meddle with any
other country, but were to be contented with the possession of
the land of Canaan, God having forbidden them to go any farther
(7) So he, with more haste than wisdom, resolved to make an
attempt upon them by words; but he did not judge it prudent to
fight against them, after they had such prosperous successes, and
even became out of ill successes more happy than before, but he
thought to hinder them, if he could, from growing greater, and so
he resolved to send ambassadors to the Midianites about them. Now
these Midianites knowing there was one Balaam, who lived by
Euphrates, and was the greatest of the prophets at that time, and
one that was in friendship with them, sent some of their
honorable princes along with the ambassadors of Balak, to entreat
the prophet to come to them, that he might imprecate curses to
the destruction of the Israelites. So Balsam received the
ambassadors, and treated them very kindly; and when he had
supped, he inquired what was God's will, and what this matter was
for which the Midianites entreated him to come to them. But when
God opposed his going, he came to the ambassadors, and told them
that he was himself very willing and desirous to comply with
their request, but informed them that God was opposite to his
intentions, even that God who had raised him to great reputation
on account of the truth of his predictions; for that this army,
which they entreated him to come and curse, was in the favor of
God; on which account he advised them to go home again, and not
to persist in their enmity against the Israelites; and when he
had given them that answer, he dismissed the ambassadors.

3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest request and fervent
entreaties of Balak, sent other ambassadors to Balaam, who,
desiring to gratify the men, inquired again of God; but he was
displeased at [second] trial (8) and bid him by no means to
contradict the ambassadors. Now Balsam did not imagine that God
gave this injunction in order to deceive him, so he went along
with the ambassadors; but when the divine angel met him in the
way, when he was in a narrow passage, and hedged in with a wall
on both sides, the ass on which Balaam rode understood that it
was a divine spirit that met him, and thrust Balaam to one of the
walls, without regard to the stripes which Balaam, when he was
hurt by the wall, gave her; but when the ass, upon the angel's
continuing to distress her, and upon the stripes which were given
her, fell down, by the will of God, she made use of the voice of
a man, and complained of Balaam as acting unjustly to her; that
whereas he had no fault find with her in her former service to
him, he now inflicted stripes upon her, as not understanding that
she was hindered from serving him in what he was now going about,
by the providence of God. And when he was disturbed by reason of
the voice of the ass, which was that of a man, the angel plainly
appeared to him, and blamed him for the stripes he had given his
ass; and informed him that the brute creature was not in fault,
but that he was himself come to obstruct his journey, as being
contrary to the will of God. Upon which Balaam was afraid, and
was preparing to return back again: yet did God excite him to go
on his intended journey, but added this injunction, that he
should declare nothing but what he himself should suggest to his
mind.

4. When God had given him this charge, he came to Balak; and when
the king had entertained him in a magnificent manner, he desired
him to go to one of the mountains to take a view of the state of
the camp of the Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the mountain,
and brought the prophet along with him, with a royal attendance.
This mountain lay over their heads, and was distant sixty
furlongs from the camp. Now when he saw them, he desired the king
to build him seven altars, and to bring him as many bulls and
rams; to which desire the king did presently conform. He then
slew the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-offerings, that he
might observe some signal of the flight of the Hebrews. Then said
he, "Happy is this people, on whom God bestows the possession of
innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to be
their assistant and their guide; so that there is not any nation
among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in
virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life,
and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those
rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that
God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may
render you happier than any other people under the sun. You shall
retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be
under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as
well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall
be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and
every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your
stock. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become so
many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold
you, as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole
world is proposed to be your place of habitation for ever. The
multitude of your posterity also shall live as well in the
islands as on the continent, and that more in number than are the
stars of heaven. And when you are become so many, God will not
relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance of
all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in
times of war. May the children of your enemies have an
inclination to fight against you; and may they be so hardy as to
come to arms, and to assault you in battle, for they will not
return with victory, nor will their return be agreeable to their
children and wives. To so great a degree of valor will you be
raised by the providence of God, who is able to diminish the
affluence of some, and to supply the wants of others."

5. Thus did Balaam speak by inspiration, as not being in his own
power, but moved to say what he did by the Divine Spirit. But
then Balak was displeased, and said he had broken the contract he
had made, whereby he was to come, as he and his confederates had
invited him, by the promise of great presents: for whereas he
came to curse their enemies, he had made an encomium upon them,
and had declared that they were the happiest of men. To which
Balaam replied, "O Balak, if thou rightly considerest this whole
matter, canst thou suppose that it is in our power to be silent,
or to say any thing, when the Spirit of God seizes upon us? - for
he puts such words as he pleases in our mouths, and such
discourses as we are not ourselves conscious of. I well remember
by what entreaties both you and the Midianites so joyfully
brought me hither, and on that account I took this journey. It
was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to
what you desired of me; but God is more powerful than the
purposes I had made to serve you; for those that take upon them
to foretell the affairs of mankind, as from their own abilities,
are entirely unable to do it, or to forbear to utter what God
suggests to them, or to offer violence to his will; for when he
prevents us and enters into us, nothing that we say is our own. I
then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the
several good things which God intended to do to their race; but
since he was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon
them a happy life and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration
of those things to me: but now, because it is my desire to oblige
thee thyself, as well as the Midianites, whose entreaties it is
not decent for me to reject, go to, let us again rear other
altars, and offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that I
may see whether I can persuade God to permit me to bind these men
with curses." Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would not,
even upon second sacrifices, consent to his cursing the
Israelites. (9) Then fell Balaam upon his face, and foretold what
calamities would befall the several kings of the nations, and the
most eminent cities, some of which of old were not so much as
inhabited; which events have come to pass among the several
people concerned, both in the foregoing ages, and in this, till
my own memory, both by sea and by land. From which completion of
all these predictions that he made, one may easily guess that the
rest will have their completion in time to come.

6. But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not
cursed, sent away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any
honor. Whereupon, when he was just upon his journey, in order to
pass the Euphrates, he sent for Balak, and for the princes of the
Midianites, and spake thus to them:-- "O Balak, and you
Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without
the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction
can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by
plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any
other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; for the
providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a
misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come upon
them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and
those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought
low, may still befall them; but after that they will flourish
again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon
them. So that if you have a mind to gain a victory over them for
a short space of time, you will obtain it by following my
directions:-- Do you therefore set out the handsomest of such of
your daughters as are most eminent for beauty, (10) and proper to
force and conquer the modesty of those that behold them, and
these decked and trimmed to the highest degree able. Then do you
send them to be near camp, and give them in charge, that the
young men of the Hebrews desire their allow it them; and when
they see they are enamored of them, let them take leaves; and if
they entreat them to stay, let give their consent till they have
persuaded leave off their obedience to their own laws, the
worship of that God who established them to worship the gods of
the Midianites and for by this means God will be angry at them
(11). Accordingly, when Balaam had suggested counsel to them, he
went his way.

7. So when the Midianites had sent their daughters, as Balaam had
exhorted them, the Hebrew men were allured by their beauty, and
came with them, and besought them not to grudge them the
enjoyment of their beauty, nor to deny them their conversation.
These daughters of Midianites received their words gladly, and
consented to it, and staid with them; but when they brought them
to be enamored of them, and their inclinations to them were grown
to ripeness, they began to think of departing from them: then it
was that these men became greatly disconsolate at the women's
departure, and they were urgent with them not to leave them, but
begged they would continue there, and become their wives; and
they promised them they should be owned as mistresses all they
had. This they said with an oath, and called God for the
arbitrator of what they promised; and this with tears in their
eyes, and all such marks of concern, as might shew how miserable
they thought themselves without them, and so might move their
compassion for them. So the women, as soon as they perceived they
had made their slaves, and had caught them with their
conservation began to speak thus to them:--

8. "O you illustrious young men! we have of our own at home, and
great plenty of good things there, together with the natural,
affectionate parents and friends; nor is it out of our want of
any such things that we came to discourse with you; nor did we
admit of your invitation with design to prostitute the beauty of
our bodies for gain; but taking you for brave and worthy men, we
agreed to your request, that we might treat you with such honors
as hospitality required: and now seeing you say that you have a
great affection for us, and are troubled when you think we are
departing, we are not averse to your entreaties; and if we may
receive such assurance of your good-will as we think can be alone
sufficient, we will be glad to lead our lives with you as your
wives; but we are afraid that you will in time be weary of our
company, and will then abuse us, and send us back to our parents,
after an ignominious manner." And they desired that they would
excuse them in their guarding against that danger. But the young
men professed they would give them any assurance they should
desire; nor did they at all contradict what they requested, so
great was the passion they had for them. "If then," said they,
"this be your resolution, since you make use of such customs and
conduct of life as are entirely different from all other men,
(12) insomuch that your kinds of food are peculiar to yourselves,
and your kinds of drink not common to others, it will be
absolutely necessary, if you would have us for your wives, that
you do withal worship our gods. Nor can there be any other
demonstration of the kindness which you say you already have, and
promise to have hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the
same gods that we do. For has any one reason to complain, that
now you are come into this country, you should worship the proper
gods of the same country? especially while our gods are common to
all men, and yours such as belong to nobody else but yourselves."
So they said they must either come into such methods of divine
worship as all others came into, or else they must look out for
another world, wherein they may live by themselves, according to
their own laws.

9. Now the young men were induced by the fondness they had for
these women to think they spake very well; so they gave
themselves up to what they persuaded them, and transgressed their
own laws, and supposing there were many gods, and resolving that
they would sacrifice to them according to the laws of that
country which ordained them, they both were delighted with their
strange food, and went on to do every thing that the women would
have them do, though in contradiction to their own laws; so far
indeed that this transgression was already gone through the whole
army of the young men, and they fell into a sedition that was
much worse than the former, and into danger of the entire
abolition of their own institutions; for when once the youth had
tasted of these strange customs, they went with insatiable
inclinations into them; and even where some of the principal men
were illustrious on account of the virtues of their fathers, they
also were corrupted together with the rest.

10. Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of Simeon accompanied with
Cozbi, a Midianitish women, who was the daughter of Sur, a man of
authority in that country; and being desired by his wife to
disregard the laws of Moses, and to follow those she was used to,
he complied with her, and this both by sacrificing after a manner
different from his own, and by taking a stranger to wife. When
things were thus, Moses was afraid that matters should grow
worse, and called the people to a congregation, but then accused
nobody by name, as unwilling to drive those into despair who, by
lying concealed, might come to repentance; but he said that they
did not do what was either worthy of themselves, or of their
fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to the living
according to his will; that it was fit they should change their
courses while their affairs were still in a good state, and think
that to be true fortitude which offers not violence to their
laws, but that which resists their lusts. And besides that, he
said it was not a reasonable thing, when they had lived soberly
in the wilderness, to act madly now when they were in prosperity;
and that they ought not to lose, now they have abundance, what
they had gained when they had little:-- and so did he endeavor,
by saying this, to correct the young inert, and to bring them to
repentance for what they had done.

11. But Zimri arose up after him, and said, "Yes, indeed, Moses,
thou art at liberty to make use of such laws as thou art so fond
of, and hast, by accustoming thyself to them, made them firm;
otherwise, if things had not been thus, thou hadst often been
punished before now, and hadst known that the Hebrews are not
easily put upon; but thou shalt not have me one of thy followers
in thy tyrannical commands, for thou dost nothing else hitherto,
but, under pretense of laws, and of God, wickedly impose on us
slavery, and gain dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us of
the sweetness of life, which consists in acting according to our
own wills, and is the right of free-men, and of those that have
no lord over them. Nay, indeed, this man is harder upon the
Hebrews then were the Egyptians themselves, as pretending to
punish, according to his laws, every one's acting what is most
agreeable to himself; but thou thyself better deservest to suffer
punishment, who presumest to abolish what every one acknowledges
to be what is good for him, and aimest to make thy single opinion
to have more force than that of all the rest; and what I now do,
and think to be right, I shall not hereafter deny to be according
to my own sentiments. I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a
strange woman, and thou hearest what I do from myself as from one
that is free, for truly I did not intend to conceal myself. I
also own that I sacrificed to those gods to whom you do not think
it fit to sacrifice; and I think it right to come at truth by
inquiring of many people, and not like one that lives under
tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my life to depend upon one
man; nor shall any one find cause to rejoice who declares himself
to have more authority over my actions than myself."

12. Now when Zimri had said these things, about what he and some
others had wickedly done, the people held their peace, both out
of fear of what might come upon them, and because they saw that
their legislator was not willing to bring his insolence before
the public any further, or openly to contend with him; for he
avoided that, lest many should imitate the impudence of his
language, and thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this the
assembly was dissolved. However, the mischievous attempt had
proceeded further, if Zimri had not been first slain, which came
to pass on the following occasion:-- Phineas, a man in other
respects better than the rest of the young men, and also one that
surpassed his contemporaries in the dignity of his father, (for
he was the son of Eleazar the high priest, and the grandson of
[Aaron] Moses's brother,) who was greatly troubled at what was
done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to inflict punishment on
him, before his unworthy behavior should grow stronger by
impunity, and in order to prevent this transgression from
proceeding further, which would happen if the ringleaders were
not punished. He was of so great magnanimity, both in strength of
mind and body, that when he undertook any very dangerous attempt,
he did not leave it off till he overcame it, and got an entire
victory. So he came into Zimri's tent, and slew him with his
javelin, and with it he slew Cozbi also, Upon which all those
young men that had a regard to virtue, and aimed to do a glorious
action, imitated Phineas's boldness, and slew those that were
found to be guilty of the same crime with Zimri. Accordingly many
of those that had transgressed perished by the magnanimous valor
of these young men; and the rest all perished by a plague, which
distemper God himself inflicted upon them; so that all those
their kindred, who, instead of hindering them from such wicked
actions, as they ought to have done, had persuaded them to go on,
were esteemed by God as partners in their wickedness, and died.
Accordingly there perished out of the army no fewer than fourteen
(13) [twenty-four] thousand at this time.

13. This was the cause why Moses was provoked to send an army to
destroy the Midianites, concerning which expedition we shall
speak presently, when we have first related what we have omitted;
for it is but just not to pass over our legislator's due
encomium, on account of his conduct here, because, although this
Balaam, who was sent for by the Midianites to curse the Hebrews,
and when he was hindered from doing it by Divine Providence, did
still suggest that advice to them, by making use of which our
enemies had well nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the
Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them were deeply infected
with their opinions; yet did he do him great honor, by setting
down his prophecies in writing. And while it was in his power to
claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they were his
own predictions, there being no one that could be a witness
against him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his
attestation to him, and did him the honor to make mention of him
on this account. But let every one think of these matters as he
pleases.




CHAPTER 7.

How The Hebrews Fought With The Midianites, And Overcame Them.


1. Now Moses sent an army against the land of Midian, for the causes
forementioned, in all twelve thousand, taking an equal number out of
every tribe, and appointed Phineas for their commander; of which
Phineas we made mention a little before, as he that had guarded
the laws of the Hebrews, and had inflicted punishment on Zimri
when he had transgressed them. Now the Midianites perceived
beforehand how the Hebrews were coming, and would suddenly be
upon them: so they assembled their army together, and fortified
the entrances into their country, and there awaited the enemy's
coming. When they were come, and they had joined battle with
them, an immense multitude of the Midianites fell; nor could they
be numbered, they were so very many: and among them fell all
their kings, five in number, viz. Evi, Zur, Reba, Hur, and Rekem,
who was of the same name with a city, the chief and capital of
all Arabia, which is still now so called by the whole Arabian
nation, Arecem, from the name of the king that built it; but is
by the Greeks called - Petra. Now when the enemies were
discomfited, the Hebrews spoiled their country, and took a great
prey, and destroyed the men that were its inhabitants, together
with the women; only they let the virgins alone, as Moses had
commanded Phineas to do, who indeed came back, bringing with him
an army that had received no harm, and a great deal of prey;
fifty-two thousand beeves, seventy-five thousand six hundred
sheep, sixty thousand asses, with an immense quantity of gold and
silver furniture, which the Midianites made use of in their
houses; for they were so wealthy, that they were very luxurious.
There were also led captive about thirty-two thousand virgins.
(14) So Moses parted the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth
part to Eleazar and the two priests, and another fiftieth part to
the Levites; and distributed the rest of the prey among the
people. After which they lived happily, as having obtained an
abundance of good things by their valor, and there being no
misfortune that attended them, or hindered their enjoyment of
that happiness.

2. But Moses was now grown old, and appointed Joshua for his
successor, both to receive directions from God as a prophet, and
for a commander of the army, if they should at any time stand in
need of such a one; and this was done by the command of God, that
to him the care of the public should be committed. Now Joshua had
been instructed in all those kinds of learning which concerned
the laws and God himself, and Moses had been his instructor.

3. At this time it was that the two tribes of Gad and Reuben, and
the half tribe of Manasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as
well as in all other kinds of prosperity; whence they had a
meeting, and in a body came and besought Moses to give them, as
their peculiar portion, that land of the Amorites which they had
taken by right of war, because it was fruitful, and good for
feeding of cattle; but Moses, supposing that they were afraid of
fighting with the Canaanites, and invented this provision for
their cattle as a handsome excuse for avoiding that war, he
called them arrant cowards, and said they had only contrived a
decent excuse for that cowardice; and that they had a mind to
live in luxury and ease, while all the rest were laboring with
great pains to obtain the land they were desirous to have; and
that they were not willing to march along, and undergo the
remaining hard service, whereby they were, under the Divine
promise, to pass over Jordan, and overcome those our enemies
which God had shown them, and so obtain their land. But these
tribes, when they saw that Moses was angry with them, and when
they could not deny but he had a just cause to be displeased at
their petition, made an apology for themselves; and said, that it
was not on account of their fear of dangers, nor on account of
their laziness, that they made this request to him, but that they
might leave the prey they had gotten in places of safety, and
thereby might be more expedite, and ready to undergo
difficulties, and to fight battles. They added this also, that
when they had built cities, wherein they might preserve their
children, and wives, and possessions, if he would bestow them
upon them, they would go along with the rest of the army.
Hereupon Moses was pleased with what they said; so he called for
Eleazar the high priest, and Joshua, and the chief of the tribes,
and permitted these tribes to possess the land of the Amorites;
but upon this condition, that they should join with their kinsmen
in the war until all things were settled. Upon which condition
they took possession of the country, and built them strong
cities, and put into them their children and their wives, and
whatsoever else they had that might be an impediment to the
labors of their future marches.

4. Moses also now built those ten cities which were to be of the
number of the forty-eight [for the Levites;]; three of which he
allotted to those that slew any person involuntarily, and fled to
them; and he assigned the same time for their banishment with
that of the life of that high priest under whom the slaughter and
flight happened; after which death of the high priest he
permitted the slayer to return home. During the time of his
exile, the relations of him that was slain may, by this law, kill
the manslayer, if they caught him without the bounds of the city
to which he fled, though this permission was not granted to any
other person. Now the cities which were set apart for this flight
were these: Bezer, at the borders of Arabia; Ramoth, of the land
of Gilead; and Golan, in the land of Bashan. There were to be
also, by Moses's command, three other cities allotted for the
habitation of these fugitives out of the cities of the Levites,
but not till after they should be in possession of the land of
Canaan.

5. At this time the chief men of the tribe of Manasseh came to
Moses, and informed him that there was an eminent man of their
tribe dead, whose name was Zelophehad, who left no male children,
but left daughters; and asked him whether these daughters might
inherit his land or not. He made this answer, That if they shall
marry into their own tribe, they shall carry their estate along
with them; but if they dispose of themselves in marriage to men
of another tribe, they shall leave their inheritance in their
father's tribe. And then it was that Moses ordained, that every
one's inheritance should continue in his own tribe.




CHAPTER 8.

The Polity Settled By Moses; And How He Disappeared From Among
Mankind.


1. When forty years were completed, within thirty days, Moses
gathered the congregation together near Jordan, where the city
Abila now stands, a place full of palm-trees; and all the people
being come together, he spake thus to them:--

2. "O you Israelites and fellow soldiers, who have been partners
with me in this long and uneasy journey; since it is now the will
of God, and the course of old age, at a hundred and twenty,
requires it that I should depart out of this life; and since God
has forbidden me to be a patron or an assistant to you in what
remains to be done beyond Jordan; I thought it reasonable not to
leave off my endeavors even now for your happiness, but to do my
utmost to procure for you the eternal enjoyment of good things,
and a memorial for myself, when you shall be in the fruition of
great plenty and prosperity. Come, therefore, let me suggest to
you by what means you may be happy, and may leave an eternal
prosperous possession thereof to your children after you, and
then let me thus go out of the world; and I cannot but deserve to
be believed by you, both on account of the great things I have
already done for you, and because, when souls are about to leave
the body, they speak with the sincerest freedom. O children of
Israel! there is but one source of happiness for all mankind, the
favor of God (15) for he alone is able to give good things to
those that deserve them, and to deprive those of them that sin
against him; towards whom, if you behave yourselves according to
his will, and according to what I, who well understand his mind,
do exhort you to, you will both be esteemed blessed, and will be
admired by all men; and will never come into misfortunes, nor
cease to be happy: you will then preserve the possession of the
good things you already have, and will quickly obtain those that
you are at present in want of, - only do you be obedient to those
whom God would have you to follow. Nor do you prefer any other
constitution of government before the laws now given you; neither
do you disregard that way of Divine worship which you now have,
nor change it for any other form: and if you do this, you will be
the most courageous of all men, in undergoing the fatigues of
war, and will not be easily conquered by any of your enemies; for
while God is present with you to assist you, it is to be expected
that you will be able to despise the opposition of all mankind;
and great rewards of virtue are proposed for you, if you preserve
that virtue through your whole lives. Virtue itself is indeed the
principal and the first reward, and after that it bestows
abundance of others; so that your exercise of virtue towards
other men will make your own lives happy, and render you more
glorious than foreigners can be, and procure you an undisputed
reputation with posterity. These blessings you will be able to
obtain, in case you hearken to and observe those laws which, by
Divine revelation, I have ordained for you; that is, in case you
withal meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I am going from
you myself, rejoicing in the good things you enjoy; and I
recommend you to the wise conduct of your law, to the becoming
order of your polity, and to the virtues of your commanders, who
will take care of what is for your advantage. And that God, who
has been till now your Leader, and by whose goodwill I have
myself been useful to you, will not put a period now to his
providence over you, but as long as you desire to have him your
Protector in your pursuits after virtue, so long will you enjoy
his care over you. Your high priest also Eleazar, as well as
Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your tribes, will go before
you, and suggest the best advices to you; by following which
advices you will continue to be happy: to whom do you give ear
without reluctance, as sensible that all such as know well how to
be governed, will also know how to govern, if they be promoted to
that authority themselves. And do not you esteem liberty to
consist in opposing such directions as your governors think fit
to give you for your practice, - as at present indeed you place
your liberty in nothing else but abusing your benefactors; which
error if you can avoid for the time to come, your affairs will be
in a better condition than they have hitherto been. Nor do you
ever indulge such a degree of passion in these matters, as you
have oftentimes done when you have been very angry at me; for you
know that I have been oftener in danger of death from you than
from our enemies. What I now put you in mind of, is not done in
order to reproach you; for I do not think it proper, now I am
going out of the world, to bring this to your remembrance, in
order to leave you offended at me, since, at the time when I
underwent those hardships from you, I was not angry at you; but I
do it in order to make you wiser hereafter, and to teach you that
this will be for your security; I mean, that you never be
injurious to those that preside over you, even when you are
become rich, as you will be to a great degree when you have
passed over Jordan, and are in possession of the land of Canaan.
Since, when you shall have once proceeded so far by your wealth,
as to a contempt and disregard of virtue, you will also forfeit
the favor of God; and when you have made him your enemy, you will
be beaten in war, and will have the land which you possess taken
away again from you by your enemies, and this with great
reproaches upon your conduct. You will be scattered over the
whole world, and will, as slaves, entirely fill both sea and
land; and when once you have had the experience of what I now
say, you will repent, and remember the laws you have broken, when
it is too late. Whence I would advise you, if you intend to
preserve these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive when you
have conquered them, but to look upon it as for your advantage to
destroy them all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste of
their manners, and thereby corrupt your own proper institutions.
I also do further exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and
their groves, and whatsoever temples they have among them, and to
burn all such, their nation, and their very memory with fire; for
by this means alone the safety of your own happy constitution can
be firmly secured to you. And in order to prevent your ignorance
of virtue, and the degeneracy of your nature into vice, I have
also ordained you laws, by Divine suggestion, and a form of
government, which are so good, that if you regularly observe
them, you will be esteemed of all men the most happy."

3. When he had spoken thus, he gave them the laws and the
constitution of government written in a book. Upon which the
people fell into tears, and appeared already touched with the
sense that they should have a great want of their conductor,
because they remembered what a number of dangers he had passed
through, and what care he had taken of their preservation: they
desponded about what would come upon them after he was dead, and
thought they should never have another governor like him; and
feared that God would then take less care of them when Moses was
gone, who used to intercede for them. They also repented of what
they had said to him in the wilderness when they were angry, and
were in grief on those accounts, insomuch that the whole body of
the people fell into tears with such bitterness, that it was past
the power of words to comfort them in their affliction. However,
Moses gave them some consolation; and by calling them off the
thought how worthy he was of their weeping for him, he exhorted
them to keep to that form of government he had given them; and
then the congregation was dissolved at that time.

4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of
government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of
Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these
Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then
proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all
still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by
way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; only
we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws
into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as
they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he
upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have
thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest
any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty
of an offense herein. Now part of our constitution will include
the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws
which Moses left concerning our common conversation and
intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a
discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of
those laws; which I propose to myself, with God's assistance, to
write, after I have finished the work I am now upon.

5. When you have possessed yourselves of the land of Canaan, and
have leisure to enjoy the good things of it, and when you have
afterward determined to build cities, if you will do what is
pleasing to God, you will have a secure state of happiness. Let
there be then one city of the land of Canaan, and this situate in
the most agreeable place for its goodness, and very eminent in
itself, and let it be that which God shall choose for himself by
prophetic revelation. Let there also be one temple therein, and
one altar, not reared of hewn stones, but of such as you gather
together at random; which stones, when they are whited over with
mortar, will have a handsome appearance, and be beautiful to the
sight. Let the ascent to it be not by steps (16) but by an
acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor
a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of
the Hebrews is but one.

6. He that blasphemeth God, let him be stoned; and let him hang
upon a tree all that day, and then let him be buried in an
ignominious and obscure manner.

7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which
the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple
shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give
thanks to God for his former benefits, and may entreat him for
those they shall want hereafter; and let them, by this means,
maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such
meetings and feastings together, for it is a good thing for those
that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of
laws, not to be unacquainted with each other; which acquaintance
will be maintained by thus conversing together, and by seeing and
talking with one another, and so renewing the memorials of this
union; for if they do not thus converse together continually,
they will appear like mere strangers to one another.

8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that
which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This
you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those
feasts and sacrifices that are to be celebrated in the holy city;
for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth
which God gives you to possess, so as may be to the honor of the
donor.

9. You are not to offer sacrifices out of the hire of a woman who
is a harlot (17) for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that
arises from such abuses of nature; of which sort none can be
worse than this prostitution of the body. In like manner no one
may take the price of the covering of a bitch, either of one that
is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence sacrifice
to God.

10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem
such; (18) nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples,
nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god.

11. Let not any one of you wear a garment made of woolen and
linen, for that is appointed to be for the priests alone.

12. When the multitude are assembled together unto the holy city
for sacrificing every seventh year, at the feast of tabernacles,
let the high priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be
heard, and let him read the laws to all the people; and let
neither the women nor the children be hindered from hearing, no,
nor the servants neither; for it is a good thing that those laws
should be engraven in their souls, and preserved in their
memories, that so it may not be possible to blot them out; for by
this means they will not be guilty of sin, when they cannot plead
ignorance of what the laws have enjoined them. The laws also will
have a greater authority among them, as foretelling what they
will suffer if they break them; and imprinting in their souls by
this hearing what they command them to do, that so there may
always be within their minds that intention of the laws which
they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the causes
of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as
the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing
they can be taught, and will be the cause of their future
felicity.

13. Let every one commemorate before God the benefits which he
bestowed upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt,
and this twice every day, both when the day begins and when the
hour of sleep comes on, gratitude being in its own nature a just
thing, and serving not only by way of return for past, but also
by way of invitation of future favors. They are also to inscribe
the principal blessings they have received from God upon their
doors, and show the same remembrance of them upon their arms; as
also they are to bear on their forehead and their arm those
wonders which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards
them, that God's readiness to bless them may appear every where
conspicuous about them. (19)

14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, (20) and these
such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue
and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him
out of the tribe of Levi. Let those that are chosen to judge in
the several cities be had in great honor; and let none be
permitted to revile any others when these are present, nor to
carry themselves in an insolent manner to them; it being natural
that reverence towards those in high offices among men should
procure men's fear and reverence towards God. Let those that
judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be
right, unless any one can show that they have taken bribes, to
the perversion of justice, or can allege any other accusation
against them, whereby it may appear that they have passed an
unjust sentence; for it is not fit that causes should be openly
determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the
suitors, but that the judges should esteem what is right before
all other things, otherwise God will by that means be despised,
and esteemed inferior to those, the dread of whose power has
occasioned the unjust sentence; for justice is the power of God.
He therefore that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them
more potent than God himself. But if these judges be unable to
give a just sentence about the causes that come before them,
(which case is not unfrequent in human affairs,) let them send
the cause undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high
priest, the prophet, and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall
seem good to them.

15. But let not a single witness be credited, but three, or two
at the least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by
their good lives. But let not the testimony of women be admitted,
on account of the levity and boldness of their sex (21) Nor let
servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the
ignobility of their soul; since it is probable that they may not
speak truth, either out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment.
But if any one be believed to have borne false witness, let him,
when he is convicted, suffer all the very same punishments which
he against whom he bore witness was to have suffered.

16. If a murder be committed in any place, and he that did it be
not found, nor is there any suspicion upon one as if he had hated
the man, and so had killed him, let there be a very diligent
inquiry made after the man, and rewards proposed to any one who
will discover him; but if still no information can be procured,
let the magistrates and senate of those cities that lie near the
place in which the murder was committed, assemble together, and
measure the distance from the place where the dead body lies;
then let the magistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase a
heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a place therein where
there is no land ploughed or trees planted, and let them cut the
sinews of the heifer; then the priests and Levites, and the
senate of that city, shall take water and wash their hands over
the head of the heifer; and they shall openly declare that their
hands are innocent of this murder, and that they have neither
done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it. They
shall also beseech God to be merciful to them, that no such
horrid act may any more be done in that land.

17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best
constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other
form of government; and may you always love that form, and have
the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions
according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But
if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation;
let him be always careful of justice and other virtues
perpetually; let him submit to the laws, and esteem God's
commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without
the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a
great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor
a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to
the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be
restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be
inconsistent with your welfare.

18. Let it not be esteemed lawful to remove boundaries, neither
our own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you
do not take those landmarks away which are, as it were, a divine
and unshaken limitation of rights made by God himself, to last
for ever; since this going beyond limits, and gaining ground upon
others, is the occasion of wars and seditions; for those that
remove boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert the laws.

19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce
fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any
first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself,
for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has
a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not
proper for God, nor for the master's use; but let the owner
gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its
proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the
holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other
fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the
widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may
use it as he pleases.

20. You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted
with vines, for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that
plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough
your land with oxen, and not to oblige other animals to come
under the same yoke with them; but to till your land with those
beasts that are of the same kind with each other. The seeds are
also to be pure, and without mixture, and not to be compounded of
two or three sorts, since nature does not rejoice in the union of
things that are not in their own nature alike; nor are you to
permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is
reason to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts
of different kinds to men, though it takes its first rise from
evil practices about such smaller things. Nor is any thing to be
allowed, by imitation whereof any degree of subversion may creep
into the constitution. Nor do the laws neglect small matters, but
provide that even those may be managed after an unblamable
manner.

21. Let not those that reap, and gather in the corn that is
reaped, gather in the gleanings also; but let them rather leave
some handfuls for those that are in want of the necessaries of
life, that it may be a support and a supply to them, in order to
their subsistence. In like manner when they gather their grapes,
let them leave some smaller bunches for the poor, and let them
pass over some of the fruits of the olive-trees, when they gather
them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of
their own; for the advantage arising from the exact collection of
all, will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from
the gratitude of the poor. And God will provide that the land
shall more willingly produce what shall be for the nourishment of
its fruits, in case you do not merely take care of your own
advantage, but have regard to the support of others also. Nor are
you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the ears of
corn in the thrashing-floor; for it is not just to restrain our
fellow-laboring animals, and those that work in order to its
production, of this fruit of their labors. Nor are you to
prohibit those that pass by at the time when your fruits are ripe
to touch them, but to give them leave to fill themselves full of
what you have; and this whether they be of your own country or
strangers, - as being glad of the opportunity of giving them some
part of your fruits when they are ripe; but let it not be
esteemed lawful for them to carry any away. Nor let those that
gather the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain
those whom they meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out
of envy, to hinder those that desire it, to partake of the good
things that come into the world according to God's will, and this
while the season is at the height, and is hastening away as it
pleases God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to
touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I
mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the
owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between
them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to
partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in
their proper season; for that is not to be deemed as idly spent,
which any one out of kindness communicates to another, since God
bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for themselves to
reap the advantage, but also to give to others in a way of
generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to
others his peculiar kindness to the people of Israel, and how
freely he communicates happiness to them, while they abundantly
communicate out of their great superfluities to even these
foreigners also. But for him that acts contrary to this law, let
him be beaten with forty stripes save one (22) by the public
executioner; let him undergo this punishment, which is a most
ignominious one for a free-man, and this because he was such a
slave to gain as to lay a blot upon his dignity; for it is proper
for you who have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt,
and of those in the wilderness, to make provision for those that
are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained
plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to
distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as
stand in need of it.

22. Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are
to pay every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the
festivals, you are to bring every third year a third tithe to be
distributed to those that want; (23) to women also that are
widows, and to children that are orphans. But as to the ripe
fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into the
temple; and when they have blessed God for that land which bare
them, and which he had given them for a possession, when they
have also offered those sacrifices which the law has commanded
them to bring, let them give the first-fruits to the priests. But
when any one hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of all
that he hath, together with those first-fruits that are for the
Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to go home,
let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God,
that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had
in Egypt, and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets
them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when he hath openly testified
that he hath fully paid the tithes [and other dues] according to
the laws of Moses, let him entreat God that he will be ever
merciful and gracious to him, and continue so to be to all the
Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath already
given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow
upon them.

23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that
are free, and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a
virgin, let him not corrupt another man's wife, and marry her,
nor grieve her former husband. Nor let free men marry slaves,
although their affections should strongly bias any of them so to
do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the persons
themselves, to govern those their affections. And further, no one
ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, arising
from the prostitution of her body, God will not receive; for by
these means the dispositions of the children will be liberal and
virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of base parents, and of
the lustful conjunction of such as marry women that are not free.
If any one has been espoused to a woman as to a virgin, and does
not afterward find her so to be, let him bring his action, and
accuse her, and let him make use of such indications (24) to
prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the
father or the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after
them nearest of kin to her, defend her If the damsel obtain a
sentence in her favor, that she had not been guilty, let her live
with her husband that accused her; and let him not have any
further power at all to put her away, unless she give him very
great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way
contradicted. But for him that brings an accusation and calumny
against his wife in an impudent and rash manner, let him be
punished by receiving forty stripes save one, and let him pay
fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel be convicted, as
having been corrupted, and is one of the common people, let her
be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she
were lawfully married; but if she were the daughter of a priest,
let her be burnt alive. If any one has two wives, and if he
greatly respect and be kind to one of them, either out of his
affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some other reason,
while the other is of less esteem with him; and if the son of her
that is beloved be the younger by birth than another born of the
other wife, but endeavors to obtain the right of primogeniture
from his father's kindness to his mother, and would thereby
obtain a double portion of his father's substance, for that
double portion is what I have allotted him in the laws, - let not
this be permitted; for it is unjust that he who is the elder by
birth should be deprived of what is due to him, on the father's
disposition of his estate, because his mother was not equally
regarded by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to
another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be
put to death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, because
he persuaded the woman willingly to submit to a most impure
action, and to prefer it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because
she was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted, either for
pleasure or for gain. However, if a man light on a woman when she
is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present to come to her
assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath
corrupted a virgin not yet espoused marry her; but if the father
of the damsel be not willing that she should be his wife, let him
pay fifty shekels as the price of her prostitution. He that
desires to be divorced from his wife for any cause (25)
whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in
writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any
more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another
husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is
not to be permitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also,
or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again,
it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. If a woman's
husband die, and leave her without children, let his brother
marry her, and let him call the son that is born to him by his
brother's name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance,
for this procedure will be for the benefit of the public, because
thereby families will not fail, and the estate will continue
among the kindred; and this will be for the solace of wives under
their affliction, that they are to be married to the next
relation of their former husbands. But if the brother will not
marry her, let the woman come before the senate, and protest
openly that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but
will injure the memory of his deceased brother, while she is
willing to continue in the family, and to hear him children. And
when the senate have inquired of him for what reason it is that
he is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a bad or a good
reason, the matter must come to this issue, That the woman shall
loose the sandals of the brother, and shall spit in his face, and
say, He deserves this reproachful treatment from her, as having
injured the memory of the deceased. And then let him go away out
of the senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long;
and let her marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in
marriage. But now, if any man take captive, either a virgin, or
one that hath been married, (26) and has a mind to marry her, let
him not be allowed to bring her to bed to him, or to live with
her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven, and hath put on
her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends that
were slain in the battle, that by this means she may give vent to
her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to
feasting and matrimony; for it is good for him that takes a
woman, in order to have children by her, to be complaisant to her
inclinations, and not merely to pursue his own pleasure, while he
hath no regard to what is agreeable to her. But when thirty days
are past, as the time of mourning, for so many are sufficient to
prudent persons for lamenting the dearest friends, then let them
proceed to the marriage; but in case when he hath satisfied his
lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not
have it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away
whither she pleases, and have that privilege of a free woman.

24. As to those young men that despise their parents, and do not
pay them honor, but offer them affronts, either because they are
ashamed of them or think themselves wiser than they, - in the
first place, let their parents admonish them in words, (for they
are by nature of authority sufficient for becoming their judges,)
and let them say thus to them:-- That they cohabited together,
not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of their
riches, by joining both their stocks together, but that they
might have children to take care of them in their old age, and
might by them have what they then should want. And say further to
him, "That when thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness,
and gave God the greatest thanks for thee, and brought time up
with great care, and spared for nothing that appeared useful for
thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what was most
excellent. And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of
those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many
indications Of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more
wisely for the time to come; considering that God is displeased
with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is
himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to
bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those that have the
same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their
children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of
which punishment mayst thou never have the experience." Now if
the insolence of young men be thus cured, let them escape the
reproach which their former errors deserved; for by this means
the lawgiver will appear to be good, and parents happy, while
they never behold either a son or a daughter brought to
punishment. But if it happen that these words and instructions,
conveyed by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be
useless, then the offender renders the laws implacable enemies to
the insolence he has offered his parents; let him therefore be
brought forth (27) by these very parents out of the city, with a
multitude following him, and there let him be stoned; and when he
has continued there for one whole day, that all the people may
see him, let him be buried in the night. And thus it is that we
bury all whom the laws condemn to die, upon any account
whatsoever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried;
nor let any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a
punishment beyond what justice requires.

25. Let no one lend to any one of the Hebrews upon usury, neither
usury of what is eaten or what is drunken, for it is not just to
make advantage of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen;
but when thou hast been assistant to his necessities, think it
thy gain if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee; and withal
that reward which will come to thee from God, for thy humanity
towards him.

26. Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits,
whether dry or wet, (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall,
by the blessing of God, be to their own mind,) let the borrowers
bring them again, and restore them with pleasure to those who
lent them, laying them up, as it were, in their own treasuries,
and justly expecting to receive them thence, if they shall want
them again. But if they be without shame, and do not restore it,
let not the lender go to the borrower's house, and take a pledge
himself, before judgment be given concerning it; but let him
require the pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself,
without the least opposition to him that comes upon him under the
protection of the law. And if he that gave the pledge be rich,
let the creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him again;
but if he be poor, let him that takes it return it before the
going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment,
that the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God
himself naturally showing mercy to the poor. It is also not
lawful to take a millstone, nor any utensil thereto belonging,
for a pledge, that the debtor, may not be deprived of instruments
to get their food withal, and lest they be undone by their
necessity.

27. Let death be the punishment for stealing a man; but he that
hath purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one
kill a man that is stealing something out of his house, let him
be esteemed guiltless, although the man were only breaking in at
the wall. Let him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what is
lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which let the thief pay
fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay what mulet
is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was adjudged to pay
it.

28. If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve
him six years, and on the seventh let him go free. But if he have
a son by a woman servant in his purchaser's house, and if, on
account of his good-will to his master, and his natural affection
to his wife and children, he will be his servant still, let him
be set free only at the coming of the year of jubilee, which is
the fiftieth year, and let him then take away with him his
children and wife, and let them be free also.

29. If any one find gold or silver on the road, let him inquire
after him that lost it, and make proclamation of the place where
he found it, and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it
right to make his own profit by the loss of another. And the same
rule is to be observed in cattle found to have wandered away into
a lonely place. If the owner be not presently discovered, let him
that is the finder keep it with himself, and appeal to God that
he has not purloined what belongs to another.

30. It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress,
when in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavor to
preserve it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain.

31. It is also a duty to show the roads to those who do not know
them, and not to esteem it a matter for sport, when we hinder
others' advantages, by setting them in a wrong way.

32. In like manner, let no one revile a person blind or dumb.

33. If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron,
let him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the
same punishment on him that smote him: but if when he is carried
home he lie sick many days, and then die, let him that smote him
not escape punishment; but if he that is smitten escape death,
and yet be at great expense for his cure, the smiter shall pay
for all that has been expended during the time of his sickness,
and for all that he has paid the physician. He that kicks a woman
with child, so that the woman miscarry, (28) let him pay a fine
in money, as the judges shall determine, as having diminished the
multitude by the destruction of what was in her womb; and let
money also be given the woman's husband by him that kicked her;
but if she die of the stroke, let him also be put to death, the
law judging it equitable that life should go for life.

34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison (29) that may
cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let
him be put to death, and suffer the very same mischief that he
would have brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared.

35. He that maimeth any one, let him undergo the like himself,
and be deprived of the same member of which he hath deprived the
other, unless he that is maimed will accept of money instead of
it (30) for the law makes the sufferer the judge of the value of
what he hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it, unless he
will be more severe.

36. Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his
horn, kill him: but if he pushes and gores any one in the
thrashing-floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and let him
not be thought fit for food: but if his owner be convicted as
having known what his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let
him also be put to death, as being the occasion of the ox's
having killed a man. But if the ox have killed a man-servant, or
a maid-servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox
pay thirty shekels (31) to the master of him that was slain; but
if it be an ox that is thus smitten and killed, let both the
oxen, that which smote the other and that which was killed, be
sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between them.

37. Let those that dig a well or a pit be careful to lay planks
over them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder any
persons from drawing water, but that there may be no danger of
falling into them. But if any one's beast fall into such a well
or pit thus digged, and not shut up, and perish, let the owner
pay its price to the owner of the beast. Let there be a
battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall, that
may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing.

38. Let him that has received any thing in trust for another,
take care to keep it as a sacred and divine thing; and let no one
invent any contrivance whereby to deprive him that hath intrusted
it with him of the same, and this whether he be a man or a woman;
no, not although he or she were to gain an immense sum of gold,
and this where he cannot be convicted of it by any body; for it
is fit that a man's own conscience, which knows what he hath,
should in all cases oblige him to do well. Let this conscience be
his witness, and make him always act so as may procure him
commendation from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God,
from whom no wicked man can lie concealed: but if he in whom the
trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he
was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and
swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a
wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part
thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made
use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be
lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received.
After the same manner as in these trusts it is to be, if any one
defraud those that undergo bodily labor for him. And let it be
always remembered, that we are not to defraud a poor man of his
wages, as being sensible that God has allotted these wages to him
instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not
at all to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is
not willing to deprive the laborer of the immediate use of what
he hath labored for.

39. You are not to punish children for the faults of their
parents, but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe
them commiseration, because they were born of wicked parents,
than hatred, because they were born of bad ones. Nor indeed ought
we to impute the sin of children to their fathers, while young
persons indulge themselves in many practices different from what
they have been instructed in, and this by their proud refusal of
such instruction.

40. Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be had in
detestation; and do you avoid any conversation with them who have
deprived themselves of their manhood, and of that fruit of
generation which God has given to men for the increase of their
kind: let such be driven away, as if they had killed their
children, since they beforehand have lost what should procure
them; for evident it is, that while their soul is become
effeminate, they have withal transfused that effeminacy to their
body also. In like manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous
nature when it is looked on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any
other animals. (32)

41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time
of peace, and God will be so merciful as to preserve this
excellent settlement free from disturbance: and may that time
never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the
contrary. But since it must needs happen that mankind fall into
troubles and dangers, either undesignedly or intentionally, come
let us make a few constitutions concerning them, that so being
apprised beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary
counsels ready when you want them, and may not then be obliged to
go to seek what is to be done, and so be unprovided, and fall
into dangerous circumstances. May you be a laborious people, and
exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and thereby possess and
inherit the land without wars; while neither any foreigners make
war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition seize
upon it, whereby you may do things that are contrary to your
fathers, and so lose the laws which they have established. And
may you continue in the observation of those laws which God hath
approved of, and hath delivered to you. Let all sort of warlike
operations, whether they befall you now in your own time, or
hereafter in the times of your posterity, be done out of your own
borders: but when you are about to go to war, send embassages and
heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a
right thing to make use of words to them before you come to your
weapons of war; and assure them thereby, that although you have a
numerous army, with horses and weapons, and, above these, a God
merciful to you, and ready to assist you, you do however desire
them not to compel you to fight against them, nor to take from
them what they have, which will indeed be our gain, but what they
will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves. And if
they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with
them; but if they trust in their own strength, as superior to
yours, and will not do you justice, lead your army against them,
making use of God as your supreme Commander, but ordaining for a
lieutenant under him one that is of the greatest courage among
you; for these different commanders, besides their being an
obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are a
disadvantage to those that make use of them. Lead an army pure,
and of chosen men, composed of all such as have extraordinary
strength of body and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the
timorous part, lest they run away in the time of action, and so
afford an advantage to your enemies. Do you also give leave to
those that have lately built them houses, and have not yet lived
in them a year's time; and to those that have planted them
vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of their fruits, - to
continue in their own country; as well as those also who have
betrothed, or lately married them wives, lest they have such an
affection for these things that they be too sparing of their
lives, and, by reserving themselves for these enjoyments, they
become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives.

42. When you have pitched your camp, take care that you do
nothing that is cruel. And when you are engaged in a siege; and
want timber for the making of warlike engines, do not you render
the land naked by cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare
them, as considering that they were made for the benefit of men;
and that if they could speak, they would have a just plea against
you, because, though they are not occasions of the war, they are
unjustly treated, and suffer in it, and would, if they were able,
remove themselves into another land. When you have beaten your
enemies in battle, slay those that have fought against you; but
preserve the others alive, that they may pay you tribute,
excepting the nation of the Canaanites; for as to that people,
you must entirely destroy them.

43, Take care, especially in your battles, that no woman use the
habit of a man, nor man the garment of a woman.

44. This was the form of political government which was left us
by Moses. Moreover, he had already delivered laws in writing (33)
in the fortieth year [after they came out of Egypt], concerning
which we will discourse in another book. But now on the following
days (for he called them to assemble continually) he delivered
blessings to them, and curses upon those that should not live
according to the laws, but should transgress the duties that were
determined for them to observe. After this, he read to them a
poetic song, which was composed in hexameter verse, and left it
to them in the holy book: it contained a prediction of what was
to come to pass afterward; agreeably whereto all things have
happened all along, and do still happen to us; and wherein he has
not at all deviated from the truth. Accordingly, he delivered
these books to the priest, (34) with the ark; into which he also
put the ten commandments, written on two tables. He delivered to
them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people, that when they
had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not
forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them,
and inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them
when they were in the wilderness; and that when they had got
possession of the land of the Canaanites, and when they had
destroyed the whole multitude of its inhabitants, as they ought
to do, they should erect an altar that should face the rising
sun, not far from the city of Shechem, between the two mountains,
that of Gerizzim, situate on the right hand, and that called
Ebal, on the left; and that the army should be so divided, that
six tribes should stand upon each of the two mountains, and with
them the Levites and the priests. And that first, those that were
upon Mount Gerizzim should pray for the best blessings upon those
who were diligent about the worship of God, and the observation
of his laws, and who did not reject what Moses had said to them;
while the other wished them all manner of happiness also; and
when these last put up the like prayers, the former praised them.
After this, curses were denounced upon those that should
transgress those laws, they, answering one another alternately,
by way of confirmation of what had been said. Moses also wrote
their blessings and their curses, that they might learn them so
thoroughly, that they might never be forgotten by length of time.
And when he was ready to die, he wrote these blessings and curses
upon the altar, on each side of it; where he says also the people
stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt-offerings, though
after that day they never offered upon it any other sacrifice,
for it was not lawful so to do. These are the constitutions of
Moses; and the Hebrew nation still live according to them.

45. On the next day, Moses called the people together, with the
women and children, to a congregation, so as the very slaves were
present also, that they might engage themselves to the
observation of these laws by oath; and that, duly considering the
meaning of God in them, they might not, either for favor of their
kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed for any motive
whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these laws,
and so might transgress them. That in case any one of their own
blood, or any city, should attempt to confound or dissolve their
constitution of government, they should take vengeance upon them,
both all in general, and each person in particular; and when they
had conquered them, should overturn their city to the very
foundations, and, if possible, should not leave the least
footsteps of such madness: but that if they were not able to take
such vengeance, they should still demonstrate that what was done
was contrary to their wills. So the multitude bound themselves by
oath so to do.

46. Moses taught them also by what means their sacrifices might
be the most acceptable to God; and how they should go forth to
war, making use of the stones (in the high priest's breastplate)
for their direction, (35) as I have before signified. Joshua also
prophesied while Moses was present. And when Moses had
recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the preservation of the
people, both in their wars and in peace, and had composed them a
body of laws, and procured them an excellent form of government,
he foretold, as God had declared to him "That if they
transgressed that institution for the worship of God, they should
experience the following miseries:-- Their land should be full of
weapons of war from their enemies, and their cities should be
overthrown, and their temple should be burnt that they should be
sold for slaves, to such men as would have no pity on them in
their afflictions; that they would then repent, when that
repentance would no way profit them under their sufferings.
"Yet," said he, "will that God who founded your nation, restore
your cities to your citizens, with their temple also; and you
shall lose these advantages not once only, but often."

47. Now when Moses had encouraged Joshua to lead out the army
against the Canaanites, by telling him that God would assist him
in all his undertakings, and had blessed the whole multitude, he
said, "Since I am going to my forefathers, and God has determined
that this should be the day of my departure to them, I return him
thanks while I am still alive and present with you, for that
providence he hath exercised over you, which hath not only
delivered us from the miseries we lay under, but hath bestowed a
state of prosperity upon us; as also, that he hath assisted me in
the pains I took, and in all the contrivances I had in my care
about you, in order to better your condition, and hath on all
occasions showed himself favorable to us; or rather he it was who
first conducted our affairs, and brought them to a happy
conclusion, by making use of me as a vicarious general under him,
and as a minister in those matters wherein he was willing to do
you good: on which account I think it proper to bless that Divine
Power which will take care of you for the time to come, and this
in order to repay that debt which I owe him, and to leave behind
me a memorial that we are obliged to worship and honor him, and
to keep those laws which are the most excellent gift of all those
he hath already bestowed upon us, or which, if he continue
favorable to us, he will bestow upon us hereafter. Certainly a
human legislator is a terrible enemy when his laws are affronted,
and are made to no purpose. And may you never experience that
displeasure of God which will be the consequence of the neglect
of these his laws, which he, who is your Creator, hath given
you."

48. When Moses had spoken thus at the end of his life, and had
foretold what would befall to every one of their tribes (36)
afterward, with the addition of a blessing to them, the multitude
fell into tears, insomuch that even the women, by beating their
breasts, made manifest the deep concern they had when he was
about to die. The children also lamented still more, as not able
to contain their grief; and thereby declared, that even at their
age they were sensible of his virtue and mighty deeds; and truly
there seemed to be a strife betwixt the young and the old who
should most grieve for him. The old grieved because they knew
what a careful protector they were to be deprived of, and so
lamented their future state; but the young grieved, not only for
that, but also because it so happened that they were to be left
by him before they had well tasted of his virtue. Now one may
make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and lamentation of the
multitude, from what happened to the legislator himself; for
although he was always persuaded that he ought not to be cast
down at the approach of death, since the undergoing it was
agreeable to the will of God and the law of nature, yet what the
people did so overbore him, that he wept himself. Now as he went
thence to the place where he was to vanish out of their sight,
they all followed after him weeping; but Moses beckoned with his
hand to those that were remote from him, and bade them stay
behind in quiet, while he exhorted those that were near to him
that they would not render his departure so lamentable. Whereupon
they thought they ought to grant him that favor, to let him
depart according as he himself desired; so they restrained
themselves, though weeping still towards one another. All those
who accompanied him were the senate, and Eleazar the high priest,
and Joshua their commander. Now as soon as they were come to the
mountain called Abarim, (which is a very high mountain, situate
over against Jericho, and one that affords, to such as are upon
it, a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent land of
Canaan,) he dismissed the senate; and as he was going to embrace
Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud
stood over him on the sudden, and he disappeared in a certain
valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which
was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that,
because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God.

49. Now Moses lived in all one hundred and twenty years; a third
part of which time, abating one month, he was the people's ruler;
and he died on the last month of the year, which is called by the
Macedonians Dystrus, but by us Adar, on the first day of the
month. He was one that exceeded all men that ever were in
understanding, and made the best use of what that understanding
suggested to him. He had a very graceful way of speaking and
addressing himself to the multitude; and as to his other
qualifications, he had such a full command of his passions, as if
he hardly had any such in his soul, and only knew them by their
names, as rather perceiving them in other men than in himself. He
was also such a general of an army as is seldom seen, as well as
such a prophet as was never known, and this to such a degree,
that whatsoever he pronounced, you would think you heard the
voice of God himself. So the people mourned for him thirty days:
nor did ever any grief so deeply affect the Hebrews as did this
upon the death of Moses: nor were those that had experienced his
conduct the only persons that desired him, but those also that
perused the laws he left behind him had a strong desire after
him, and by them gathered the extraordinary virtue he was master
of. And this shall suffice for the declaration of the manner of
the death of Moses.




BOOK V.

Containing The Interval Of Four Hundred And Seventy-Six Years.

From The Death Of Moses To The Death Of Eli.

CHAPTER 1.

How Joshua, The Commander Of The Hebrews, Made War With The
Canaanites, And Overcame Them, And Destroyed Them, And Divided
Their Land By Lot To The Tribes Of Israel.


1. When Moses was taken away from among men, in the manner
already described, and when all the solemnities belonging to the
mourning for him were finished, and the sorrow for him was over,
Joshua commanded the multitude to get themselves ready for an
expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho to discover what forces
they had, and what were their intentions; but he put his camp in
order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan at a proper season.
And calling to him the rulers of the tribe of Reuben, and the
governors of the tribe of Gad, and [the half tribe of] Manasseh,
for half of this tribe had been permitted to have their
habitation in the country of the Amorites, which was the seventh
part of the land of Canaan, (1) he put them in mind what they had
promised Moses; and he exhorted them that, for the sake of the
care that Moses had taken of them who had never been weary of
taking pains for them no, not when he was dying, and for the sake
of the public welfare, they would prepare themselves, and readily
perform what they had promised; so he took fifty thousand of them
who followed him, and he marched from Abila to Jordan, sixty
furlongs.

2. Now when he had pitched his camp, the spies came to him
immediately, well acquainted with the whole state of the
Canaanites; for at first, before they were at all discovered,
they took a full view of the city of Jericho without disturbance,
and saw which parts of the walls were strong, and which parts
were otherwise, and indeed insecure, and which of the gates were
so weak as might afford an entrance to their army. Now those that
met them took no notice of them when they saw them, and supposed
they were only strangers, who used to be very curious in
observing everything in the city, and did not take them for
enemies; but at even they retired to a certain inn that was near
to the wall, whither they went to eat their supper; which supper
when they had done, and were considering how to get away,
information was given to the king as he was at supper, that there
were some persons come from the Hebrews' camp to view the city as
spies, and that they were in the inn kept by Rahab, and were very
solicitous that they might not be discovered. So he sent
immediately some to them, and commanded to catch them, and bring
them to him, that he might examine them by torture, and learn
what their business was there. As soon as Rahab understood that
these messengers were coming, she hid the spies under stalks of
flax, which were laid to dry on the top of her house; and said to
the messengers that were sent by the king, that certain unknown
strangers had supped with her a little before sun-setting, and
were gone away, who might easily be taken, if they were any
terror to the city, or likely to bring any danger to the king. So
these messengers being thus deluded by the woman, (2) and
suspecting no imposition, went their ways, without so much as
searching the inn; but they immediately pursued them along those
roads which they most probably supposed them to have gone, and
those particularly which led to the river, but could hear no
tidings of them; so they left off the pains of any further
pursuit. But when the tumult was over, Rahab brought the men
down, and desired them as soon as they should have obtained
possession of the land of Canaan, when it would be in their power
to make her amends for her preservation of them, to remember what
danger she had undergone for their sakes; for that if she had
been caught concealing them, she could not have escaped a
terrible destruction, she and all her family with her, and so bid
them go home; and desired them to swear to her to preserve her
and her family when they should take the city, and destroy all
its inhabitants, as they had decreed to do; for so far she said
she had been assured by those Divine miracles of which she had
been informed. So these spies acknowledged that they owed her
thanks for what she had done already, and withal swore to requite
her kindness, not only in words, but in deeds. But they gave her
this advice, That when she should perceive that the city was
about to be taken, she should put her goods, and all her family,
by way of security, in her inn, and to hang out scarlet threads
before her doors, [or windows,] that the commander of the Hebrews
might know her house, and take care to do her no harm; for, said
they, we will inform him of this matter, because of the concern
thou hast had to preserve us: but if any one of thy family fall
in the battle, do not thou blame us; and we beseech that God, by
whom we have sworn, not then to be displeased with us, as though
we had broken our oaths. So these men, when they had made this
agreement, went away, letting themselves down by a rope from the
wall, and escaped, and came and told their own people whatsoever
they had done in their journey to this city. Joshua also told
Eleazar the high priest, and the senate, what the spies had sworn
to Rahab, who continued what had been sworn.

3. Now while Joshua, the commander, was in fear about their
passing over Jordan, for the river ran with a strong current, and
could not be passed over with bridges, for there never had been
bridges laid over it hitherto; and while he suspected, that if he
should attempt to make a bridge, that their enemies would not
afford him thee to perfect it, and for ferry-boats they had none,
- God promised so to dispose of the river, that they might pass
over it, and that by taking away the main part of its waters. So
Joshua, after two days, caused the army and the whole multitude
to pass over in the manner following:-- The priests went first of
all, having the ark with them; then went the Levites bearing the
tabernacle and the vessels which belonged to the sacrifices;
after which the entire multitude followed, according to their
tribes, having their children and their wives in the midst of
them, as being afraid for them, lest they should be borne away by
the stream. But as soon as the priests had entered the river
first, it appeared fordable, the depth of the water being
restrained and the sand appearing at the bottom, because the
current was neither so strong nor so swift as to carry it away by
its force; so they all passed over the river without fear,
finding it to be in the very same state as God had foretold he
would put it in; but the priests stood still in the midst of the
river till the multitude should be passed over, and should get to
the shore in safety; and when all were gone over, the priests
came out also, and permitted the current to run freely as it used
to do before. Accordingly the river, as soon as the Hebrews were
come out of it, arose again presently, and came to its own
proper magnitude as before.

4. So the Hebrews went on farther fifty furlongs, and pitched
their camp at the distance of ten furlongs from Jericho; but
Joshua built an altar of those stones which all the heads of the
tribes, at the command of the prophets, had taken out of the
deep, to be afterwards a memorial of the division of the stream
of this river, and upon it offered sacrifice to God; and in that
place celebrated the passover, and had great plenty of all the
things which they wanted hitherto; for they reaped the corn of
the Canaanites, which was now ripe, and took other things as
prey; for then it was that their former food, which was manna,
and of which they had eaten forty years, failed them.

5. Now while the Israelites did this, and the Canaanites did not
attack them, but kept themselves quiet within their own walls,
Joshua resolved to besiege them; so on the first day of the feast
[of the passover], the priests carried the ark round about, with
some part of the armed men to be a guard to it. These priests
went forward, blowing with their seven trumpets; and exhorted the
army to be of good courage, and went round about the city, with
the senate following them; and when the priests had only blown
with the trumpets, for they did nothing more at all, they
returned to the camp. And when they had done this for six days,
on the seventh Joshua gathered the armed men and all the people
together, and told them these good tidings, That the city should
now be taken, since God would on that day give it them, by the
falling down of the walls, and this of their own accord, and
without their labor. However, he charged them to kill every one
they should take, and not to abstain from the slaughter of their
enemies, either for weariness or for pity, and not to fall on the
spoil, and be thereby diverted from pursuing their enemies as
they ran away; but to destroy all the animals, and to take
nothing for their own peculiar advantage. He commanded them also
to bring together all the silver and gold, that it might be set
apart as first-fruits unto God out of this glorious exploit, as
having gotten them from the city they first took; only that they
should save Rahab and her kindred alive, because of the oath
which the spies had sworn to her.

6. When he had said this, and had set his army in order, he
brought it against the city: so they went round the city again,
the ark going before them, and the priests encouraging the people
to be zealous in the work; and when they had gone round it seven
times, and had stood still a little, the wall fell down, while no
instruments of war, nor any other force, was applied to it by the
Hebrews.

7. So they entered into Jericho, and slew all the men that were
therein, while they were aftrighted at the surprising overthrow
of the walls, and their courage was become useless, and they were
not able to defend themselves; so they were slain, and their
throats cut, some in the ways, and others as caught in their
houses; nothing afforded them assistance, but they all perished,
even to the women and the children; and the city was filled with
dead bodies, and not one person escaped. They also burnt the
whole city, and the country about it; but they saved alive Rahab,
with her family, who had fled to her inn. And when she was
brought to him, Joshua owned to her that they owed her thanks for
her preservation of the spies: so he said he would not appear to
be behind her in his benefaction to her; whereupon he gave her
certain lands immediately, and had her in great esteem ever
afterwards.

8. And if any part of the city escaped the fire, he overthrew it
from the foundation; and he denounced a curse (3)against its
inhabitants, if any should desire to rebuild it; how, upon his
laying the foundation of the walls, he should be deprived of his
eldest son; and upon finishing it, he should lose his youngest
son. But what happened hereupon we shall speak of hereafter.

9. Now there was an immense quantity of silver and gold, and
besides those of brass also, that was heaped together out of the
city when it was taken, no one transgressing the decree, nor
purloining for their own peculiar advantage; which spoils Joshua
delivered to the priests, to be laid up among their treasures.
And thus did Jericho perish.

10. But there was one Achar, (4) the son [of Charmi, the son] of
Zebedias, of the tribe of Judah, who finding a royal garment
woven entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that weighed two
hundred shekels; (5) and thinking it a very hard case, that what
spoils he, by running some hazard, had found, he must give away,
and offer it to God, who stood in no need of it, while he that
wanted it must go without it, - made a deep ditch in his own
tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing he should not only
be concealed from his fellow soldiers, but from God himself also.

11. Now the place where Joshua pitched his camp was called
Gilgal, which denotes liberty; (6) for since now they had passed
over Jordan, they looked on themselves as freed from the miseries
which they had undergone from the Egyptians, and in the
wilderness.

12. Now, a few days after the calamity that befell Jericho,
Joshua sent three thousand armed men to take Ai, a city situate
above Jericho; but, upon the sight of the people of Ai, with them
they were driven back, and lost thirty-six of their men. When
this was told the Israelites, it made them very sad, and
exceeding disconsolate, not so much because of the relation the
men that were destroyed bare to them, though those that were
destroyed were all good men, and deserved their esteem, as by the
despair it occasioned; for while they believed that they were
already, in effect, in possession of the land, and should bring
back the army out of the battles without loss, as God had
promised beforehand, they now saw unexpectedly their enemies bold
with success; so they put sackcloth over their garments, and
continued in tears and lamentation all the day, without the least
inquiry after food, but laid what had happened greatly to heart.

13. When Joshua saw the army so much afflicted, and possessed
with forebodings of evil as to their whole expedition, he used
freedom with God, and said, "We are not come thus far out of any
rashness of our own, as though we thought ourselves able to
subdue this land with our own weapons, but at the instigation of
Moses thy servant for this purpose, because thou hast promised
us, by many signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for a
possession, and that thou wouldst make our army always superior
in war to our enemies, and accordingly some success has already
attended upon us agreeably to thy promises; but because we have
now unexpectedly been foiled, and have lost some men out of our
army, we are grieved at it, as fearing what thou hast promised
us, and what Moses foretold us, cannot be depended on by us; and
our future expectation troubles us the more, because we have met
with such a disaster in this our first attempt. But do thou, O
Lord, free us from these suspicions, for thou art able to find a
cure for these disorders, by giving us victory, which will both
take away the grief we are in at present, and prevent our
distrust as to what is to come."

14. These intercessions Joshua put up to God, as he lay prostrate
on his face: whereupon God answered him, That he should rise up,
and purify his host from the pollution that had got into it; that
"things consecrated to me have been impudently stolen from me,"
and that "this has been the occasion why this defeat had happened
to them;" and that when they should search out and punish the
offender, he would ever take care they should have the victory
over their enemies. This Joshua told the people; and calling for
Eleazar the high priest, and the men in authority, he cast lots,
tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked action
was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the
lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of
this wicked action was found to belong to the family of Zachar;
and when the inquiry was made man by man, they took Achar, who,
upon God's reducing him to a terrible extremity, could not deny
the fact: so he confessed the theft, and produced what he had
taken in the midst of them, whereupon he was immediately put to
death; and attained no more than to be buried in the night in a
disgraceful manner, and such as was suitable to a condemned
malefactor.

15. When Joshua had thus purified the host, he led them against
Ai: and having by night laid an ambush round about the city, he
attacked the enemies as soon as it was day; but as they advanced
boldly against the Israelites, because of their former victory,
he made them believe he retired, and by that means drew them a
great way from the city, they still supposing that they were
pursuing their enemies, and despised them, as though the case had
been the same with that in the former battle; after which Joshua
ordered his forces to turn about, and placed them against their
front. He then made the signals agreed upon to those that lay in
ambush, and so excited them to fight; so they ran suddenly into
the city, the inhabitants being upon the walls, nay, others of
them being in perplexity, and coming to see those that were
without the gates. Accordingly, these men took the city, and slew
all that they met with; but Joshua forced those that came against
him to come to a close fight, and discomfited them, and made them
run away; and when they were driven towards the city, and thought
it had not been touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and
perceived it was burnt, with their wives and children, they
wandered about in the fields in a scattered condition, and were
no way able to defend themselves, because they had none to
support them. Now when this calamity was come upon the men of Ai,
there were a great number of children, and women, and servants,
and an immense quantity of other furniture. The Hebrews also took
herds of cattle, and a great deal of money, for this was a rich
country. So when Joshua came to Gilgal, he divided all these
spoils among the soldiers.

16. But the Gibeonites, who inhabited very near to Jerusalem,
when they saw what miseries had happened to the inhabitants of
Jericho; and to those of Ai, and suspected that the like sore
calamity would come as far as themselves, they did not think fit
to ask for mercy of Joshua; for they supposed they should find
little mercy from him, who made war that he might entirely
destroy the nation of the Canaanites; but they invited the people
of Cephirah and Kiriathjearim, who were their neighbors, to join
in league with them; and told them that neither could they
themselves avoid the danger they were all in, if the Israelites
should prevent them, and seize upon them: so when they had
persuaded them, they resolved to endeavor to escape the forces of
the Israelites. Accordingly, upon their agreement to what they
proposed, they sent ambassadors to Joshua to make a league of
friendship with him, and those such of the citizens as were best
approved of, and most capable of doing what was most advantageous
to the multitude. Now these ambassadors thought it dangerous to
confess themselves to be Canaanites, but thought they might by
this contrivance avoid the danger, namely, by saying that they
bare no relation to the Canaanites at all, but dwelt at a very
great distance from them: and they said further, that they came a
long way, on account of the reputation he had gained for his
virtue; and as a mark of the truth of what they said, they showed
him the habit they were in, for that their clothes were new when
they came out, but were greatly worn by the length of thee they
had been on their journey; for indeed they took torn garments, on
purpose that they might make him believe so. So they stood in the
midst of the people, and said that they were sent by the people
of Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which were very remote
from the land where they now were, to make such a league of
friendship with them, and this on such conditions as were
customary among their forefathers; for when they understood that,
by the favor of God, and his gift to them, they were to have the
possession of the land of Canaan bestowed upon them, they said
that they were very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted
into the number of their citizens. Thus did these ambassadors
speak; and showing them the marks of their long journey, they
entreated the Hebrews to make a league of friendship with them.
Accordingly Joshua, believing what they said, that they were not
of the nation of the Canaanites, entered into friendship with
them; and Eleazar the high priest, with the senate, sware to them
that they would esteem them their friends and associates, and
would attempt nothing that should be unfair against them, the
multitude also assenting to the oaths that were made to them. So
these men, having obtained what they desired, by deceiving the
Israelites, went home: but when Joshua led his army to the
country at the bottom of the mountains of this part of Canaan, he
understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and
that they were of the stock of the Canaanites; so he sent for
their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put
upon him; but they alleged, on their own behalf, that they had no
other way to save themselves but that, and were therefore forced
to have recourse to it. So he called for Eleazar the high priest,
and for the senate, who thought it right to make them public
servants, that they might not break the oath they had made to
them; and they ordained them to be so. And this was the method by
which these men found safety and security under the calamity
that was ready to overtake them.

17. But the king of Jerusalem took it to heart that the
Gibeonites had gone over to Joshua; so he called upon the kings
of the neighboring nations to join together, and make war against
them. Now when the Gibeonites saw these kings, which were four,
besides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived that they had
pitched their camp at a certain fountain not far from their city,
and were getting ready for the siege of it, they called upon
Joshua to assist them; for such was their case, as to expect to
be destroyed by these Canaanites, but to suppose they should be
saved by those that came for the destruction of the Canaanites,
because of the league of friendship that was between them.
Accordingly, Joshua made haste with his whole army to assist
them, and marching day and night, in the morning he fell upon the
enemies as they were going up to the siege; and when he had
discomfited them, he followed them, and pursued them down the
descent of the hills. The place is called Bethhoron; where he
also understood that God assisted him, which he declared by
thunder and thunderbolts, as also by the falling of hail larger
than usual. Moreover, it happened that the day was lengthened (7)
that the night might not come on too soon, and be an obstruction
to the zeal of the Hebrews in pursuing their enemies; insomuch
that Joshua took the kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at
Makkedah, and put them to death. Now, that the day was lengthened
at this thee, and was longer than ordinary, is expressed in the
books laid up in the temple. (8)

18. These kings which made war with, and were ready to fight the
Gibeonites, being thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to the
mountainous parts of Canaan; and when he had made a great
slaughter of the people there, and took their prey, he came to
the camp at Gilgal. And now there went a great fame abroad among
the neighboring people of the courage of the Hebrews; and those
that heard what a number of men were destroyed, were greatly
aftrighted at it: so the kings that lived about Mount Libanus,
who were Canaanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in the plain
country, with auxiliaries out of the land of the Philistines,
pitched their camp at Beroth, a city of the Upper Galilee, not
far from Cadesh, which is itself also a place in Galilee. Now the
number of the whole army was three hundred thousand armed
footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand chariots;
so that the multitude of the enemies aftrighted both Joshua
himself and the Israelites; and they, instead of being full of
hopes of good success, were superstitiously timorous, with the
great terror with which they were stricken. Whereupon God
upbraided them with the fear they were in, and asked them whether
they desired a greater help than he could afford them; and
promised them that they should overcome their enemies; and withal
charged them to make their enemies' horses useless, and to burn
their chariots. So Joshua became full of courage upon these
promises of God, and went out suddenly against the enemies; and
after five days' march he came upon them, and joined battle with
them, and there was a terrible fight, and such a number were
slain as could not be believed by those that heard it. He also
went on in the pursuit a great way, and destroyed the entire army
of the enemies, few only excepted, and all the kings fell in the
battle; insomuch, that when there wanted men to be killed, Joshua
slew their horses, and burnt their chariots and passed all over
their country without opposition, no one daring to meet him in
battle; but he still went on, taking their cities by siege, and
again killing whatever he took.

19. The fifth year was now past, and there was not one of the
Canaanites remained any longer, excepting some that had retired
to places of great strength. So Joshua removed his camp to the
mountainous country, and placed the tabernacle in the city of
Shiloh, for that seemed a fit place for it, because of the beauty
of its situation, until such thee as their affairs would permit
them to build a temple; and from thence he went to Shechem,
together with all the people, and raised an altar where Moses had
beforehand directed; then did he divide the army, and placed one
half of them on Mount Gerizzim, and the other half on Mount Ebal,
on which mountain the altar was; he also placed there the tribe
of Levi, and the priests. And when they had sacrificed, and
denounced the [blessings and the] curses, and had left them
engraven upon the altar, they returned to Shiloh.

20. And now Joshua was old, and saw that the cities of the
Canaanites were not easily to be taken, not only because they
were situate in such strong places, but because of the strength
of the walls themselves, which being built round about, the
natural strength of the places on which the cities stood, seemed
capable of repelling their enemies from besieging them, and of
making those enemies despair of taking them; for when the
Canaanites had learned that the Israelites came out of Egypt in
order to destroy them, they were busy all that time in making
their cities strong. So he gathered the people together to a
congregation at Shiloh; and when they, with great zeal and haste,
were come thither, he observed to them what prosperous successes
they had already had, and what glorious things had been done, and
those such as were worthy of that God who enabled them to do
those things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws which they
followed. He took notice also, that thirty-one of those kings
that ventured to give them battle were overcome, and every army,
how great soever it were, that confided in their own power, and
fought with them, was utterly destroyed; so that not so much as
any of their posterity remained. And as for the cities, since
some of them were taken, but the others must be taken in length
of thee, by long sieges, both on account of the strength of their
walls, and of the confidence the inhabitants had in them thereby,
he thought it reasonable that those tribes that came along with
them from beyond Jordan, and had partaken of the dangers they had
undergone, being their own kindred, should now be dismissed and
sent home, and should have thanks for the pains they had taken
together with them. As also, he thought it reasonable that they
should send one man out of every tribe, and he such as had the
testimony of extraordinary virtue, who should measure the land
faithfully, and without any fallacy or deceit should inform them
of its real magnitude.

21. Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken to them, found that the
multitude approved of his proposal. So he sent men to measure
their country, and sent with them some geometricians, who could
not easily fail of knowing the truth, on account of their skill
in that art. He also gave them a charge to estimate the measure
of that part of the land that was most fruitful, and what was not
so good: for such is the nature of the land of Canaan, that one
may see large plains, and such as are exceeding fit to produce
fruit, which yet, if they were compared to other parts of the
country, might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet, if it be
compared with the fields about Jericho, and to those that belong
to Jerusalem, will appear to be of no account at all; and
although it so falls out that these people have but a very little
of this sort of land, and that it is, for the main, mountainous
also, yet does it not come behind other parts, on account of its
exceeding goodness and beauty; for which reason Joshua thought
the land for the tribes should be divided by estimation of its
goodness, rather than the largeness of its measure, it often
happening that one acre of some sort of land was equivalent to a
thousand other acres. Now the men that were sent, which were in
number ten, traveled all about, and made an estimation of the
land, and in the seventh month came to him to the city of Shiloh,
where they had set up the tabernacle.

22. So Joshua took both Eleazar and the senate, and with them the
heads of the tribes, and distributed the land to the nine tribes,
and to the half-tribe of Manasseh, appointing the dimensions to
be according to the largeness of each tribe. So when he had cast
lots, Judah had assigned him by lot the upper part of Judea,
reaching as far as Jerusalem, and its breadth extended to the
Lake of Sodom. Now in the lot of this tribe there were the cities
of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Simeon, which was the second,
included that part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt and
Arabia. As to the Benjamites, their lot fell so, that its length
reached from the river Jordan to the sea, but in breadth it was
bounded by Jerusalem and Bethel; and this lot was the narrowest
of all, by reason of the goodness of the land, for it included
Jericho and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of Ephraim had by
lot the land that extended in length from the river Jordan to
Gezer; but in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended at the
Great Plain. The half-tribe of Manasseh had the land from Jordan
to the city of Dora; but its breadth was at Bethsham, which is
now called Scythopolis. And after these was Issachar, which had
its limits in length, Mount Carmel and the river, but its limit
in breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of Zebulon's lot included
the land which lay as far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that
which belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe of Aser had that
part which was called the Valley, for such it was, and all that
part which lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce belonged to
their share, which is also named Actipus. The Naphthalites
received the eastern parts, as far as the city of Damascus and
the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and the Fountains of
Jordan, which rise out of that mountain; that is, out of that
part of it whose limits belong to the neighboring city of Arce.
The Danites' lot included all that part of the valley which
respects the sun-setting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora; as
also they had all Jamnia and Gath, from Ekron to that mountain
where the tribe of Judah begins.

23. After this manner did Joshua divide the six nations that bear
the name of the sons of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed
by the nine tribes and a half; for Moses had prevented him, and
had already distributed the land of the Amorites, which itself
was so called also from one of the sons of Canaan, to the two
tribes and a half, as we have shown already. But the parts about
Sidon, as also those that belonged to the Arkites, and the
Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet regularly disposed of.

24. But now was Joshua hindered by his age from executing what he
intended to do (as did those that succeeded him in the
government, take little care of what was for the advantage of the
public); so he gave it in charge to every tribe to leave no
remainder of the race of the Canaanites in the land that had been
divided to them by lot; that Moses had assured them beforehand,
and they might rest fully satisfied about it, that their own
security and their observation of their own laws depended wholly
upon it. Moreover, he enjoined them to give thirty-eight cities
to the Levites, for they had already received ten in the country
of the Amorites; and three of these he assigned to those that
fled from the man-slayers, who were to inhabit there; for he was
very solicitous that nothing should be neglected which Moses had
ordained. These cities were, of the tribe of Judah, Hebron; of
that of Ephraim, Shechem; and of that of Naphthali, Cadesh, which
is a place of the Upper Galilee. He also distributed among them
the rest of the prey not yet distributed, which was very great;
whereby they had an affluence of great riches, both all in
general, and every one in particular; and this of gold and of
vestments, and of other furniture, besides a multitude of cattle,
whose number could not be told.

25. After this was over, he gathered the army together to a
congregation, and spake thus to those tribes that had their
settlement in the land of the Amorites beyond Jordan, - for fifty
thousand of them had armed themselves, and had gone to the war
along with them:-- "Since that God, who is the Father and Lord of
the Hebrew nation, has now given us this land for a possession,
and promised to preserve us in the enjoyment of it as our own for
ever; and since you have with alacrity offered yourselves to
assist us when we wanted that assistance on all occasions,
according to his command; it is but just, now all our
difficulties are over, that you should be permitted to enjoy
rest, and that we should trespass on your alacrity to help us no
longer; that so, if we should again stand in need of it, we may
readily have it on any future emergency, and not tire you out so
much now as may make you slower in assisting us another thee. We,
therefore, return you our thanks for the dangers you have
undergone with us, and we do it not at this thee only, but we
shall always be thus disposed; and be so good as to remember our
friends, and to preserve in mind what advantages we have had from
them; and how you have put off the enjoyments of your own
happiness for our sakes, and have labored for what we have now,
by the goodwill of God, obtained, and resolved not to enjoy your
own prosperity till you had afforded us that assistance. However,
you have, by joining your labor with ours, gotten great plenty of
riches, and will carry home with you much prey, with gold and
silver, and, what is more than all these, our good-will towards
you, and a mind willingly disposed to make a requital of your
kindness to us, in what case soever you shall desire it, for you
have not omitted any thing which Moses beforehand required of
you, nor have you despised him because he was dead and gone from
you, so that there is nothing to diminish that gratitude which we
owe to you. We therefore dismiss you joyful to your own
inheritances; and we entreat you to suppose, that there is no
limit to be set to the intimate relation that is between us; and
that you will not imagine, because this river is interposed
between us, that you are of a different race from us, and not
Hebrews; for we are all the posterity of Abraham, both we that
inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and it is the same God
that brought our forefathers and yours into the world, whose
worship and form of government we are to take care of, which he
has ordained, and are most carefully to observe; because while
you continue in those laws, God will also show himself merciful
and assisting to you; but if you imitate the other nations, and
forsake those laws, he will reject your nation." When Joshua had
spoken thus, and saluted them all, both those in authority one by
one, and the whole multitude in common, he himself staid where he
was; but the people conducted those tribes on their journey, and
that not without tears in their eyes; and indeed they hardly knew
how to part one from the other.

26. Now when the tribe of Reuben, and that of Gad, and as many of
the Manassites as followed them, were passed over the river, they
built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a monument to
posterity, and a sign of their relation to those that should
inhabit on the other side. But when those on the other side heard
that those who had been dismissed had built an altar, but did not
hear with what intention they built it, but supposed it to be by
way of innovation, and for the introduction of strange gods, they
did not incline to disbelieve it; but thinking this defamatory
report, as if it were built for divine worship, was credible,
they appeared in arms, as though they would avenge themselves on
those that built the altar; and they were about to pass over the
river, and to punish them for their subversion of the laws of
their country; for they did not think it fit to regard them on
account of their kindred or the dignity of those that had given
the occasion, but to regard the will of God, and the manner
wherein he desired to be worshipped; so these men put themselves
in array for war. But Joshua, and Eleazar the high priest, and
the senate, restrained them; and persuaded them first to make
trial by words of their intention, and afterwards, if they found
that their intention was evil, then only to proceed to make war
upon them. Accordingly, they sent as ambassadors to them Phineas
the son of Eleazar, and ten more persons that were in esteem
among the Hebrews, to learn of them what was in their mind, when,
upon passing over the river, they had built an altar upon its
banks. And as soon as these ambassadors were passed over, and
were come to them, and a congregation was assembled, Phineas
stood up and said, That the offense they had been guilty of was
of too heinous a nature to be punished by words alone, or by them
only to be amended for the future; yet that they did not so look
at the heinousness of their transgression as to have recourse to
arms, and to a battle for their punishment immediately, but that,
on account of their kindred, and the probability there was that
they might be reclaimed, they took this method of sending an
ambassage to them: "That when we have learned the true reasons by
which you have been moved to build this altar, we may neither
seem to have been too rash in assaulting you by our weapons of
war, if it prove that you made the altar for justifiable reasons,
and may then justly punish you if the accusation prove true; for
we can hardly
hardly suppose that you, have been acquainted with the will of
God and have been hearers of those laws which he himself hath
given us, now you are separated from us, and gone to that
patrimony of yours, which you, through the grace of God, and that
providence which he exercises over you, have obtained by lot, can
forget him, and can leave that ark and that altar which is
peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods, and imitate the
wicked practices of the Canaanites. Now this will appear to have
been a small crime if you repent now, and proceed no further in
your madness, but pay a due reverence to, and keep in mind the
laws of your country; but if you persist in your sins, we will
not grudge our pains to preserve our laws; but we will pass over
Jordan and defend them, and defend God also, and shall esteem of
you as of men no way differing from the Canaanites, but shall
destroy you in the like manner as we destroyed them; for do not
you imagine that, because you are got over the river, you are got
out of the reach of God's power; you are every where in places
that belong to him, and impossible it is to overrun his power,
and the punishment he will bring on men thereby: but if you think
that your settlement here will be any obstruction to your
conversion to what is good, nothing need hinder us from dividing
the land anew, and leaving this old land to be for the feeding of
sheep; but you will do well to return to your duty, and to leave
off these new crimes; and we beseech you, by your children and
wives, not to force us to punish you. Take therefore such
measures in this assembly, as supposing that your own safety, and
the safety of those that are dearest to you, is therein
concerned, and believe that it is better for you to be conquered
by words, than to continue in your purpose, and to experience
deeds and war therefore."

27. When Phineas had discoursed thus, the governors of the
assembly, and the whole multitude, began to make an apology for
themselves, concerning what they were accused of; and they said,
That they neither would depart from the relation they bare to
them, nor had they built the altar by way of innovation; that
they owned one and the same common God with all the Hebrews, and
that brazen altar which was before the tabernacle, on which they
would offer their sacrifices; that as to the altar they had
raised, on account of which they were thus suspected, it was not
built for worship, "but that it might be a sign and a monument of
our relation to you for ever, and a necessary caution to us to
act wisely, and to continue in the laws of our country, but not a
handle for transgressing them, as you suspect: and let God be our
authentic witness, that this was the occasion of our building
this altar: whence we beg you will have a better opinion of us,
and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the
posterity of Abraham well worthy of perdition, in case they
attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are different from our
usual practices."

28. When they had made this answer, and Phineas had commended
them for it, he came to Joshua, and explained before the people
what answer they had received. Now Joshua was glad that he was
under no necessity of setting them in array, or of leading them
to shed blood, and make war against men of their own kindred; and
accordingly he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the
same. So Joshua after that dissolved this great assembly of the
people, and sent them to their own inheritances, while he himself
lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year after this, when he
was very old, he sent for those of the greatest dignity in the
several cities, with those in authority, and the senate, and as
many of the common people as could be present; and when they were
come, he put them in mind of all the benefits God had bestowed on
them, which could not but be a great many, since from a low
estate they were advanced to so great a degree of glory and
plenty; and exhorted them to take notice of the intentions of
God, which had been so gracious towards them; and told them that
the Deity would continue their friend by nothing else but their
piety; and that it was proper for him, now that he was about to
depart out of this life, to leave such an admonition to them; and
he desired that they would keep in memory this his exhortation to
them.

29. So Joshua, when he had thus discoursed to them, died, having
lived a hundred and ten years; forty of which he lived with
Moses, in order to learn what might be for his advantage
afterwards. He also became their commander after his death for
twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted not wisdom nor
eloquence to declare his intentions to the people, but very
eminent on both accounts. He was of great courage and magnanimity
in action and in dangers, and very sagacious in procuring the
peace of the people, and of great virtue at all proper seasons.
He was buried in the city of Timnab, of the tribe of Ephraim (9)
About the same time died Eleazar the high priest, leaving the
high priesthood to his son Phineas. His monument also, and
sepulcher, are in the city of Gabatha.




CHAPTER 2.

How, After The Death Of Joshua Their Commander, The Israelites
Transgressed The Laws Of Their Country, And Experienced Great
Afflictions; And When There Was A Sedition Arisen, The Tribe Of
Benjamin Was Destroyed Excepting Only Six Hundred Men.


1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied,
(10) that according to God's will they should commit the
government to the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should
destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then the people were
concerned to learn what was the will of God. They also took to
their assistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this condition,
that when those that had been tributary to the tribe of Judah
should be slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon.

2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were at this thee in a
flourishing condition, and they expected the Israelites with a
great army at the city Bezek, having put the government into the
hands of Adonibezek, which name denotes the Lord of Bezek, for
Adoni in the Hebrew tongue signifies Lord. Now they hoped to have
been too hard for the Israelites, because Joshua was dead; but
when the Israelites had joined battle with them, I mean the two
tribes before mentioned, they fought gloriously, and slew above
ten thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; and in the
pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his fingers and toes were
cut off by them, said, "Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie
concealed from God, as I find by what I now endure, while I have
not been ashamed to do the same to seventy-two kings." (11) So
they carried him alive as far as Jerusalem; and when he was dead,
they buried him in the earth, and went on still in taking the
cities: and when they had taken the greatest part of them, they
besieged Jerusalem; and when they had taken the lower city, which
was not under a considerable time, they slew all the inhabitants;
but the upper city was not to be taken without great difficulty,
through the strength of its walls, and the nature of the place.

3. For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron; and when
they had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till
then left the race of giants, who had bodies so large, and
countenances so entirely different from other men, that they were
surprising to the sight, and terrible to the hearing. The bones
of these men are still shown to this very day, unlike to any
credible relations of other men. Now they gave this city to the
Levites as an extraordinary reward, with the suburbs of two
thousand cities; but the land thereto belonging they gave as a
free gift to Caleb, according to the injunctions of Moses. This
Caleb was one of the spies which Moses sent into the land of
Canaan. They also gave land for habitation to the posterity of
Jethro, the Midianite, who was the father-in-law to Moses; for
they had left their own country, and followed them, and
accompanied them in the wilderness.

4. Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon took the cities which were
in the mountainous part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod, of
those that lay near the sea; but Gaza and Ekron escaped them, for
they, lying in a flat country, and having a great number of
chariots, sorely galled those that attacked them. So these
tribes, when they were grown very rich by this war, retired to
their own cities, and laid aside their weapons of war.

5. But the Benjamites, to whom belonged Jerusalem, permitted its
inhabitants to pay tribute. So they all left off, the one to
kill, and the other to expose themselves to danger, and had time
to cultivate the ground. The rest of the tribes imitated that of
Benjamin, and did the same; and, contenting themselves with the
tributes that were paid them, permitted the Canaanites to live in
peace.

6. However, the tribe of Ephraim, when they besieged Bethel, made
no advance, nor performed any thing worthy of the time they
spent, and of the pains they took about that siege; yet did they
persist in it, still sitting down before the city, though they
endured great trouble thereby: but, after some time, they caught
one of the citizens that came to them to get necessaries, and
they gave him some assurances that, if he would deliver up the
city to them, they would preserve him and his kindred; so he
aware that, upon those terms, he would put the city into their
hands. Accordingly, he that, thus betrayed the city was preserved
with his family; and the Israelites slew all the inhabitants, and
retained the city for themselves.

7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any
more against their enemies, but applied themselves to the
cultivation of the land, which producing them great plenty and
riches, they neglected the regular disposition of their
settlement, and indulged themselves in luxury and pleasures; nor
were they any longer careful to hear the laws that belonged to
their political government: whereupon God was provoked to anger,
and put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his directions,
they had spared the Canaanites; and, after that, how those
Canaanites, as opportunity served, used them very barbarously.
But the Israelites, though they were in heaviness at these
admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go to
war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and
were indisposed for taking pains by their luxury, they suffered
their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and did not ordain
themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws
had formerly required, but they were very much given to
cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great
indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and
they proceeded so far as to fight one against another, from the
following occasion:--

8. There was a Levite (12) a man of a vulgar family, that
belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, and dwelt therein: this man
married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belonging to the
tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome
with her beauty; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet
with the like return of affection from her, for she was averse to
him, which did more inflame his passion for her, so that they
quarreled one with another perpetually; and at last the woman was
so disgusted at these quarrels, that she left her husband, and
went to her parents in the fourth month. The husband being very
uneasy at this her departure, and that out of his fondness for
her, came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their
quarrels, and was reconciled to her, and lived with them there
four days, as being kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth
day he resolved to go home, and went away in the evening; for his
wife's parents were loath to part with their daughter, and
delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one servant
that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; and when
they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs,
the servant advised them to take up their lodgings some where,
lest some misfortune should befall them if they traveled in the
night, especially since they were not far off enemies, that
season often giving reason for suspicion of dangers from even
such as are friends; but the husband was not pleased with this
advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among
strangers, for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired
rather to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to take their
lodgings in some Israelite city. Accordingly, he obtained his
purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Benjamin,
when it was just dark; and while no one that lived in the
market-place invited him to lodge with him, there came an old man
out of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim,
but resided in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and
for what reason he came thither so late, and why he was looking
out for provisions for supper when it was dark? To which he
replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife from her
parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation was
in the tribe of Ephraim: so the old man, as well because of their
kindred as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because
they had thus accidentally met together, took him in to lodge
with him. Now certain young men of the inhabitants of Gibeah,
having seen the woman in the market-place, and admiring her
beauty, when they understood that she lodged with the old man,
came to the doors, as contemning the weakness and fewness of the
old man's family; and when the old man desired them to go away,
and not to offer any violence or abuse there, they desired him to
yield them up the strange woman, and then he should have no harm
done to him: and when the old man alleged that the Levite was of
his kindred, and that they would be guilty of horrid wickedness
if they suffered themselves to be overcome by their pleasures,
and so offend against their laws, they despised his righteous
admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to
kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations;
whereupon, when he found himself in great distress, and yet was
not willing to overlook his guests, and see them abused, he
produced his own daughter to them; and told them that it was a
smaller breach of the law to satisfy their lust upon her, than to
abuse his guests, supposing that he himself should by this means
prevent any injury to be done to those guests. When they no way
abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted
absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to
perpetrate any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take
her away by force, and indulging still more the violence of their
inclinations, they took the woman away to their house, and when
they had satisfied their lust upon her the whole night, they let
her go about daybreak. So she came to the place where she had
been entertained, under great affliction at what had happened;
and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suffered,
and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she
concluded that he would never forgive her for what she had done;
so she fell down, and gave up the ghost: but her husband supposed
that his wife was only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a
more melancholy nature had happened, endeavored to raise her up,
resolving to speak comfortably to her, since she did not
voluntarily expose herself to these men's lust, but was forced
away to their house; but as soon as he perceived she was dead, he
acted as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would
admit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast, and carried her
home; and cutting her, limb by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent
them to every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that carried
them, to inform the tribes of those that were the causes of his
wife's death, and of the violence they had offered to her.

9. Upon this the people were greatly disturbed at what they saw,
and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of
such a thing before; so they gathered themselves to Shiloh, out
of a prodigious and a just anger, and assembling in a great
congregation before the tabernacle, they immediately resolved to
take arms, and to treat the inhabitants of Gibeah as enemies; but
the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded them,
that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the
same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words
concerning the accusation laid against them; it being part of
their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners
themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without
sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will
repent or not: and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they
ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the
inhabitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the
offenders to them, and if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied
with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the
message that was sent them, to punish them by taking, up arms
against them. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants of Gibeah,
and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair
of the Levite's wife, and required of them those that had done
what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as
having justly deserved to die for what they had done; but the
inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and
thought it too reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to submit
to other men's demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no
way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in
courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great
preparation for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to
resolve to repel force by force.

10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of
Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of
them would give his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make
war with greater fury against them than we have learned our
forefathers made war against the Canaanites; and sent out
presently an army of four hundred thousand against them, while
the Benjamites' army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred;
five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their
left hands, insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah
the Benjamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two
thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the
night came on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; so the
Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites
returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On
the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat them;
and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest
deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. So they
came to Bethel, (13) a city that was near their camp, and fasted
on the next day; and besought God, by Phineas the high priest,
that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be
satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the victory and
power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so to do,
by the prophesying of Phineas.

11. When therefore they had divided the army into two parts, they
laid the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah by
night, while the other half attacked the Benjamites, who retiring
upon the assault, the Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews
retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to draw them entirely
from the city; and the other followed them as they retired, till
both the old men and the young men that were left in the city, as
too weak to fight, came running out together with them, as
willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a
great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but
turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had
agreed on to those that lay in ambush, who rose up, and with a
great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they
perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do;
and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was
in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them,
till they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred, which formed
themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage
through the midst of their enemies, and fled to the neighboring
mountains, and, seizing upon them, remained there; but the rest
of them, being about twenty-five thousand, were slain. Then did
the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males
that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of
the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree,
that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them
orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with
them in fighting against the Benjamites. Accordingly, those that
were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives,
excepting four hundred virgins. To such a degree had they
proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering
of the Levite's wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own
soldiers.

12. However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had
brought upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that
account, although they supposed those men had suffered justly for
their offense against the laws; so they recalled by their
ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped. These had seated
themselves on a certain rock called Rimmon, which was in the
wilderness. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster
that had befallen the Benjamites, but themselves also, by this
destruction of their kindred; and persuaded them to take it
patiently; and to come and unite with them, and not, so far as in
them lay, to give their suffrage to the utter destruction of the
tribe of Benjamin; and said to them, "We give you leave to take
the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as much prey as you
are able to carry away with you." So these men with sorrow
confessed, that what had been done was according to the decree of
God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to
those that invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The
Israelites also gave them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh
Gilead for wives; but as to the remaining two hundred, they
deliberated about it how they might compass wives enough for
them, and that they might have children by them; and whereas they
had, before the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give
his daughter to wife to a Benjamite, some advised them to have no
regard to what they had sworn, because the oath had not been
taken advisedly and judiciously, but in a passion, and thought
that they should do nothing against God, if they were able to
save a whole tribe which was in danger of perishing; and that
perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not when it is done
out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention.
But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury,
a certain person told them that he could show them a way whereby
they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep
their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, "That
three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our
daughters accompany us: let then the Benjamites be allowed to
steal away, and marry such women as they can catch, while we will
neither incite them nor forbid them; and when their parents take
it ill, and desire us to inflict punishment upon them, we will
tell them, that they were themselves the cause of what had
happened, by neglecting to guard their daughters, and that they
ought not to be over angry at the Benjamites, since that anger
was permitted to rise too high already." So the Israelites were
persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That the Benjamites
should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the
festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in
ambush before the city, by two and three together, and waited for
the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places
where they could lie concealed. Accordingly the virgins came
along playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon
them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so those that laid
scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them: by this
means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture,
and took good care to recover their former happy state. And thus
was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger
of entirely perishing, saved in the manner forementioned, by the
wisdom of the Israelites; and accordingly it presently
flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude, and came to
enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion
of this war.




CHAPTER 3.

How The Israelites After This Misfortune Grew Wicked And Served
The Assyrians; And How God Delivered Them By Othniel, Who Ruled
Over The Forty Years.


1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner
with the tribe of Benjamin; and it came to do so on the occasion
following:-- When the Israelites had already left off the
exercise of their arms for war, and were intent upon their
husbandry, the Canaanites despised them, and brought together an
army, not because they expected to suffer by them, but because
they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews
ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come
dwell in their own cities the more securely; they prepared
therefore their chariots, and gathered their soldiery together,
their cities also combined together, and drew over to them
Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of Judah, and many
more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the Danites
to fly into the mountainous country, and left them not the least
portion of the plain country to set their foot on. Since then
these Danites were not able to fight them, and had not land
enough to sustain them, they sent five of their men into the
midland country, to seek for a land to which they might remove
their habitation. So these men went as far as the neighborhood of
Mount Libanus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan, at the
great plain of Sidon, a day's journey from the city; and when
they had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and
exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe with it,
whereupon they made an expedition with the army, and built there
the city Dan, of the same name with the son of Jacob, and of the
same name with their own tribe.

2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains,
that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in
part from their contempt of the Divine worship; for when they had
once fallen off from the regularity of their political
government, they indulged themselves further in living according
to their own pleasure, and according to their own will, till they
were full of the evil doings that were common among the
Canaanites. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that
their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors,
by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had
made war against them, they lost many of their soldiers in the
battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force;
nay, there were some who, out of fear, voluntarily submitted to
him, and though the tribute laid upon them was more than they
could bear, yet did they pay it, and underwent all sort of
oppression for eight years; after which thee they were freed from
them in the following manner:--

3. There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the
tribe of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an
admonition from God not to overlook the Israelites in such a
distress as they were now in, but to endeavor boldly to gain them
their liberty; so when he had procured some to assist him in this
dangerous undertaking, (and few they were, who, either out of
shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire of
changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him,) he first of
all destroyed that garrison which Chushan had set over them; but
when it was perceived that he had not failed in his first
attempt, more of the people came to his assistance; so they
joined battle with the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before
them, and compelled them to pass over Euphrates. Hereupon
Othniel, who had given such proofs of his valor, received from
the multitude authority tojudge the people; and when he had ruled
over them forty years, he died.




CHAPTER 4.

How Our People Served The Moabites Eighteen Years, And Were Then
Delivered From Slavery By One Ehud Who Retained The Dominion
Eighty Years.


1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell
again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor
due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions
increased, till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly
despise them on account of the disorders of their political
government, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in
several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and
entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute.
And when he had built him a royal palace at Jericho, (14) he
omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he
reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once
taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflictions,
and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him,
he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the
Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following
manner; -

2. There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was
Ehud, the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold
undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but
best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole
strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho. Now this man became
familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with which he
obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good opinion;
whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king.
Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had
two servants with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh
secretly, and went in to him: it was then summer thee, and the
middle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their
watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to
dinner. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the
king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently
to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were
now alone, the king having bid his servants that attended him to
go their ways, because he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was
now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he
should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound; so he
raised himself up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by
the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne
for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving
his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him.
Now the king's servants were very still, as supposing that the
king had composed himself to sleep.

3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of what
he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who
heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers
over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams' horns; for
it was our custom to call the people together by them. Now the
attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen
him for a great while; but, towards the evening, fearing some
uncommon accident had happened, they entered into his parlor, and
when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and knew
not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the
multitude of the Israelites came upon them, so that some of them
were slain immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away
toward the country of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their
number was above ten thousand. The Israelites seized upon the
ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew them, and many of them
they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their
hands; and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves
from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account
dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died
after he had held the government eighty years (15) He was a man
worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for the
forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath,
was elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his
government.




CHAPTER 5.

How The Canaanites Brought The Israelites Under Slavery For
Twenty Years; After Which They Were Delivered By Barak And
Deborah, Who Ruled Over Them For Forty Years.


1. And now it was that the Israelites, taking no warning by their
former misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither
worshipping God nor submitting to the laws, were brought under
slavery by Jabin, the king of the Canaanites, and that before
they had a short breathing time after the slavery under the
Moabites; for this Jabin out of Hazor, a city that was situate
over the Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred footmen, and
ten thousand horsemen, with fewer than three thousand chariots.
Sisera was commander of all his army, and was the principal
person in the king's favor. He so sorely beat the Israelites when
they fought with him, that he ordered them to pay tribute.

2. So they continued to that hardship for twenty years, as not
good enough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God
was willing also hereby the more to subdue their obstinacy and
ingratitude towards himself: so when at length they were become
penitent, and were so wise as to learn that their calamities
arose from their contempt of the laws, they besought Deborah, a
certain prophetess among them, (which name in the Hebrew tongue
signifies a Bee,) to pray to God to take pity on them, and not to
overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaanites. So God
granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one
that was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the Hebrew
tongue, signifies Lightning.

3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten
thousand young men to go against the enemy, because God had said
that that number was sufficient, and promised them victory. But
when Barak said that he would not be the general unless she would
also go as a general with him, she had indignation at what he
said 'Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that authority which
God hath given thee into the hand of a woman, and I do not reject
it!" So they collected ten thousand men, and pitched their camp
at Mount Tabor, where, at the king's command, Sisera met them,
and pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the
Israelites, and Barak himself, were so aftrighted at the
multitude of those enemies, that they were resolved to march off,
had not Deborah retained them, and commanded them to fight the
enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them, and God
would be their assistance.

4. So the battle began; and when they were come to a close fight,
there came down from heaven a great storm, with a vast quantity
of rain and hail, and the wind blew the rain in the face of the
Canaanites, and so darkened their eyes, that their arrows and
slings were of no advantage to them, nor would the coldness of
the air permit the soldiers to make use of their swords; while
this storm did not so much incommode the Israelites, because it
came in their backs. They also took such courage, upon the
apprehension that God was assisting them, that they fell upon the
very midst of their enemies, and slew a great number of them; so
that some of them fell by the Israelites, some fell by their own
horses, which were put into disorder, and not a few were killed
by their own chariots. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw himself
beaten, fled away, and came to a woman whose name was Jael, a
Kenite, who received him, when he desired to be concealed; and
when he asked for somewhat to drink, she gave him sour milk, of
which he drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he
was asleep, Jael took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it
through his temples into the floor; and when Barak came a little
afterward, she showed Sisera nailed to the ground: and thus was
this victory gained by a woman, as Deborah had foretold. Barak
also fought with Jabin at Hazor; and when he met with him, he
slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the
city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites
for forty years.




CHAPTER 6.

How The Midianites And Other Nations Fought Against The
Israelites And Beat Them, And Afflicted Their Country For Seven
Years, How They Were Delivered By Gideon, Who Ruled Over The
Multitude For Forty Years.


1. Now when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened
about the same time, afterwards the Midianites called the
Amalekites and Arabians to their assistance, and made war against
the Israelites, and were too hard for those that fought against
them; and when they had burnt the fruits of the earth, they
carried off the prey. Now when they had done this for three
years, the multitude of the Israelites retired to the mountains,
and forsook the plain country. They also made themselves hollows
under ground, and caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had
escaped their enemies; for the Midianites made expeditions in
harvest-time, but permitted them to plough the land in winter,
that so, when the others had taken the pains, they might have
fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued a famine and
a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their
supplications to God, and besought him to save them.

2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of
the tribe of Manasseh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and
thrashed them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their
enemies to thrash them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this
time somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a young man, and
told him that he was a happy man, and beloved of God. To which he
immediately replied, "A mighty indication of God's favor to me,
that I am forced to use this wine-press instead of a
thrashing-floor!" But the appearance exhorted him to be of good
courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their
liberty. He answered, that it was impossible for him to recover
it, because the tribe to which he belonged was by no means
numerous; and because he was but young himself, and too
inconsiderable to think of such great actions. But the other
promised him, that God would supply what he was defective in, and
would afford the Israelites victory under his conduct.

3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating this to some young men,
they believed him, and immediately there was an army of ten
thousand men got ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon in
his sleep, and told him that mankind were too fond of themselves,
and were enemies to such as excelled in virtue. Now that they
might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and
might not fancy it obtained by their own power, because they were
a great many, and able of themselves to fight their enemies, but
might confess that it was owing to his assistance, he advised him
to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the
river, and to esteem those that bent down on their knees, and so
drank, to be men of courage; but for all those that drank
tumultuously, that he should esteem them to do it out of fear,
and as in dread of their enemies. And when Gideon had done as God
had suggested to him, there were found three hundred men that
took water with their hands tumultuously; so God bid him take
these men, and attack the enemy. Accordingly they pitched their
camp at the river Jordan, as ready the next day to pass over it.

4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand
that he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God,
being willing to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his
soldiers, and go near to the Midianites' tents, for that he
should from that very place have his courage raised, and grow
bold. So he obeyed, and went and took his servant Phurah with
him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered that
those that were in it were awake, and that one of them was
telling to his fellow soldier a dream of his own, and that so
plainly that Gideon could hear him. The dream was this:-- He
thought he saw a barley-cake, such a one as could hardly be eaten
by men, it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and
overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of all the soldiers.
Now the other soldier explained this vision to mean the
destruction of the army; and told them what his reason was which
made him so conjecture, viz. That the seed called barley was all
of it allowed to be of the vilest sort of seed, and that the
Israelites were known to be the vilest of all the people of Asia,
agreeably to the seed of barley, and that what seemed to look big
among the Israelites was this Gideon and the army that was with
him; "and since thou sayest thou didst see the cake overturning
our tents, I am afraid lest God hath granted the victory over us
to Gideon."

5. When Gideon had heard this dream, good hope and courage came
upon him; and he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves, and
told them of this vision of their enemies. They also took courage
at what was told them, and were ready to perform what he should
enjoin them. So Gideon divided his army into three parts, and
brought it out about the fourth watch of the night, each part
containing a hundred men: they all bare empty pitchers and
lighted lamps in their hands, that their onset might not be
discovered by their enemies. They had also each of them a ram's
horn in his right hand, which he used instead of a trumpet. The
enemy's camp took up a large space of ground, for it happened
that they had a great many camels; and as they were divided into
different nations, so they were all contained in one circle. Now
when the Hebrews did as they were ordered beforehand, upon their
approach to their enemies, and, on the signal given, sounded with
their rams' horns, and brake their pitchers, and set upon their
enemies with their lamps, and a great shout, and cried, "Victory
to Gideon, by God's assistance," a disorder and a fright seized
upon the other men while they were half asleep, for it was
night-time, as God would have it; so that a few of them were
slain by their enemies, but the greatest part by their own
soldiers, on account of the diversity of their language; and when
they were once put into disorder, they killed all that they met
with, as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus there was a great
slaughter made. And as the report of Gideon's victory came to the
Israelites, they took their weapons and pursued their enemies,
and overtook them in a certain valley encompassed with torrents,
a place which these could not get over; so they encompassed them,
and slew them all, with their kings, Oreb and Zeeb. But the
remaining captains led those soldiers that were left, which were
about eighteen thousand, and pitched their camp a great way off
the Israelites. However, Gideon did not grudge his pains, but
pursued them with all his army, and joining battle with them, cut
off the whole enemies' army, and took the other leaders, Zeba and
Zalmuna, and made them captives. Now there were slain in this
battle of the Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Arabians,
about a hundred and twenty thousand; and the Hebrews took a great
prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses. And
when Gideon was come to his own country of Ophrah, he slew the
kings of the Midianites.

6. However, the tribe of Ephraim was so displeased at the good
success of Gideon, that they resolved to make war against him,
accusing him because he did not tell them of his expedition
against their enemies. But Gideon, as a man of temper, and that
excelled in every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the result of
his own authority or reasoning, that made him attack the enemy
without them; but that it was the command of God, and still the
victory belonged to them as well as those in the army. And by
this method of cooling their passions, he brought more advantage
to the Hebrews, than by the success he had against these enemies,
for he thereby delivered them from a sedition which was arising
among them; yet did this tribe afterwards suffer the punishment
of this their injurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will
give an account in due time.

7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down the government, but was
over-persuaded to take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and
distributed justice to them, as the people came to him in their
differences; and what he determined was esteemed valid by all.
And when he died, he was buried in his own country of Ophrah.




CHAPTER 7.

That The Judges Who Succeeded Gideon Made War With The Adjoining
Nations For A Long Time.


1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were legitimate, for he had
many wives; but he had also one that was spurious, by his
concubine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech, who, after his
father's death, retired to Shecbem to his mother's relations, for
they were of that place: and when he had got money of such of
them as were eminent for many instances of injustice, he came
with them to his father's house, and slew all his brethren,
except Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be
preserved; but Abimelech made the government tyrannical, and
constituted himself a lord, to do what he pleased, instead of
obeying the laws; and he acted most rigidly against those that
were the patrons of justice.

2. Now when, on a certain time, there was a public festival at
Shechem, and all the multitude was there gathered together,
Jotham his brother, whose escape we before related, went up to
Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the city Shechem, and cried out
so as to be heard by the multitude, who were attentive to him. He
desired they would consider what he was going to say to them: so
when silence was made, he said, That when the trees had a human
voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together, they
desired that the fig-tree would rule over them; but when that
tree refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that
honor which belonged peculiarly to the fruit it bare, and not
that which should be derived to it from abroad, the trees did not
leave off their intentions to have a ruler, so they thought
proper to make the offer of that honor to the vine; but when the
vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree
had used before, and excused itself from accepting the
government: and when the olive-tree had done the same, the brier,
whom the trees had desired to take the kingdom, (it is a sort of
wood good for firing,) it promised to take the government, and to
be zealous in the exercise of it; but that then they must sit
down under its shadow, and if they should plot against it to
destroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy
them. He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter;
for that when they had experienced many blessings from Gideon,
they overlooked Abimelech, when he overruled all, and had joined
with him in slaying his brethren; and that he was no better than
a fire himself. So when he had said this, he went away, and lived
privately in the mountains for three years, out of fear of
Abimelech.

3. A little while after this festival, the Shechemites, who had
now repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove
Abimelech away, both from their city and their tribe; whereupon
he contrived how he might distress their city. Now at the season
of vintage, the people were afraid to go out and gather their
fruits, for fear Abimelech should do them some mischief. Now it
happened that there had come to them a man of authority, one
Gaal, that sojourned with them, having his armed men and his
kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow
them a guard during their vintage; whereupon he accepted of their
desires, and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the
head of his soldiery. So they gathered their fruit with safety;
and when they were at supper in several companies, they then
ventured to curse Abimelech openly; and the magistrates laid
ambushes in places about the city, and caught many of Abimelech's
followers, and destroyed them.

4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that
had entertained Abimelech. He sent messengers, and informed him
how much Gaal had irritated the people against him, and excited
him to lay ambushes before the city, for that he would persuade
Gaal to go out against him, which would leave it in his power to
be revenged on him; and when that was once done, he would bring
him to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech laid ambushes, and
himself lay with them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking
little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw
the armed men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men
were coming; but the other replied, They were only shadows of
huge stones: and when they were come nearer, Gaal perceived what
was the reality, and said, They were not shadows, but men lying
in ambush. Then said Zebul, "Didst not thou reproach Abimelech
for cowardice? why dost thou not then show how very courageous
thou art thyself, and go and fight him?" So Gaal, being in
disorder, joined battle with Abimelech, and some of his men fell;
whereupon he fled into the city, and took his men with him. But
Zebul managed his matters so in the city, that he procured them
to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by accusing him of
cowardice in this action with the soldiers of Ahimelech. But
Abimelech, when he had learned that the Shechemites were again
coming out to gather their grapes, placed ambushes before the
city, and when they were coming out, the third part of his army
took possession of the gates, to hinder the citizens from
returning in again, while the rest pursued those that were
scattered abroad, and so there was slaughter every where; and
when he had overthrown the city to the very foundations, for it
was not able to bear a siege, and had sown its ruins with salt,
he proceeded on with his army till all the Shechemites were
slain. As for those that were scattered about the country, and so
escaped the danger, they were gathered together unto a certain
strong rock, and settled themselves upon it, and prepared to
build a wall about it: and when Abimelech knew their intentions,
he prevented them, and came upon them with his forces, and laid
faggots of dry wood round the place, he himself bringing some of
them, and by his example encouraging the soldiers to do the same.
And when the rock was encompassed round about with these faggots,
they set them on fire, and threw in whatsoever by nature caught
fire the most easily: so a mighty flame was raised, and nobody
could fly away from the rock, but every man perished, with their
wives and children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and the
rest were a great number also. And such was the calamity which
fell upon the Shechemites; and men's grief on their account had
been greater than it was, had they not brought so much mischief
on a person who had so well deserved of them, and had they not
themselves esteemed this as a punishment for the same.

5. Now Abimelech, when he had aftrighted the Israelites with the
miseries he had brought upon the Shechemites, seemed openly to
affect greater authority than he now had, and appeared to set no
bounds to his violence, unless it were with the destruction of
all. Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took the city on the
sudden; and there being a great tower therein, whereunto the
whole multitude fled, he made preparation to besiege it. Now as
he was rushing with violence near the gates, a woman threw a
piece of a millstone upon his head, upon which Abimelech fell
down, and desired his armor-bearer to kill him lest his death
should be thought to be the work of a woman:-- who did what he
was bid to do. So he underwent this death as a punishment for the
wickedness he had perpetrated against his brethren, and his
insolent barbarity to the Shechemites. Now the calamity that
happened to those Shechemites was according to the prediction of
Jotham, However, the army that was with Abimelech, upon his fall,
was scattered abroad, and went to their own homes.

6. Now it was that Jair the Gileadite, (16) of the tribe of
Manasseh, took the government. He was a man happy in other
respects also, but particularly in his children, who were of a
good character. They were thirty in number, and very skillful in
riding on horses, and were intrusted with the government of the
cities of Gilead. He kept the government twenty-two years, and
died an old man; and he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead.

7. And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed
uncertainly, and tended to disorder, and to the contempt of God
and of the laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had them in
contempt, and laid waste the country with a great army; and when
they had taken all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt to
gain the possession of all the rest. But the Hebrews, being now
amended by the calamities they had undergone, betook themselves
to supplications to God; and brought sacrifices to him,
beseeching him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by
their prayers to leave off his anger against them. So God became
more merciful to them, and was ready to assist them.

8. When the Ammonites had made an expedition into the land of
Gilead, the inhabitants of the country met them at a certain
mountain, but wanted a commander. Now there was one whose name
was Jephtha, who, both on account of his father's virtue, and on
account of that army which he maintained at his own expenses, was
a potent man: the Israelites therefore sent to him, and entreated
him to come to their assistance, and promised him the dominion
over them all his lifetime. But he did not admit of their
entreaty; and accused them, that they did not come to his
assistance when he was unjustly treated, and this in an open
manner by his brethren; for they cast him off, as not having the
same mother with the rest, but born of a strange mother, that was
introduced among them by his father's fondness; and this they did
out of a contempt of his inability [to vindicate himself]. So he
dwelt in the country of Gilead, as it is called, and received all
that came to him, let them come from what place soever, and paid
them wages. However, when they pressed him to accept the
dominion, and sware they would grant him the government over them
all his life, he led them to the war.

9. And when Jephtha had taken immediate care of their affairs, he
placed his army at the city Mizpeh, and sent a message to the
Ammonite [king], complaining of his unjust possession of their
land. But that king sent a contrary message; and complained of
the exodus of the Israelites out of Egypt, and desired him to go
out of the land of the Amorites, and yield it up to him, as at
first his paternal inheritance. But Jephtha returned this answer:
That he did not justly complain of his ancestors about the land
of the Amorites, and ought rather to thank them that they left
the land of the Ammonites to them, since Moses could have taken
it also; and that neither would he recede from that land of their
own, which God had obtained for them, and they had now inhabited
[above] three hundred years, but would fight with them about it.

10. And when he had given them this answer, he sent the
ambassadors away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had
vowed to perform sacred offices, and if he came home in safety,
to offer in sacrifice what living creature soever should first
meet him, (17) he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a
great victory, and in his pursuit slew the enemies all along as
far as the city of Minnith. He then passed over to the land of
the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities, and took their
prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they had
undergone for eighteen years. But as he came back, he fell into a
calamity no way correspondent to the great actions he had done;
for it was his daughter that came to meet him; she was also an
only child and a virgin: upon this Jephtha heavily lamented the
greatness of his affliction, and blamed his daughter for being so
forward in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her to God.
However, this action that was to befall her was not ungrateful to
her, since she should die upon occasion of her father's victory,
and the liberty of her fellow citizens: she only desired her
father to give her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth
with her fellow citizens; and then she agreed, that at the
forementioned thee he might do with her according to his vow.
Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed his daughter
as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither
conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with
himself what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice.

11. Now the tribe of Ephraim fought against him, because he did
not take them along with him in his expedition against the
Ammonites, but because he alone had the prey, and the glory of
what was done to himself. As to which he said, first, that they
were not ignorant how his kindred had fought against him, and
that when they were invited, they did not come to his assistance,
whereas they ought to have come quickly, even before they were
invited. And in the next place, that they were going to act
unjustly; for while they had not courage enough to fight their
enemies, they came hastily against their own kindred: and he
threatened them that, with God's assistance, he would inflict a
punishment upon them, unless they would grow wiser. But when he
could not persuade them, he fought with them with those forces
which he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great slaughter
among them; and when they were beaten, he pursued them, and
seized on the passages of Jordan by a part of his army which he
had sent before, and slew about forty-two thousand of them.

12. So when Jephtha had ruled six years, he died, and was buried
in his own country, Sebee, which is a place in the land of
Gilead.

13. Now when Jephtha was dead, Ibzan took the government, being
of the tribe of Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He had sixty
children, thirty of them sons, and the rest daughters; all whom
he left alive behind him, giving the daughters in marriage to
husbands, and taking wives for his sons. He did nothing in the
seven years of his administration that was worth recording, or
deserved a memorial. So he died an old man, and was buried in his
own country.

14. When Ibzan was dead after this manner, neither did Helon, who
succeeded him in the government, and kept it ten years, do any
thing remarkable: he was of the tribe of Zebulon.

15. Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the tribe of Ephraim, and
born at the city Pyrathon, was ordained their supreme governor
after Helon. He is only recorded to have been happy in his
children; for the public affairs were then so peaceable, and in
such security, that neither did he perform any glorious action.
He had forty sons, and by them left thirty grandchildren; and he
marched in state with these seventy, who were all very skillful
in riding horses; and he left them all alive after him. He died
an old man, and obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon.




CHAPTER 8.

Concerning The Fortitude Of Samson, And What Mischiefs He Brought
Upon The Philistines.


1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites,
and received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress
they were delivered after this manner:--

2. There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he
had few men his equals, and without dispute the principal person
of his country. He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and
excelling her contemporaries. He had no children; and, being
uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated God to give them
seed of their own bodies to succeed them; and with that intent he
came constantly into the suburbs (18) together with his wife;
which suburbs were in the Great Plain. Now he was fond of his
wife to a degree of madness, and on that account was unmeasurably
jealous of her. Now, when his wife was once alone, an apparition
was seen by her: it was an angel of God, and resembled a young
man beautiful and tall, and brought her the good news that she
should have a son, born by God's providence, that should be a
goodly child, of great strength; by whom, when he was grown up to
man's estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. He exhorted
her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all other
kinds of drink, (for so had God commanded,) and be entirely
contented with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that
message, went his way, his coming having been by the will of God.

3. Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what
the angel had said, who showed so great an admiration of the
beauty and tallness of the young man that had appeared to her,
that her husband was astonished, and out of himself for jealousy,
and such suspicions as are excited by that passion: but she was
desirous of having her husband's unreasonable sorrow taken away;
accordingly she entreated God to send the angel again, that he
might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the
favor of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her
when she was alone without her husband. She desired the angel to
stay so long till she might bring her husband; and that request
being granted, she goes to call Manoah. When he saw the angel he
was not yet free from suspicion, and he desired him to inform him
of all that he had told his wife; but when he said it was
sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then
requested of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born
they might return him thanks, and give him a present. He replied
that he did not want any present, for that he did not bring them
the good news of the birth of a son out of the want of any thing.
And when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and partake of his
hospitality, he did not give his consent. However he was
persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah to stay so long as
while he brought him one mark of his hospitality; so he slew a
kid of the goats, and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready,
the angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the flesh, but
without the vessels, upon the rock; which when they had done, he
touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his hand, which,
upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with the
loaves; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to
heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a vehicle. Now Manoah was
afraid that some danger would come to them from this sight of
God; but his wife bade him be of good courage, for that God
appeared to them for their benefit.

4. So the woman proved with child, and was careful to observe the
injunctions that were given her; and they called the child, when
he was born, Samson, which name signifies one that is strong. So
the child grew apace; and it appeared evidently that he would be
a prophet, (19) both by the moderation of his diet, and the
permission of his hair to grow.

5. Now when he once came with his parents to Timhath, a city of
the Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love
with a maid of that country, and he desired of his parents that
they would procure him the damsel for his wife: but they refused
so to do, because she was not of the stock of Israel; yet because
this marriage was of God, who intended to convert it to the
benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to procure her to
be espoused to him. And as he was continually coming to her
parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his
onset, and strangled him with his hands, and cast the wild beast
into a woody piece of ground on the inside of the road.

6. And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon
a swarm of bees making their combs in the breast of that lion;
and taking three honey-combs away, he gave them, together with
the rest of his presents, to the damsel. Now the people of
Timhath, out of a dread of the young man's strength, gave him
during the time of the wedding-feast (for he then feasted them
all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretense to be
his companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he
might not attempt to give them any disturbance. Now as they were
drinking merrily and playing, Samson said, as was usual at such
times, Come, if I propose you a riddle, and you can expound it in
these seven days' thee, I will give you every one a linen shirt
and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom." So they being very
ambitious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with the gains,
desired him to propose his riddle. He, "That a devourer produced
sweet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable."
And when they were not able, in three days' time, to find out the
meaning of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by
the means of her husband, and tell it them; and they threatened
to burn her if she did not tell it them. So when the damsel
entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first refused to do it;
but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears, and made his
refusal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed
her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he found bees in his
breast, and carried away three honey-combs, and brought them to
her. Thus he, suspecting nothing of deceit, informed her of all,
and she revealed it to those that desired to know it. Then on the
seventh day, whereon they were to expound the riddle proposed to
them, they met together before sun-setting, and said, "Nothing is
more disagreeable than a lion to those that light on it, and
nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it." To
which Samson made this rejoinder: "Nothing is more deceitful than
a woman for such was the person that discovered my interpretation
to you." Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised
them, making such Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey,
who were themselves Philistines also. But he divorced this his
wife; and the girl despised his anger, and was married to his
companion, who made the former match between them.

7. At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he
resolved to punish all the Philistines, as well as her: so it
being then summer-time, and the fruits of the land being almost
ripe enough for reaping, he caught three hundred foxes, and
joining lighted torches to their tails, he sent them into the
fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits of the
fields perished. Now when the Philistines knew that this was
Samson's doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent
their rulers to Timhath, and burnt his former wife, and her
relations, who had been the occasion of their misfortunes.

8. Now when Samson had slain many of the Philistines in the plain
country, he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of
Judah; for the Philistines at that time made an expedition
against that tribe: but the people of Judah said that they did
not act justly with them, in inflicting punishments upon them
while they paid their tribute, and this only on account of
Samson's offenses. They answered, that in case they would not be
blamed themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into
their power. So they being desirous not to be blamed themselves,
came to the rock with three thousand armed men, and complained to
Samson of the bold insults he had made upon the Philistines, who
were men able to bring calamity upon the whole nation of the
Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take him, and to
deliver him up to them, and put him into their power; so they
desired him to bear this willingly. Accordingly, when he had
received assurance from them upon oath, that they would do him no
other harm than only to deliver him into his enemies' hands, he
came down from the rock, and put himself into the power of his
countrymen. Then did they bind him with two cords, and lead him
on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; and when they
came to a certain place, which is now called the Jaw-bone, on
account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of
old it had no particular name at all, the Philistines, who had
pitched their camp not far off, came to meet them with joy and
shouting, as having done a great thing, and gained what they
desired; but Samson broke his bonds asunder, and catching up the
jaw-bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell upon his
enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew a thousand of
them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder.

9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had
performed, and said that this did not come to pass by the
assistance of God, but that his success was to be ascribed to his
own courage; and vaunted himself, that it was out of a dread of
him that some of his enemies fell and the rest ran away upon his
use of the jaw-bone; but when a great thirst came upon him, he
considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony
that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would
not be angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the
hands of his enemies, but afford him help under his affliction,
and deliver him from the misfortune he was under. Accordingly God
was moved with his entreaties, and raised him up a plentiful
fountain of sweet water at a certain rock whence it was that
Samson called the place the Jaw-bone, (20) and so it is called to
this day.

10. After this fight Samson held the Philistines in contempt, and
came to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the
rulers of Gaza were informed of his coming thither, they seized
upon the gates, and placed men in ambush about them, that he
might not escape without being perceived; but Samson, who was
acquainted with their contrivances against him, arose about
midnight, and ran by force upon the gates, with their posts and
beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them
away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over
Hebron, and there laid them down.

11. However, he at length (21) transgressed the laws of his
country, and altered his own regular way of living, and imitated
the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was the beginning
of his miseries; for he fell in love with a woman that was a
harlot among the Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he lived
with her. So those that administered the public affairs of the
Philistines came to her, and, with promises, induced her to get
out of Samson what was the cause of that his strength, by which
he became unconquerable to his enemies. Accordingly, when they
were drinking, and had the like conversation together, she
pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get
out of him by subtlety, by what means he so much excelled others
in strength. Samson, in order to delude Delilah, for he had not
yet lost his senses, replied, that if he were bound with seven
such green withs of a vine as might still be wreathed, he should
be weaker than any other man. The woman said no more then, but
told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and hid certain of
the soldiers in ambush within the house; and when he was
disordered in drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible
with the withs; and then upon her awakening him, she told him
some of the people were upon him; but he broke the withs, and
endeavored to defend himself, as though some of the people were
upon him. Now this woman, in the constant conversation Samson had
with her, pretended that she took it very ill that he had such
little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not
tell her what she desired, as if she would not conceal what she
knew it was for his interest to have concealed. However, he
deluded her again, and told her, that if they bound him with
seven cords, he should lose his strength. And when, upon doing
this, she gained nothing, he told her the third thee, that his
hair should be woven into a web; but when, upon doing this, the
truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah's
prayer, (for he was doomed to fall into some affliction,) was
desirous to please her, and told her that God took care of him,
and that he was born by his providence, and that "thence it is
that I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged me never to
poll my head, and thence my strength is according to the increase
and continuance of my hair." When she had learned thus much, and
had deprived him of his hair, she delivered him up to his
enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself from
their attempts upon him; so they put out his eyes, and bound him,
and had him led about among them.

12. But in process of time Samson's hair grew again. And there
was a public festival among the Philistines, when the rulers, and
those of the most eminent character, were feasting together; (now
the room wherein they were had its roof supported by two pillars;)
so they sent for Samson, and he was brought to their feast,
that they might insult him in their cups. Hereupon he, thinking
it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should not be able to
revenge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the boy that
led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest
himself, and desired he would bring him near the pillars; and as
soon as he came to them, he rushed with force against them, and
overthrew the house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three
thousand men in it, who were all slain, and Samson with them. And
such was the end of this man, when he had ruled over the
Israelites twenty years. And indeed this man deserves to be
admired for his courage and strength, and magnanimity at his
death, and that his wrath against his enemies went so far as to
die himself with them. But as for his being ensnared by a woman,
that is to be ascribed to human nature, which is too weak to
resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to bear him
witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary
virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in
Sarasat his own country, with the rest of his family.




CHAPTER 9.

How Under Eli's Government Of The Israelites Booz Married Ruth,
From Whom Came Obed The Grandfather Of David.


1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was
governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was
afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city
of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under
so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the
children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon, and
removed his habitation into the land of Moab; and upon the happy
prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of
the Moabites, Orpah for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the
compass of ten years, both Elimelech, and a little while after
him, the sons, died; and Naomi being very uneasy at these
accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome condition, now
those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was
that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it
again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing
condition. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think
of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the
country with her, she could not dissuade them from it; but when
they insisted upon it, she wished them a more happy wedlock than
they had with her sons, and that they might have prosperity in
other respects also; and seeing her own affairs were so low, she
exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of
leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that
uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid
behind; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded
to stay behind her, but would take her fortune with her,
whatsoever it should prove.

2. When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz,
who was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi
was so called by her fellow citizens, according to her true name,
she said, "You might more truly call me Mara." Now Naomi
signifies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Mara, sorrow. It
was now reaping thee; and Ruth, by the leave of her
mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of
corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz's
field; and after some thee Booz came thither, and when he saw the
damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers
concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired
about all her circumstances, and told them to his master, who
kindly embraced her, both on account of her affection to her
mother-in-law, and her remembrance of that son of hers to whom
she had been married, and wished that she might experience a
prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap
what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also
gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not
to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her
dinner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers.
Now what corn Ruth received of him she kept for her
mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the
ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such
food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth
also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; and when
the other had informed her that he was near of kin to them, and
perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them,
she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings
with Booz's maidservants.

3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was
winnowed, slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed
of this circumstance she contrived it so that Ruth should lie
down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that
he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the
damsel to sleep at his feet; who went as she bade her, for she
did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any
command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from
Booz, as he was fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight,
and perceived a woman lying by him, he asked who she was; - and
when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned
for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the
morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he
awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to
carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should
see that she had lain down by him, because it was but prudent to
avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially
when there had been nothing done that was ill. But as to the main
point she aimed at, the matter should rest here, - "He that is
nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take
thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if
he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law."

4. When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were
very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make
provision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city,
and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth,
he called for her kinsman also; and when he was come, he said,
"Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?"
He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did as he was
permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest
kinsman. Then said Booz, "Thou must not remember the laws by
halves, but do every thing according to them; for the wife of
Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the
law, in case thou wilt retain their fields." So the man yielded
up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to
those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and
children also; so Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the
woman to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the
law; and when this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a
son within a year's time. Naomi was herself a nurse to this
child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being
to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old
age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a servant. The son
of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and left
his dominions to his sons for one and twenty generations. I was
therefore obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a
mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty,
can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and
splendor, to which he advanced David, though he were born of such
mean parents.




CHAPTER 10.

Concerning The Birth Of Samuel; And How He Foretold The Calamity
That Befell The Sons Of Eli.


1. And now upon the ill state of the affairs of the Hebrews, they
made war again upon the Philistines. The occasion was this: Eli,
the high priest, had two sons, Hophni and Phineas. These sons of
Eli were guilty of injustice towards men, and of impiety towards
God, and abstained from no sort of wickedness. Some of their
gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honorable employment
they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also
were guilty of impurity with the women that came to worship God
at the tabernacle, obliging some to submit to their lust by
force, and enticing others by bribes; nay, the whole course of
their lives was no better than tyranny. Their father therefore
was angry at them for such their wickedness, and expected that
God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them for what
they had done. The multitude took it heinously also. And as soon
as God had foretold what calamity would befall Eli's sons, which
he did both to Eli himself and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet
but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for his sons'
destruction.

2. I will first despatch what I have to say about the prophet
Samuel, and after that will proceed to speak of the sons of Eli,
and the miseries they brought on the whole people of the Hebrews.
Elcanah, a Levite, one of a middle condition among his fellow
citizens, and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of
Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. He had children
by the latter; but he loved the other best, although she was
barren. Now Elcanah came with his wives to the city Shiloh to
sacrifice, for there it was that the tabernacle of God was fixed,
as we have formerly said. Now when, after he had sacrificed, he
distributed at that festival portions of the flesh to his wives
and children, and when Hannah saw the other wife's children
sitting round about their mother, she fell into tears, and
lamented herself on account of her barrenness and lonesomeness;
and suffering her grief to prevail over her husband's
consolations to her, she went to the tabernacle to beseech God to
give her seed, and to make her a mother; and to vow to consecrate
the first son she should bear to the service of God, and this in
such a way, that his manner of living should not be like that of
ordinary men. And as she continued at her prayers a long time,
Eli, the high priest, for he sat there before the tabernacle, bid
her go away, thinking she had been disordered with wine; but when
she said she had drank water, but was in sorrow for want of
children, and was beseeching God for them, he bid her be of good
cheer, and told her that God would send her children.

3. So she came to her husband full of hope, and ate her meal with
gladness. And when they had returned to their own country she
found herself with child, and they had a son born to them, to
whom they gave the name of Samuel, which may be styled one that
was asked of God. They therefore came to the tabernacle to offer
sacrifice for the birth of the child, and brought their tithes
with them; but the woman remembered the vows she had made
concerning her son, and delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to
God, that he might become a prophet. Accordingly his hair was
suffered to grow long, and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt
and was brought up in the temple. But Elcanah had other sons by
Hannah, and three daughters.

4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy:
and once when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and
he, supposing he had been called by the high priest, came to him:
but when the high priest said he did not call him, God did so
thrice. Eli was then so far illuminated, that he said to him,
"Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now as well as before: it is God
that calls thee; do thou therefore signify it to him, and say, I
am here ready." So when he heard God speak again, he desired him
to speak, and to deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he
would not fail to perform any ministration whatsoever he should
make use of him in; - to which God replied, "Since thou art here
ready, learn what miseries are coming upon the Israelites, - such
indeed as words cannot declare, nor faith believe; for the sons
of Eli shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall be
transferred into the family of Eleazar; for Eli hath loved his
sons more than he hath loved my worship, and to such a degree as
is not for their advantage." Which message Eli obliged the
prophet by oath to tell him, for otherwise he had no inclination
to afflict him by telling it. And now Eli had a far more sure
expectation of the perdition of his sons; but the glory of Samuel
increased more and more, it being found by experience that
whatsoever he prophesied came to pass accordingly. (22)




CHAPTER 11.

Herein Is Declared What Befell The Sons Of Eli, The Ark, And The
People And How Eli Himself Died Miserably.


1. About this time it was that the Philistines made war against
the Israelites, and pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now
when the Israelites had expected them a little while, the very
next day they joined battle, and the Philistines were conquerors,
and slew above four thousand of the Hebrews, and pursued the rest
of their multitude to their camp.

2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the worst, sent to the senate,
and to the high priest, and desired that they would bring the ark
of God, that by putting themselves in array, when it was present
with them, they might be too hard for their enemies, as not
reflecting that he who had condemned them to endure these
calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose sake it was
that this ark came to be honored. So the ark came, and the sons
of the high priest with it, having received a charge from their
father, that if they pretended to survive the taking of the ark,
they should come no more into his presence, for Phineas
officiated already as high priest, his father having resigned his
office to him, by reason of his great age. So the Hebrews were
full of courage, as supposing that, by the coming of the ark,
they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also
were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark's coming to
the Israelites: however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to
the expectation of both sides, but when the battle was joined,
that victory which the Hebrews expected was gained by the
Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid of fell
to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they
had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently
beaten as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies,
and lost about thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of
the high priest; but the ark was carried away by the enemies.

3. When the news of this defeat came to Shiloh, with that of the
captivity of the ark, (for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who
was in the action, came as a messenger thither,) the whole city
was full of lamentations. And Eli, the high priest, who sat upon
a high throne at one of the gates, heard their mournful cries,
and supposed that some strange thing had befallen his family. So
he sent for the young man; and when he understood what had
happened in the battle, he was not much uneasy as to his sons, or
what was told him withal about the army, as having beforehand
known by Divine revelation that those things would happen, and
having himself declared them beforehand, - for what sad things
come unexpectedly they distress men the most; but as soon as [he
heard] the ark was carried captive by their enemies, he was very
much grieved at it, because it fell out quite differently from
what he expected; so he fell down from his throne and died,
having in all lived ninety-eight years, and of them retained the
government forty.

4. On the same day his son Phineas's wife died also, as not able
to survive the misfortune of her husband; for they told her of
her husband's death as she was in labor. However, she bare a son
at seven months, who lived, and to whom they gave the name of
Icabod, which name signifies disgrace, - and this because the
army received a disgrace at this thee.

5. Now Eli was the first of the family of Ithamar, the other son
of Aaron, that had the government; for the family of Eleazar
officiated as high priest at first, the son still receiving that
honor from the father which Eleazar bequeathed to his son
Phineas; after whom Abiezer his son took the honor, and delivered
it to his son, whose name was Bukki, from whom his son Ozi
received it; after whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking, had
the priesthood, and so he and his posterity until the thee of
Solomon's reign; but then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it.




BOOK VI.

Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Two Years.

From The Death Of Eli To The Death Of Saul.

CHAPTER 1.

The Destruction That Came Upon The Philistines, And Upon Their
Land, By The Wrath Of Go On Account Of Their Having Carried The
Ark Away Captive; And After What Manner They Sent It Back To The
Hebrews.


1. When the Philistines had taken the ark of the Hebrews captive,
as I said a little before, they carried it to the city of Ashdod,
and put it by their own god, who was called Dagon, (1) as one of
their spoils; but when they went into his temple the next morning
to worship their god, they found him paying the same worship to
the ark, for he lay along, as having fallen down from the basis
whereon he had stood: so they took him up, and set him on his
basis again, and were much troubled at what had happened; and as
they frequently came to Dagon and found him still lying along, in
a posture of adoration to the ark, they were in very great
distress and confusion. At length God sent a very destructive
disease upon the city and country of Ashdod, for they died of the
dysentery or flux, a sore distemper, that brought death upon them
very suddenly; for before the soul could, as usual in easy
deaths, be well loosed from the body, they brought up their
entrails, and vomited up what they had eaten, and what was
entirely corrupted by the disease. And as to the fruits of their
country, a great multitude of mice arose out of the earth and
hurt them, and spared neither the plants nor the fruits. Now
while the people of Ashdod were under these misfortunes, and were
not able to support themselves under their calamities, they
perceived that they suffered thus because of the ark, and that
the victory they had gotten, and their having taken the ark
captive, had not happened for their good; they therefore sent to
the people of Askelon, and desired that they would receive the
ark among them. This desire of the people of Ashdod was not
disagreeable to those of Askelon, so they granted them that
favor. But when they had gotten the ark, they were in the same
miserable condition; for the ark carried along with it the
disasters that the people of Ashdod had suffered, to those who
received it from them. Those of Askelon also sent it away from
themselves to others: nor did it stay among those others neither;
for since they were pursued by the same disasters, they still
sent it to the neighboring cities; so that the ark went round,
after this manner, to the five cities of the Philistines, as
though it exacted these disasters as a tribute to be paid it for
its coming among them.

2. When those that had experienced these miseries were tired out
with them, and when those that heard of them were taught thereby
not to admit the ark among them, since they paid so dear a
tribute for it, at length they sought for some contrivance and
method how they might get free from it: so the governors of the
five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and Askelon, as also of Gaza, and
Ashclod, met together, and considered what was fit to be done;
and at first they thought proper to send the ark back to its own
people, as allowing that God had avenged its cause; that the
miseries they had undergone came along with it, and that these
were sent on their cities upon its account, and together with it.
However, there were those that said they should not do so, nor
suffer themselves to be deluded, as ascribing the cause of their
miseries to it, because it could not have such power and force
upon them; for, had God had such a regard to it, it would not
have been delivered into the hands of men. So they exhorted them
to be quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen them, and to
suppose there was no other cause of it but nature, which, at
certain revolutions of time, produces such mutations in the
bodies of men, in the earth, in plants, and in all things that
grow out of the earth. But the counsel that prevailed over those
already described, was that of certain men, who were believed to
have distinguished themselves in former times for their
understanding and prudence, and who, in their present
circumstances, seemed above all the rest to speak properly. These
men said it was not right either to send the ark away, or to
retain it, but to dedicate five golden images, one for every
city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of his having taken
care of their preservation, and having kept them alive when their
lives were likely to be taken away by such distempers as they
were not able to bear up against. They also would have them make
five golden mice like to those that devoured and destroyed their
country (2) to put them in a bag, and lay them upon the ark; to
make them a new cart also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it
(3) but to shut up their calves, and keep them from them, lest,
by following after them, they should prove a hinderance to their
dams, and that the dams might return the faster out of a desire
of those calves; then to drive these milch kine that carried the
ark, and leave it at a place where three ways met, and So leave
it to the kine to go along which of those ways they pleased; that
in case they went the way to the Hebrews, and ascended to their
country, they should suppose that the ark was the cause of their
misfortunes; but if they turned into another road, they said, "We
will pursue after it, and conclude that it has no such force in
it."

3. So they determined that these men spake well; and they
immediately confirmed their opinion by doing accordingly. And
when they had done as has been already described, they brought
the cart to a place where three ways met, and left it there and
went their ways; but the kine went the right way, and as if some
persons had driven them, while the rulers of the Philistines
followed after them, as desirous to know where they would stand
still, and to whom they would go. Now there was a certain village
of the tribe of Judah, the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to
that village did the kine go; and though there was a great and
good plain before them to proceed in, they went no farther, but
stopped the cart there. This was a sight to those of that
village, and they were very glad; for it being then summer-time,
and all the inhabitants being then in the fields gathering in
their fruits, they left off the labors of their hands for joy, as
soon as they saw the ark, and ran to the cart, and taking the ark
down, and the vessel that had the images in it, and the mice,
they set them upon a certain rock which was in the plain; and
when they had offered a splendid sacrifice to God, and feasted,
they offered the cart and the kine as a burnt-offering: and when
the lords of the Philistines saw this, they returned back.

4. But now it was that the wrath of God overtook them, and struck
seventy persons of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not
being priests, and so not worthy to touch the ark, had approached
to it. Those of that village wept for these that had thus
suffered, and made such a lamentation as was naturally to be
expected on so great a misfortune that was sent from God; and
every one mourned for his own relation. And since they
acknowledged themselves unworthy of the ark's abode with them,
they sent to the public senate of the Israelites, and informed
them that the ark was restored by the Philistines; which when
they knew, they brought it away to Kirjathjearim, a city in the
neighborhood of Bethshemesh. In this city lived one Abinadab, by
birth a Levite, and who was greatly commended for his righteous
and religious course of life; so they brought the ark to his
house, as to a place fit for God himself to abide in, since
therein did inhabit a righteous man. His sons also ministered to
the Divine service at the ark, and were the principal curators of
it for twenty years; for so many years it continued in
Kirjathjearim, having been but four months with the Philistines.




CHAPTER 2.

The Expedition Of The Philistines Against The Hebrews And The
Hebrews' Victory Under The Conduct Of Samuel The Prophet, Who Was
Their General.


1. Now while the city of Kirjathjearim had the ark with them, the
whole body of the people betook themselves all that time to offer
prayers and sacrifices to God, and appeared greatly concerned and
zealous about his worship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how
ready they were to do their duty, thought this a proper time to
speak to them, while they were in this good disposition, about
the recovery of their liberty, and of the blessings that
accompanied the same. Accordingly he used such words to them as
he thought were most likely to excite that inclination, and to
persuade them to attempt it: "O you Israelites," said he, "to
whom the Philistines are still grievous enemies, but to whom God
begins to be gracious, it behooves you not only to be desirous of
liberty, but to take the proper methods to obtain it. Nor are you
to be contented with an inclination to get clear of your lords
and masters, while you still do what will procure your
continuance under them. Be righteous then, and cast wickedness
out of your souls, and by your worship supplicate the Divine
Majesty with all your hearts, and persevere in the honor you pay
to him; for if you act thus, you will enjoy prosperity; you will
be freed from your slavery, and will get the victory over your
enemies: which blessings it is not possible you should attain,
either by weapons of war, or by the strength of your bodies, or
by the multitude of your assistants; for God has not promised to
grant these blessings by those means, but by being good and
righteous men; and if you will be such, I will be security to you
for the performance of God's promises." When Samuel had said
thus, the multitude applauded his discourse, and were pleased
with his exhortation to them, and gave their consent to resign
themselves up to do what was pleasing to God. So Samuel gathered
them together to a certain city called Mizpeh, which, in the
Hebrew tongue, signifies a watch-tower; there they drew water,
and poured it out to God, and fasted all day, and betook
themselves to their prayers.

2. This their assembly did not escape the notice of the
Philistines: so when they had learned that so large a company had
met together, they fell upon the Hebrews with a great army and
mighty forces, as hoping to assault them when they did not expect
it, nor were prepared for it. This thing affrighted the Hebrews,
and put them into disorder and terror; so they came running to
Samuel, and said that their souls were sunk by their fears, and
by the former defeat they had received, and "that thence it was
that we lay still, lest we should excite the power of our enemies
against us. Now while thou hast brought us hither to offer up our
prayers and sacrifices, and take oaths [to be obedient], our
enemies are making an expedition against us, while we are naked
and unarmed; wherefore we have no other hope of deliverance but
that by thy means, and by the assistance God shall afford us upon
thy prayers to him, we shall obtain deliverance from the
Philistines." Hereupon Samuel bade them be of good cheer, and
promised them that God would assist them; and taking a sucking
lamb, he sacrificed it for the multitude, and besought God to
hold his protecting hand over them when they should fight with
the Philistines, and not to overlook them, nor suffer them to
come under a second misfortune. Accordingly God hearkened to his
prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a gracious intention,
and such as was disposed to assist them, he granted them victory
and power over their enemies. Now while the altar had the
sacrifice of God upon it, and had not yet consumed it wholly by
its sacred fire, the enemy's army marched out of their camp, and
was put in order of battle, and this in hope that they should be
conquerors, since the Jews (5) were caught in distressed
circumstances, as neither having their weapons with them, nor
being assembled there in order to fight. But things so fell out,
that they would hardly have been credited though they had been
foretold by anybody: for, in the first place, God disturbed their
enemies with an earthquake, and moved the ground under them to
such a degree, that he caused it to tremble, and made them to
shake, insomuch that by its trembling, he made some unable to
keep their feet, and made them fall down, and by opening its
chasms, he caused that others should be hurried down into them;
after which he caused such a noise of thunder to come among them,
and made fiery lightning shine so terribly round about them, that
it was ready to burn their faces; and he so suddenly shook their
weapons out of their hands, that he made them fly and return home
naked. So Samuel with the multitude pursued them to Bethcar, a
place so called; and there he set up a stone as a boundary of
their victory and their enemies' flight, and called it the Stone
of Power, as a signal of that power God had given them against
their enemies.

3. So the Philistines, after this stroke, made no more
expeditions against the Israelites, but lay still out of fear,
and out of remembrance of what had befallen them; and what
courage the Philistines had formerly against the Hebrews, that,
after this victory, was transferred to the Hebrews. Samuel also
made an expedition against the Philistines, and slew many of
them, and entirely humbled their proud hearts, and took from them
that country, which, when they were formerly conquerors in
battle, they had cut off from the Jews, which was the country
that extended from the borders of Gath to the city of Ekron: but
the remains of the Canaanites were at this time in friendship
with the Israelites.




CHAPTER 3.

How Samuel When He Was So Infirm With Old Age That He Could Not
Take Care Of The Public Affairs Intrusted Them To His Sons; And
How Upon The Evil Administration Of The Government By Them The
Multitude Were So Angry, That They Required To Have A King To
Govern Them, Although Samuel Was Much Displeased Thereat.


1. But Samuel the prophet, when he had ordered the affairs of the
people after a convenient manner, and had appointed a city for
every district of them, he commanded them to come to such cities,
to have the controversies that they had one with another
determined in them, he himself going over those cities twice in a
year, and doing them justice; and by that means he kept them in
very good order for a long time.

2. But afterwards he found himself oppressed with old age, and
not able to do what he used to do, so he committed the government
and the care of the multitude to his sons, - the elder of whom
was called Joel, and the name of the younger was Abiah. He also
enjoined them to reside and judge the people, the one at the city
of Bethel, and the other at Beersheba, and divided the people
into districts that should be under the jurisdiction of each of
them. Now these men afford us an evident example and
demonstration how some children are not of the like dispositions
with their parents; but sometimes perhaps good and moderate,
though born of wicked parents; and sometimes showing themselves
to be wicked, though born of good parents: for these men turning
aside from their father's good courses, and taking a course that
was contrary to them, perverted justice for the 'filthy lucre of
gifts and bribes, and made their determinations not according to
truth, but according to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and
a costly way of living; so that as, in the first place, they
practiced what was contrary to the will of God, so did they, in
the second place, what was contrary to the will of the prophet
their father, who had taken a great deal of care, and made a very
careful provision that the multitude should be righteous.

3. But the people, upon these injuries offered to their former
constitution and government by the prophet's sons, were very
uneasy at their actions, and came running to the prophet, who
then lived at the city Ramah, and informed him of the
transgressions of his sons; and said, That as he was himself old
already, and too infirm by that age of his to oversee their
affairs in the manner he used to do, so they begged of him, and
entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who
might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines,
who ought to be punished for their former oppressions. These
words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his innate love of
justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very
fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of a
divine and happy disposition; nor could he either think of eating
or sleeping, out of his concern and torment of mind at what they
had said, but all the night long did he continue awake and
revolved these notions in his mind.

4. While he was thus disposed, God appeared to him, and comforted
him, saying, That he ought not to be uneasy at what the multitude
desired, because it was not he, but Himself whom they so
insolently despised, and would not have to be alone their king;
that they had been contriving these things from the very day that
they came out of Egypt; that however in no long time they would
sorely repent of what they did, which repentance yet could not
undo what was thus done for futurity; that they would be
sufficiently rebuked for their contempt, and the ungrateful
conduct they have used towards me, and towards thy prophetic
office. "So I command thee to ordain them such a one as I shall
name beforehand to be their king, when thou hast first described
what mischiefs kingly government will bring upon them, and openly
testified before them into what a great change of affairs they
are hasting."

5. When Samuel had heard this, he called the Jews early in the
morning, and confessed to them that he was to ordain them a king;
but he said that he was first to describe to them what would
follow, what treatment they would receive from their kings, and
with how many mischiefs they must struggle. "For know ye," said
he, "that, in the first place, they will take your sons away from
you, and they will command some of them to be drivers of their
chariots, and some to be their horsemen, and the guards of their
body, and others of them to be runners before them, and captains
of thousands, and captains of hundreds; they will also make them
their artificers, makers of armor, and of chariots, and of
instruments; they will make them their husbandmen also, and the
curators of their own fields, and the diggers of their own
vineyards; nor will there be any thing which they will not do at
their commands, as if they were slaves bought with money. They
will also appoint your daughters to be confectioners, and cooks,
and bakers; and these will be obliged to do all sorts of work
which women slaves, that are in fear of stripes and torments,
submit to. They will, besides this, take away your possessions,
and bestow them upon their eunuchs, and the guards of their
bodies, and will give the herds of your cattle to their own
servants: and to say briefly all at once, you, and all that is
yours, will be servants to your king, and will become no way
superior to his slaves; and when you suffer thus, you will
thereby be put in mind of what I now say. And when you repent of
what you have done, you will beseech God to have mercy upon you,
and to grant you a quick deliverance from your kings; but he will
not accept your prayers, but will neglect you, and permit you to
suffer the punishment your evil conduct has deserved."

6. But the multitude was still so foolish as to be deaf to these
predictions of what would befall them; and too peevish to suffer
a determination which they had injudiciously once made, to be
taken out of their mind; for they could not be turned from their
purpose, nor did they regard the words of Samuel, but
peremptorily insisted on their resolution, and desired him to
ordain them a king immediately, and not trouble himself with
fears of what would happen hereafter, for that it was necessary
they should have with them one to fight their battles, and to
avenge them of their enemies, and that it was no way absurd, when
their neighbors were under kingly government, that they should
have the same form of government also. So when Samuel saw that
what he had said had not diverted them from their purpose, but
that they continued resolute, he said, "Go you every one home for
the present; when it is fit I will send for you, as soon as I
shall have learned from God who it is that he will give you for
your king."




CHAPTER 4.

The Appointment Of A King Over The Israelites, Whose Name Was
Saul; And This By The Command Of God.


1. Ther was one of the tribe of Benjamin, a man of a good family,
and of a virtuous disposition; his name was Kish. He had a son, a
young man of a comely countenance, and of a tall body, but his
understanding and his mind were preferable to what was visible in
him: they called him Saul. Now this Kish had some fine she-asses
that were wandered out of the pasture wherein they fed, for he
was more delighted with these than with any other cattle he had;
so he sent out his son, and one servant with him, to search for
the beasts; but when he had gone over his own tribe in search
after the asses, he went to other tribes, and when he found them
not there neither, he determined to go his way home, lest he
should occasion any concern to his father about himself. But when
his servant that followed him told him as they were near the city
of Ramah, that there was a true prophet in that city, and advised
him to go to him, for that by him they should know the upshot of
the affair of their asses, he replied, That if they should go to
him, they had nothing to give him as a reward for his prophecy,
for their subsistence money was spent. The servant answered, that
he had still the fourth part of a shekel, and he would present
him with that; for they were mistaken out of ignorance, as not
knowing that the prophet received no such reward (6) So they went
to him; and when they were before the gates, they lit upon
certain maidens that were going to fetch water, and they asked
them which was the prophet's house. They showed them which it
was; and bid them make haste before he sat down to supper, for he
had invited many guests to a feast, and that he used to sit down
before those that were invited. Now Samuel had then gathered many
together to feast with him on this very account; for while he
every day prayed to God to tell him beforehand whom he would make
king, he had informed him of this man the day before, for that he
would send him a certain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin
about this hour of the day; and he sat on the top of the house in
expectation of that time's being come. And when the time was
completed, he came down and went to supper; so he met with Saul,
and God discovered to him that this was he who should rule over
them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and saluted him, and desired
him to inform him which was the prophet's house; for he said he
was a stranger and did not know it. When Samuel had told him that
he himself was the person, he led him in to supper, and assured
him that the asses were found which he had been to seek, and that
the greatest of good things were assured to him: he replied, "I
am too inconsiderable to hope for any such thing, and of a tribe
to small to have kings made out of it, and of a family smaller
than several other families; but thou tellest me this in jest,
and makest me an object of laughter, when thou discoursest with
me of greater matters than what I stand in need of." However, the
prophet led him in to the feast, and made him sit down, him and
his servant that followed him, above the other guests that were
invited, which were seventy in number (7) and he gave orders to
the servants to set the royal portion before Saul. And when the
time of going to bed was come, the rest rose up, and every one of
them went home; but Saul staid with the prophet, he and his
servant, and slept with him.

2. Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised up Saul out of his
bed, and conducted him homeward; and when he was out of the city,
he desired him to cause his servant to go before, but to stay
behind himself, for that he had somewhat to say to him when
nobody else was present. Accordingly, Saul sent away his servant
that followed him; then did the prophet take a vessel of oil, and
poured it upon the head of the young man, and kissed him, and
said, "Be thou a king, by the ordination of God, against the
Philistines, and for avenging the Hebrews for what they have
suffered by them; of this thou shalt have a sign, which I would
have thee take notice of:-- As soon as thou art departed hence,
thou will find three men upon the road, going to worship God at
Bethel; the first of whom thou wilt see carrying three loaves of
bread, the second carrying a kid of the goats, and the third will
follow them carrying a bottle of wine. These three men will
salute thee, and speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of
their loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And thence thou shalt
come to a place called Rachel's Monument, where thou shalt meet
with those that will tell thee thy asses are found; after this,
when thou comest to Gabatha, thou shalt overtake a company of
prophets, and thou shalt be seized with the Divine Spirit, (8)
and prophesy along with them, till every one that sees thee shall
be astonished, and wonder, and say, Whence is it that the son of
Kish has arrived at this degree of happiness? And when these
signs have happened to thee, know that God is with thee; then do
thou salute thy father and thy kindred. Thou shalt also come when
I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may offer thank-offerings to
God for these blessings." When Samuel had said this, and foretold
these things, he sent the young man away. Now all things fell out
to Saul according to the prophecy of Samuel.

3. But as soon as Saul came into the house of his kinsman Abner,
whom indeed he loved better than the rest of his relations, he
was asked by him concerning his journey, and what accidents
happened to him therein; and he concealed none of the other
things from him, no, not his coming to Samuel the prophet, nor
how he told him the asses were found; but he said nothing to him
about the kingdom, and what belonged thereto, which he thought
would procure him envy, and when such things are heard, they are
not easily believed; nor did he think it prudent to tell those
things to him, although he appeared very friendly to him, and one
whom he loved above the rest of his relations, considering, I
suppose, what human nature really is, that no one is a firm
friend, neither among our intimates, nor of our kindred; nor do
they preserve that kind disposition when God advances men to
great prosperity, but they are still ill-natured and envious at
those that are in eminent stations.

4. Then Samuel called the people together to the city Mizpeh, and
spake to them in the words following, which he said he was to
speak by the command of God:-- That when he had granted them a
state of liberty, and brought their enemies into subjection, they
were become unmindful of his benefits, and rejected God that he
should not be their King, as not considering that it would be
most for their advantage to be presided over by the best of
beings, for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a
man for their king; while kings will use their subjects as
beasts, according to the violence of their own wills and
inclinations, and other passions, as wholly carried away with the
lust of power, but will not endeavor so to preserve the race of
mankind as his own workmanship and creation, which, for that very
reason, God would take cake of. "But since you have come to a
fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite
prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and
scepters, and cast lots."

5. When the Hebrews had so done, the lot fell upon the tribe of
Benjamin; and when the lot was cast for the families of this
tribe, that which was called Matri was taken; and when the lot
was cast for the single persons of that family, Saul, the son of
Kish, was taken for their king. When the young man knew this, he
prevented [their sending for him], and immediately went away and
hid himself. I suppose that it was because he would not have it
thought that he willingly took the government upon him; nay, he
showed such a degree of command over himself, and of modesty,
that while the greatest part are not able to contain their joy,
even in the gaining of small advantages, but presently show
themselves publicly to all men, this man did not only show
nothing of that nature, when he was appointed to be the lord of
so many and so great tribes, but crept away and concealed himself
out of the sight of those he was to reign over, and made them
seek him, and that with a good deal of trouble. So when the
people were at a loss, and solicitous, because Saul disappeared,
the prophet besought God to show where the young man was, and to
produce him before them. So when they had learned of God the
place where Saul was hidden, they sent men to bring him; and when
he was come, they set him in the midst of the multitude. Now he
was taller than any of them, and his stature was very majestic.

6. Then said the prophet, God gives you this man to be your king:
see how he is higher than any of the people, and worthy of this
dominion." So as soon as the people had made acclamation, God
save the king, the prophet wrote down what would come to pass in
a book, and read it in the hearing of the king, and laid up the
book in the tabernacle of God, to be a witness to future
generations of what he had foretold. So when Samuel had finished
this matter, he dismissed the multitude, and came himself to the
city Rainah, for it was his own country. Saul also went away to
Gibeah, where he was born; and many good men there were who paid
him the respect that was due to him; but the greater part were
ill men, who despised him and derided the others, who neither did
bring him presents, nor did they in affection, or even in words,
regard to please him.




CHAPTER 5.

Saul's Expedition Against The Nation Of The Ammonites And Victory
Over Them And The Spoils He Took From Them.


1. After one month, the war which Saul had with Nahash, the king
of the Ammonites, obtained him respect from all the people; for
this Nahash had done a great deal of mischief to the Jews that
lived beyond Jordan by the expedition he had made against them
with a great and warlike army. He also reduced their cities into
slavery, and that not only by subduing them for the present,
which he did by force and violence, but by weakening them by
subtlety and cunning, that they might not be able afterward to
get clear of the slavery they were under to him; for he put out
the right eyes (9) of those that either delivered themselves to
him upon terms, or were taken by him in war; and this he did,
that when their left eyes were covered by their shields, they
might be wholly useless in war. Now when the king of the
Ammonites had served those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led
his army against those that were called Gileadites, and having
pitched his camp at the metropolis of his enemies, which was the
city of Jabesh, he sent ambassadors to them, commanding them
either to deliver themselves up, on condition to have their right
eyes plucked out, or to undergo a siege, and to have their cities
overthrown. He gave them their choice, whether they would cut off
a small member of their body, or universally perish. However, the
Gileadites were so affrighted at these offers, that they had not
courage to say any thing to either of them, neither that they
would deliver themselves up, nor that they would fight him. But
they desired that he would give them seven days' respite, that
they might send ambassadors to their countrymen, and entreat
their assistance; and if they came to assist them, they would
fight; but if that assistance were impossible to be obtained from
them, they said they would deliver themselves up to suffer
whatever he pleased to inflict upon them.

2. So Nabash, contemning the multitude of the Gileadites and the
answer they gave, allowed them a respite, and gave them leave to
send to whomsoever they pleased for assistance. So they
immediately sent to the Israelites, city by city, and informed
them what Nabash had threatened to do to them, and what great
distress they were in. Now the people fell into tears and grief
at the hearing of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said; and the
terror they were in permitted them to do nothing more. But when
the messengers were come to the city of king Saul, and declared
the dangers in which the inhabitants of Jabesh were, the people
were in the same affliction as those in the other cities, for
they lamented the calamity of those related to them. And when
Saul was returned from his husbandry into the city, he found his
fellow citizens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, he had learned
the cause of the confusion and sadness they were in, he was
seized with a divine fury, and sent away the ambassadors from the
inhabitants of Jabesh, and promised them to come to their
assistance on the third day, and to beat their enemies before
sun-rising, that the sun upon its rising might see that they had
already conquered, and were freed from the fears they were under:
but he bid some of them stay to conduct them the right way to
Jabesh.

3. So being desirous to turn the people to this war against the
Ammonites by fear of the losses they should otherwise undergo,
and that they might the more suddenly be gathered together, he
cut the sinews of his oxen, and threatened to do the same to all
such as did not come with their armor to Jordan the next day, and
follow him and Samuel the prophet whithersoever they should lead
them. So they came together, out of fear of the losses they were
threatened with, at the appointed time. And the multitude were
numbered at the city Bezek. And he found the number of those that
were gathered together, besides that of the tribe of Judah, to be
seven hundred thousand, while those of that tribe were seventy
thousand. So he passed over Jordan, and proceeded in marching all
that night, thirty furlongs, and came to Jabesh before
sun-rising. So he divided the army into three companies; and fell
upon their enemies on every side on the sudden, and when they
expected no such thing; and joining battle with them, they slew a
great many of the Ammonites, as also their king Nabash. This
glorious action was done by Saul, and was related with great
commendation of him to all the Hebrews; and he thence gained a
wonderful reputation for his valor: for although there were some
of them that contemned him before, they now changed their minds,
and honored him, and esteemed him as the best of men: for he did
not content himself with having saved the inhabitants of Jabesh
only, but he made an expedition into the country of the
Ammonites, and laid it all waste, and took a large prey, and so
returned to his own country most gloriously. So the people were
greatly pleased at these excellent performances of Saul, and
rejoiced that they had constituted him their king. They also made
a clamor against those that pretended he would be of no advantage
to their affairs; and they said, Where now are these men? - let
them be brought to punishment, with all the like things that
multitudes usually say when they are elevated with prosperity,
against those that lately had despised the authors of it. But
Saul, although he took the good-will and the affection of these
men very kindly, yet did he swear that he would not see any of
his countrymen slain that day, since it was absurd to mix this
victory, which God had given them, with the blood and slaughter
of those that were of the same lineage with themselves; and that
it was more agreeable to be men of a friendly disposition, and so
to betake themselves to feasting.

4. And when Samuel had told them that he ought to confirm the
kingdom to Saul by a second ordination of him, they all came
together to the city of Gilgal, for thither did he command them
to come. So the prophet anointed Saul with the holy oil in the
sight of the multitude, and declared him to be king the second
time. And so the government of the Hebrews was changed into a
regal government; for in the days of Moses, and his disciple
Joshua, who was their general, they continued under an
aristocracy; but after the death of Joshua, for eighteen years in
all, the multitude had no settled form of government, but were in
an anarchy; after which they returned to their former government,
they then permitting themselves to be judged by him who appeared
to be the best warrior and most courageous, whence it was that
they called this interval of their government the Judges.

5. Then did Samuel the prophet call another assembly also, and
said to them," I solemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who brought
those excellent brethren, I mean Moses and Aaron, into the world,
and delivered our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the
slavery they endured under them, that you will not speak what
you say to gratify me, nor suppress any thing out of fear of me,
nor be overborne by any other passion, but say, What have I ever
done that was cruel or unjust? or what have I done out of lucre
or covetousness, or to gratify others? Bear witness against me,
if I have taken an ox or a sheep, or any such thing, which yet
when they are taken to support men, it is esteemed blameless; or
have I taken an ass for mine own use of any one to his grief? -
lay some one such crime to my charge, now we are in your king's
presence." But they cried out, that no such thing had been done
by him, but that he had presided over the nation after a holy and
righteous manner.

6. Hereupon Samuel, when such a testimony had been given him by
them all, said, "Since you grant that you are not able to lay any
ill thing to my charge hitherto, come on now, and do you hearken
while I speak with great freedom to you. You have been guilty of
great impiety against God, in asking you a king. It behoves you
to remember that our grandfather Jacob came down into Egypt, by
reason of a famine, with seventy souls only of our family, and
that their posterity multiplied there to many ten thousands, whom
the Egyptians brought into slavery and hard oppression; that God
himself, upon the prayers of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron,
who were brethren, and gave them power to deliver the multitude
out of their distress, and this without a king. These brought us
into this very land which you now possess: and when you enjoyed
these advantages from God, you betrayed his worship and religion;
nay, moreover, when you were brought under the hands of your
enemies, he delivered you, first by rendering you superior to the
Assyrians and their forces, he then made you to overcome the
Ammonites and the Moabites, and last of all the Philistines; and
these things have been achieved under the conduct of Jephtha and
Gideon. What madness therefore possessed you to fly from God, and
to desire to be under a king? - yet have I ordained him for king
whom he chose for you. However, that I may make it plain to you
that God is angry and displeased at your choice of kingly
government, I will so dispose him that he shall declare this very
plainly to you by strange signals; for what none of you ever saw
here before, I mean a winter storm in the midst of harvest, (10)
I will entreat of God, and will make it visible to you." Now, as
soon as he had said this, God gave such great signals by thunder
and lightning, and the descent of hail, as attested the truth of
all that the prophet had said, insomuch that they were amazed and
terrified, and confessed they had sinned, and had fallen into
that sin through ignorance; and besought the prophet, as one that
was a tender and gentle father to them, to render God so merciful
as to forgive this their sin, which they had added to those other
offenses whereby they had affronted him and transgressed against
him. So he promised them that he would beseech God, and persuade
him to forgive them these their sins. However, he advised them to
be righteous, and to be good, and ever to remember the miseries
that had befallen them on account of their departure from virtue:
as also to remember the strange signs God had shown them, and the
body of laws that Moses had given them, if they had any desire of
being preserved and made happy with their king. But he said, that
if they should grow careless of these things, great judgments
would come from God upon them, and upon their king. And when
Samuel had thus prophesied to the Hebrews, he dismissed them to
their own homes, having confirmed the kingdom to Saul the second
time.




CHAPTER 6.

How The Philistines Made Another Expedition Against The Hebrews
And Were Beaten.


1. Now Saul chose out of the multitude about three thousand men,
and he took two thousand of them to be the guards of his own
body, and abode in the city Bethel, but he gave the rest of them
to Jonathan his son, to be the guards of his body; and sent him
to Gibeah, where he besieged and took a certain garrison of the
Philistines, not far from Gilgal; for the Philistines of Gibeah
had beaten the Jews, and taken their weapons away, and had put
garrisons into the strongest places of the country, and had
forbidden them to carry any instrument of iron, or at all to make
use of any iron in any case whatsoever. And on account of this
prohibition it was that the husbandmen, if they had occasion to
sharpen any of their tools, whether it were the coulter or the
spade, or any instrument of husbandry, they came to the
Philistines to do it. Now as soon as the Philistines heard of
this slaughter of their garrison, they were in a rage about it,
and, looking on this contempt as a terrible affront offered them,
they made war against the Jews, with three hundred thousand
footmen, and thirty thousand chariots, and six thousand horses;
and they pitched their camp at the city Michmash. When Saul, the
king of the Hebrews, was informed of this, he went down to the
city Gilgal, and made proclamation over all the country, that
they should try to regain their liberty; and called them to the
war against the Philistines, diminishing their forces, and
despising them as not very considerable, and as not so great but
they might hazard a battle with them. But when the people about
Saul observed how numerous the Philistines were, they were under
a great consternation; and some of them hid themselves in caves
and in dens under ground, but the greater part fled into the land
beyond Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben.

2. But Saul sent to the prophet, and called him to consult with
him about the war and the public affairs; so he commanded him to
stay there for him, and to prepare sacrifices, for he would come
to him within seven days, that they might offer sacrifices on the
seventh day, and might then join battle with their enemies. So he
waited (11) as the prophet sent to him to do; yet did not he,
however, observe the command that was given him, but when he saw
that the prophet tarried longer than he expected, and that he was
deserted by the soldiers, he took the sacrifices and offered
them; and when he heard that Samuel was come, he went out to meet
him. But the prophet said he had not done well in disobeying the
injunctions he had sent to him, and had not staid till his
coming, which being appointed according to the will of God, he
had prevented him in offering up those prayers and those
sacrifices that he should have made for the multitude, and that
he therefore had performed Divine offices in an ill manner, and
had been rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul made an apology
for himself, and said that he had waited as many days as Samuel
had appointed him; that he had been so quick in offering his
sacrifices, upon account of the necessity he was in, and because
his soldiers were departing from him, out of their fear of the
enemy's camp at Michmash, the report being gone abroad that they
were coming down upon him of Gilgal. To which Samuel replied,
"Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a righteous man, (12) and
hadst not disobeyed me, nor slighted the commands which God
suggested to me concerning the present state of affairs, and
hadst not acted more hastily than the present circumstances
required, thou wouldst have been permitted to reign a long time,
and thy posterity after thee." So Samuel, being grieved at what
happened, returned home; but Saul came to the city Gibeah, with
his son Jonathan, having only six hundred men with him; and of
these the greater part had no weapons, because of the scarcity of
iron in that country, as well as of those that could make such
weapons; for, as we showed a little before, the Philistines had
not suffered them to have such iron or such workmen. Now the
Philistines divided their army into three companies, and took as
many roads, and laid waste the country of the Hebrews, while king
Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done, but were not able to
defend the land, having no more than six hundred men with them.
But as he, and his son, and Abiah the high priest, who was of the
posterity of Eli the high priest, were sitting upon a pretty high
hill, and seeing the land laid waste, they were mightily
disturbed at it. Now Saul's son agreed with his armor-bearer,
that they would go privately to the enemy's camp, and make a
tumult and a disturbance among them. And when the armor-bearer
had readily promised to follow him whithersoever he should lead
him, though he should be obliged to die in the attempt, Jonathan
made use of the young man's assistance, and descended from the
hill, and went to their enemies. Now the enemy's camp was upon a
precipice which had three tops, that ended in a small but sharp
and long extremity, while there was a rock that surrounded them,
like lines made to prevent the attacks of an enemy. There it so
happened, that the out-guards of the camp were neglected, because
of the security that here arose from the situation of the place,
and because they thought it altogether impossible, not only to
ascend up to the camp on that quarter, but so much as to come
near it. As soon, therefore, as they came to the camp, Jonathan
encouraged his armor-bearer, and said to him, "Let us attack our
enemies; and if, when they see us, they bid us come up to them,
take that for a signal of victory; but if they say nothing, as
not intending to invite us to come up, let us return back again."
So when they were approaching to the enemy's camp, just after
break of day, and the Philistines saw them, they said one to
another, "The Hebrews come out of their dens and caves:" and they
said to Jonathan and to his armor-bearer, "Come on, ascend up to
us, that we may inflict a just punishment upon you, for your rash
attempt upon us." So Saul's son accepted of that invitation, as
what signified to him victory, and he immediately came out of the
place whence they were seen by their enemies: so he changed his
place, and came to the rock, which had none to guard it, because
of its own strength; from thence they crept up with great labor
and difficulty, and so far overcame by force the nature of the
place, till they were able to fight with their enemies. So they
fell upon them as they were asleep, and slew about twenty of
them, and thereby filled them with disorder and surprise,
insomuch that some of them threw away their entire armor and
fled; but the greatest part, not knowing one another, because
they were of different nations, suspected one another to be
enemies, (for they did not imagine there were only two of the
Hebrews that came up,) and so they fought one against another;
and some of them died in the battle, and some, as they were
flying away, were thrown down from the rock headlong.

3. Now Saul's watchmen told the king that the camp of the
Philistines was in confusion; then he inquired whether any body
was gone away from the army; and when he heard that his son, and
with him his armor-bearer, were absent, he bade the high priest
take the garments of his high priesthood, and prophesy to him
what success they should have; who said that they should get the
victory, and prevail against their enemies. So he went out after
the Philistines, and set upon them as they were slaying one
another. Those also who had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing
that Saul was gaining a victory, came running to him. When,
therefore, the number of the Hebrews that came to Saul amounted
to about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy, who were scattered
all over the country; but then he fell into an action, which was
a very unhappy one, and liable to be very much blamed; for,
whether out of ignorance or whether out of joy for a victory
gained so strangely, (for it frequently happens that persons so
fortunate are not then able to use their reason consistently,) as
he was desirous to avenge himself, and to exact a due punishment
of the Philistines, he denounced a curse (13) upon the Hebrews:
That if any one put a stop to his slaughter of the enemy, and
fell on eating, and left off the slaughter or the pursuit before
the night came on, and obliged them so to do, he should be
accursed. Now after Saul had denounced this curse, since they
were now in a wood belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, which was
thick and full of bees, Saul's son, who did not hear his father
denounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation the multitude
gave to it, broke off a piece of a honey-comb, and ate part of
it. But, in the mean time, he was informed with what a curse his
father had forbidden them to taste any thing before sun-setting:
so he left off eating, and said his father had not done well in
this prohibition, because, had they taken some food, they had
pursued the enemy with greater rigor and alacrity, and had both
taken and slain many more of their enemies.

4. When, therefore, they had slain many ten thousands of the
Philistines, they fell upon spoiling the camp of the Philistines,
but not till late in the evening. They also took a great deal of
prey and cattle, and killed them, and ate them with their blood.
This was told to the king by the scribes, that the multitude were
sinning against God as they sacrificed, and were eating before
the blood was well washed away, and the flesh was made clean.
Then did Saul give order that a great stone should be rolled into
the midst of them, and he made proclamation that they should kill
their sacrifices upon it, and not feed upon the flesh with the
blood, for that was not acceptable to God. And when all the
people did as the king commanded them, Saul erected an altar
there, and offered burnt-offerings upon it to God (14) This was
the first altar that Saul built.

5. So when Saul was desirous of leading his men to the enemy's
camp before it was day, in order to plunder it, and when the
soldiers were not unwilling to follow him, but indeed showed
great readiness to do as he commanded them, the king called
Ahitub the high priest, and enjoined him to know of God whether
he would grant them the favor and permission to go against the
enemy's camp, in order to destroy those that were in it. And when
the priest said that God did not give any answer, Saul replied,
"And not without some cause does God refuse to answer what we
inquire of him, while yet a little while ago he declared to us
all that we desired beforehand, and even prevented us in his
answer. To be sure there is some sin against him that is
concealed from us, which is the occasion of his silence. Now I
swear by him himself, that though he that hath committed this sin
should prove to be my own son Jonathan, I will slay him, and by
that means will appease the anger of God against us, and that in
the very same manner as if I were to punish a stranger, and one
not at all related to me, for the same offense." So when the
multitude cried out to him so to do, he presently set all the
rest on one side, and he and his son stood on the other side, and
he sought to discover the offender by lot. Now the lot appeared
to fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was asked by his father
what sin he had been guilty of, and what he was conscious of in
the course of his life that might be esteemed instances of guilt
or profaneness, his answer was this, "O father, I have done
nothing more than that yesterday, without knowing of the curse
and oath thou hadst denounced, while I was in pursuit of the
enemy, I tasted of a honey-comb." But Saul sware that he would
slay him, and prefer the observation of his oath before all the
ties of birth and of nature. And Jonathan was not dismayed at
this threatening of death, but, offering himself to it generously
and undauntedly, he said, "Nor do I desire you, father, to spare
me: death will be to me very acceptable, when it proceeds from
thy piety, and after a glorious victory; for it is the greatest
consolation to me that I leave the Hebrews victorious over the
Philistines." Hereupon all the people were very sorry, and
greatly afflicted for Jonathan; and they sware that they would
not overlook Jonathan, and see him die, who was the author of
their victory. By which means they snatched him out of the danger
he was in from his father's curse, while they made their prayers
to God also for the young man, that he would remit his sin.

6. So Saul, having slain about sixty thousand of the enemy,
returned home to his own city, and reigned happily: and he also
fought against the neighboring nations, and subdued the
Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines, and Edomites, and
Amalekites, as also the king of Zobah. He had three male
children, Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua; with Merab and
Michal his daughters. He had also Abner, his uncle's son, for the
captain of his host: that uncle's name was Ner. Now Ner, and Kish
the father of Saul, were brothers. Saul had also a great many
chariots and horsemen, and against whomsoever he made war he
returned conqueror, and advanced the affairs of the Hebrews to a
great degree of success and prosperity, and made them superior to
other nations; and he made such of the young men as were
remarkable for tallness and comeliness the guards of his body.




CHAPTER 7.

Saul's War With The Amalekites, And Conquest Of Them.


1. Now Samuel came unto Saul, and said to him, that he was sent
by God to put him in mind that God had preferred him before all
others, and ordained him king; that he therefore ought to be
obedient to him, and to submit to his authority, as considering,
that though he had the dominion over the other tribes, yet that
God had the dominion over him, and over all things. That
accordingly God said to him, that "because the Amalekites did the
Hebrews a great deal of mischief while they were in the
wilderness, and when, upon their coming out of Egypt, they were
making their way to that country which is now their own, I enjoin
thee to punish the Amalekites, by making war upon them; and when
thou hast subdued them, to leave none of them alive, but to
pursue them through every age, and to slay them, beginning with
the women and the infants, and to require this as a punishment to
be inflicted upon them for the mischief they did to our
forefathers; to spare nothing, neither asses nor other beasts,
nor to reserve any of them for your own advantage and possession,
but to devote them universally to God, and, in obedience to the
commands of Moses, to blot out the name of Amalek entirely." (15)

2. So Saul promised to do what he was commanded; and supposing
that his obedience to God would be shown, not only in making war
against the Amalekites, but more fully in the readiness and
quickness of his proceedings, he made no delay, but immediately
gathered together all his forces; and when he had numbered them
in Gilgal, he found them to be about four hundred thousand of the
Israelites, besides the tribe of Judah, for that tribe contained
by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly, Saul made an irruption
into the country of the Amalekites, and set many men in several
parties in ambush at the river, that so he might not only do them
a mischief by open fighting, but might fall upon them
unexpectedly in the ways, and might thereby compass them round
about, and kill them. And when he had joined battle with the
enemy, he beat them; and pursuing them as they fled, he destroyed
them all. And when that undertaking had succeeded, according as
God had foretold, he set upon the cities of the Amalekites; he
besieged them, and took them by force, partly by warlike
machines, partly by mines dug under ground, and partly by
building walls on the outsides. Some they starved out with
famine, and some they gained by other methods; and after all, he
betook himself to slay the women and the children, and thought he
did not act therein either barbarously or inhumanly; first,
because they were enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next
place, because it was done by the command of God, whom it was
dangerous not to obey. He also took Agag, the enemies' king,
captive, - the beauty and tallness of whose body he admired so
much, that he thought him worthy of preservation. Yet was not
this done however according to the will of God, but by giving way
to human passions, and suffering himself to be moved with an
unseasonable commiseration, in a point where it was not safe for
him to indulge it; for God hated the nation of the Amalekites to
such a degree, that he commanded Saul to have no pity on even
those infants which we by nature chiefly compassionate; but Saul
preserved their king and governor from the miseries which the
Hebrews brought on the people, as if he preferred the fine
appearance of the enemy to the memory of what God had sent him
about. The multitude were also guilty, together with Saul; for
they spared the herds and the flocks, and took them for a prey,
when God had commanded they should not spare them. They also
carried off with them the rest of their wealth and riches; but if
there were any thing that was not worthy of regard, that they
destroyed.

3. But when Saul had conquered all these Amalekites that reached
from Pelusium of Egypt to the Red Sea, he laid waste all the rest
of the enemy's country: but for the nation of the Shechemites, he
did not touch them, although they dwelt in the very middle of the
country of Midian; for before the battle, Saul had sent to them,
and charged them to depart thence, lest they should be partakers
of the miseries of the Amalekites; for he had a just occasion for
saving them, since they were of the kindred of Raguel, Moses's
father-in-law.

4. Hereupon Saul returned home with joy, for the glorious things
he had done, and for the conquest of his enemies, as though he
had not neglected any thing which the prophet had enjoined him to
do when he was going to make war with the Amalekites, and as
though he had exactly observed all that he ought to have done.
But God was grieved that the king of the Amalekites was preserved
alive, and that the multitude had seized on the cattle for a
prey, because these things were done without his permission; for
he thought it an intolerable thing that they should conquer and
overcome their enemies by that power which he gave them, and then
that he himself should be so grossly despised and disobeyed by
them, that a mere man that was a king would not bear it. He
therefore told Samuel the prophet, that he repented that he had
made Saul king, while he did nothing that he had commanded him,
but indulged his own inclinations. When Samuel heard that, he was
in confusion, and began to beseech God all that night to be
reconciled to Saul, and not to be angry with him; but he did not
grant that forgiveness to Saul which the prophet asked for, as
not deeming it a fit thing to grant forgiveness of [such] sins at
his entreaties, since injuries do not otherwise grow so great as
by the easy tempers of those that are injured; or while they hunt
after the glory of being thought gentle and good-natured, before
they are aware they produce other sins. As soon therefore as God
had rejected the intercession of the prophet, and it plainly
appeared he would not change his mind, at break of day Samuel
came to Saul at Gilgal. When the king saw him, he ran to him, and
embraced him, and said, "I return thanks to God, who hath given
me the victory, for I have performed every thing that he hath
commanded me." To which Samuel replied, "How is it then that I
hear the bleating of the sheep and the lowing of the greater
cattle in the camp?" Saul made answer, That the people had
reserved them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation of the
Amalekites, it was entirely destroyed, as he had received it in
command to see done, and that no one man was left; but that he
had saved alive the king alone, and brought him to him,
concerning whom, he said, they would advise together what should
be done with him." But the prophet said, "God is not delighted
with sacrifices, but with good and with righteous men, who are
such as follow his will and his laws, and never think that any
thing is well done by them but when they do it as God had
commanded them; that he then looks upon himself as affronted, not
when any one does not sacrifice, but when any one appears to be
disobedient to him. But that from those who do not obey him, nor
pay him that duty which is the alone true and acceptable worship,
he will not kindly accept their oblations, be those they offer
ever so many and so fat, and be the presents they make him ever
so ornamental, nay, though they were made of gold and silver
themselves, but he will reject them, and esteem them instances of
wickedness, and not of piety. And that he is delighted with those
that still bear in mind this one thing, and this only, how to do
that, whatsoever it be, which God pronounces or commands for them
to do, and to choose rather to die than to transgress any of
those commands; nor does he require so much as a sacrifice from
them. And when these do sacrifice, though it be a mean oblation,
he better accepts of it as the honor of poverty, than such
oblations as come from the richest men that offer them to him.
Wherefore take notice, that thou art under the wrath of God, for
thou hast despised and neglected what he commanded thee. How dost
thou then suppose that he will respect a sacrifice out of such
things as he hath doomed to destruction? unless perhaps thou dost
imagine that it is almost all one to offer it in sacrifice to God
as to destroy it. Do thou therefore expect that thy kingdom will
be taken from thee, and that authority which thou hast abused by
such insolent behavior, as to neglect that God who bestowed it
upon thee." Then did Saul confess that he had acted unjustly, and
did not deny that he had sinned, because he had transgressed the
injunctions of the prophet; but he said that it was out of a
dread and fear of the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and
restrain them when they seized on the prey. "But forgive me,"
said he, "and be merciful to me, for I will be cautious how I
offend for the time to come." He also entreated the prophet to go
back with him, that he might offer his thank-offerings to God;
but Samuel went home, because he saw that God would not be
reconciled to him.

5. But then Saul was so desirous to retain Samuel, that he took
hold of his cloak, and because the vehemence of Samuel's
departure made the motion to be violent, the cloak was rent. Upon
which the prophet said, that after the same manner should the
kingdom be rent from him, and that a good and a just man should
take it; that God persevered in what he had decreed about him;
that to be mutable and changeable in what is determined, is
agreeable to human passions only, but is not agreeable to the
Divine Power. Hereupon Saul said that he had been wicked, but
that what was done could not be undone: he therefore desired him
to honor him so far, that the multitude might see that he would
accompany him in worshipping God. So Samuel granted him that
favor, and went with him and worshipped God. Agag also, the king
of the Amalekites, was brought to him; and when the king asked,
How bitter death was? Samuel said, "As thou hast made many of the
Hebrew mothers to lament and bewail the loss of their children,
so shalt thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to lament thee
also." Accordingly, he gave order to slay him immediately at
Gilgal, and then went away to the city Ramah.




CHAPTER 8.

How, Upon Saul's Transgression Of The Prophet's Commands, Samuel
Ordained Another Person To Be King Privately, Whose Name Was
David, As God Commanded Him.


1. Now Saul being sensible of the miserable condition he had
brought himself into, and that he had made God to be his enemy,
he went up to his royal palace at Gibeah, which name denotes a
hill, and after that day he came no more into the presence of the
prophet. And when Samuel mourned for him, God bid him leave off
his concern for him, and to take the holy oil, and go to
Bethlehem, to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such of his
sons as he should show him for their future king. But Samuel
said, he was afraid lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should
kill him, either by some private method or even openly. But upon
God's suggesting to him a safe way of going thither, he came to
the forementioned city; and when they all saluted him, and asked
what was the occasion of his coming, he told them he came to
sacrifice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten the sacrifice
ready, he called Jesse and his sons to partake of those
sacrifices; and when he saw his eldest son to be a tall and
handsome man, he guessed by his comeliness that he was the person
who was to be their future king. But he was mistaken in judging
about God's providence; for when Samuel inquired of God whether
he should anoint this youth, whom he so admired, and esteemed
worthy of the kingdom, God said, "Men do not see as God seeth.
Thou indeed hast respect to the fine appearance of this youth,
and thence esteemest him worthy of the kingdom, while I propose
the kingdom as a reward, not of the beauty of bodies, but of the
virtue of souls, and I inquire after one that is perfectly comely
in that respect; I mean one who is beautiful in piety, and
righteousness, and fortitude, and obedience, for in them consists
the comeliness of the soul." When God had said this, Samuel bade
Jesse to show him all his sons. So he made five others of his
sons to come to him; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest,
Aminadab the second, Shammall the third, Nathaniel the fourth,
Rael the fifth, and Asam the sixth. And when the prophet saw that
these were no way inferior to the eldest in their countenances,
he inquired of God which of them it was whom he chose for their
king. And when God said it was none of them, he asked Jesse
whether he had not some other sons besides these; and when he
said that he had one more, named David, but that he was a
shepherd, and took care of the flocks, Samuel bade them call him
immediately, for that till he was come they could not possibly
sit down to the feast. Now, as soon as his father had sent for
David, and he was come, he appeared to be of a yellow complexion,
of a sharp sight, and a comely person in other respects also.
This is he, said Samuel privately to himself, whom it pleases God
to make our king. So he sat down to the feast, and placed the
youth under him, and Jesse also, with his other sons; after which
he took oil in the presence of David, and anointed him, and
whispered him in the ear, and acquainted him that God chose him
to be their king; and exhorted him to be righteous, and obedient
to his commands, for that by this means his kingdom would
continue for a long time, and that his house should be of great
splendor, and celebrated in the world; that he should overthrow
the Philistines; and that against what nations soever he should
make war, he should be the conqueror, and survive the fight; and
that while he lived he should enjoy a glorious name, and leave
such a name to his posterity also.

2. So Samuel, when he had given him these admonitions, went away.
But the Divine Power departed from Saul, and removed to David;
who, upon this removal of the Divine Spirit to him, began to
prophesy. But as for Saul, some strange and demoniacal disorders
came upon him, and brought upon him such suffocations as were
ready to choke him; for which the physicians could find no other
remedy but this, That if any person could charm those passions by
singing, and playing upon the harp, they advised them to inquire
for such a one, and to observe when these demons came upon him
and disturbed him, and to take care that such a person might
stand over him, and play upon the harp, and recite hymns to him.
(16) Accordingly Saul did not delay, but commanded them to seek
out such a man. And when a certain stander-by said that he had
seen in the city of Bethlehem a son of Jesse, who was yet no more
than a child in age, but comely and beautiful, and in other
respects one that was deserving of great regard, who was skillful
in playing on the harp, and in singing of hymns, [and an
excellent soldier in war,] he sent to Jesse, and desired him to
take David away from the flocks, and send him to him, for he had
a mind to see him, as having heard an advantageous character of
his comeliness and his valor. So Jesse sent his son, and gave him
presents to carry to Saul. And when he was come, Saul was pleased
with him, and made him his armor-bearer, and had him in very
great esteem; for he charmed his passion, and was the only
physician against the trouble he had from the demons, whensoever
it was that it came upon him, and this by reciting of hymns, and
playing upon the harp, and bringing Saul to his right mind again.
However, he sent to Jesse, the father of the child, and desired
him to permit David to stay with him, for that he was delighted
with his sight and company; which stay, that he might not
contradict Saul, he granted.




CHAPTER 9.

How The Philistines Made Another Expedition Against The Hebrews
Under The Reign Of Saul; And How They Were Overcome By David's
Slaying Goliath In Single Combat.


1. Now the Philistines gathered themselves together again no very
long time afterward; and having gotten together a great army,
they made war against the Israelites; and having seized a place
between Shochoh and Azekah, they there pitched their camp. Saul
also drew out his army to oppose them; and by pitching his own
camp on a certain hill, he forced the Philistines to leave their
former camp, and to encamp themselves upon such another hill,
over-against that on which Saul's army lay, so that a valley,
which was between the two hills on which they lay, divided their
camps asunder. Now there came down a man out of the camp of the
Philistines, whose name was Goliath, of the city of Gath, a man
of vast bulk, for he was of four cubits and a span in tallness,
and had about him weapons suitable to the largeness of his body,
for he had a breastplate on that weighed five thousand shekels:
he had also a helmet and greaves of brass, as large as you would
naturally suppose might cover the limbs of so vast a body. His
spear was also such as was not carried like a light thing in his
right hand, but he carried it as lying on his shoulders. He had
also a lance of six hundred shekels; and many followed him to
carry his armor. Wherefore this Goliath stood between the two
armies, as they were in battle array, and sent out aloud voice,
and said to Saul and the Hebrews, "I will free you from fighting
and from dangers; for what necessity is there that your army
should fall and be afflicted? Give me a man of you that will
fight with me, and he that conquers shall have the reward of the
conqueror and determine the war; for these shall serve those
others to whom the conqueror shall belong; and certainly it is
much better, and more prudent, to gain what you desire by the
hazard of one man than of all." When he had said this, he retired
to his own camp; but the next day he came again, and used the
same words, and did not leave off for forty days together, to
challenge the enemy in the same words, till Saul and his army
were therewith terrified, while they put themselves in array as
if they would fight, but did not come to a close battle.

2. Now while this war between the Hebrews and the Philistines was
going on, Saul sent away David to his father Jesse, and contented
himself with those three sons of his whom he had sent to his
assistance, and to be partners in the dangers of the war: and at
first David returned to feed his sheep and his flocks; but after
no long time he came to the camp of the Hebrews, as sent by his
father, to carry provisions to his brethren, and to know what
they were doing. While Goliath came again, and challenged them,
and reproached them, that they had no man of valor among them
that durst come down to fight him; and as David was talking with
his brethren about the business for which his father had sent
him, he heard the Philistine reproaching and abusing the army,
and had indignation at it, and said to his brethren, "I am ready
to fight a single combat with this adversary." Whereupon Eliab,
his eldest brother, reproved him, and said that he spoke too
rashly and improperly for one of his age, and bid him go to his
flocks, and to his father. So he was abashed at his brother's
words, and went away, but still he spake to some of the soldiers
that he was willing to fight with him that challenged them. And
when they had informed Saul what was the resolution of the young
man, the king sent for him to come to him: and when the king
asked what he had to say, he replied, "O king, be not cast down,
nor afraid, for I will depress the insolence of this adversary,
and will go down and fight with him, and will bring him under me,
as tall and as great as he is, till he shall be sufficiently
laughed at, and thy army shall get great glory, when he shall be
slain by one that is not yet of man's estate, neither fit for
fighting, nor capable of being intrusted with the marshalling an
army, or ordering a battle, but by one that looks like a child,
and is really no elder in age than a child."

3. Now Saul wondered at the boldness and alacrity of David, but
durst not presume on his ability, by reason of his age; but said
he must on that account be too weak to fight with one that was
skilled in the art of war. "I undertake this enterprise," said
David, "in dependence on God's being with me, for I have had
experience already of his assistance; for I once pursued after
and caught a lion that assaulted my flocks, and took away a lamb
from them; and I snatched the lamb out of the wild beast's mouth,
and when he leaped upon me with violence, I took him by the tail,
and dashed him against the ground. In the same manner did I
avenge myself on a bear also; and let this adversary of ours be
esteemed like one of these wild beasts, since he has a long while
reproached our army, and blasphemed our God, who yet will reduce
him under my power."

4. However, Saul prayed that the end might be, by God's
assistance, not disagreeable to the alacrity and boldness of the
child; and said, "Go thy way to the fight." So he put about him
his breastplate, and girded on his sword, and fitted the helmet
to his head, and sent him away. But David was burdened with his
armor, for he had not been exercised to it, nor had he learned to
walk with it; so he said, "Let this armor be thine, O king, who
art able to bear it; but give me leave to fight as thy servant,
and as I myself desire." Accordingly he laid by the armor, and
taking his staff with him, and putting five stones out of the
brook into a shepherd's bag, and having a sling in his right
hand, he went towards Goliath. But the adversary seeing him come
in such a manner, disdained him, and jested upon him, as if he
had not such weapons with him as are usual when one man fights
against another, but such as are used in driving away and
avoiding of dogs; and said, "Dost thou take me not for a man, but
a dog?" To which he replied, "No, not for a dog, but for a
creature worse than a dog." This provoked Goliath to anger, who
thereupon cursed him by the name of God, and threatened to give
his flesh to the beasts of the earth, and to the fowls of the
air, to be torn in pieces by them. To whom David answered, Thou
comest to me with a sword, and with a spear, and with a
breastplate; but I have God for my armor in coming against thee,
who will destroy thee and all thy army by my hands for I will
this day cut off thy head, and cast the other parts of thy body
to the dogs, and all men shall learn that God is the protector of
the Hebrews, and that our armor and our strength is in his
providence; and that without God's assistance, all other warlike
preparations and power are useless." So the Philistine being
retarded by the weight of his armor, when he attempted to meet
David in haste, came on but slowly, as despising him, and
depending upon it that he should slay him, who was both unarmed
and a child also, without any trouble at all.

5. But the youth met his antagonist, being accompanied with an
invisible assistant, who was no other than God himself. And
taking one of the stones that he had out of the brook, and had
put into his shepherd's bag, and fitting it to his sling, he
slang it against the Philistine. This stone fell upon his
forehead, and sank into his brain, insomuch that Goliath was
stunned, and fell upon his face. So David ran, and stood upon his
adversary as he lay down, and cut off his head with his own
sword; for he had no sword himself. And upon the fall of Goliath
the Philistines were beaten, and fled; for when they saw their
champion prostrate on the ground, they were afraid of the entire
issue of their affairs, and resolved not to stay any longer, but
committed themselves to an ignominious and indecent flight, and
thereby endeavored to save themselves from the dangers they were
in. But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews made a shout, and
rushed upon them, and slew a great number of them, and pursued
the rest to the borders of Garb, and to the gates of Ekron; so
that there were slain of the Philistines thirty thousand, and
twice as many wounded. But Saul returned to their camp, and
pulled their fortification to pieces, and burnt it; but David
carried the head of Goliath into his own tent, but dedicated his
sword to God [at the tabernacle].




CHAPTER 10.

Saul Envies David For His Glorious Success, And Takes An Occasion
Of Entrapping Him, From The Promise He Made Him Of Giving Him His
Daughter In Marriage; But This Upon Condition Of His Bringing Him
Six Hundred Heads Of The Philistines.


1. Now the women were an occasion of Saul's envy and hatred to
David; for they came to meet their victorious army with cymbals,
and drums, and all demonstrations of joy, and sang thus: The
wives said, that "Saul had slain his many thousands of the
Philistines." The virgins replied, that "David had slain his ten
thousands." Now, when the king heard them singing thus, and that
he had himself the smallest share in their commendations, and the
greater number, the ten thousands, were ascribed to the young
man; and when he considered with himself that there was nothing
more wanting to David, after such a mighty applause, but the
kingdom; he began to be afraid and suspicious of David.
Accordingly he removed him from the station he was in before, for
he was his armor-bearer, which, out of fear, seemed to him much
too near a station for him; and so he made him captain over a
thousand, and bestowed on him a post better indeed in itself,
but, as he thought, more for his own security; for he had a mind
to send him against the enemy, and into battles, as hoping he
would be slain in such dangerous conflicts.

2. But David had God going along with him whithersoever he went,
and accordingly he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and it
was visible that he had mighty success, insomuch that Saul's
daughter, who was still a virgin, fell in love with him; and her
affection so far prevailed over her, that it could not be
concealed, and her father became acquainted with it. Now Saul
heard this gladly, as intending to make use of it for a snare
against David, and he hoped that it would prove the cause of
destruction and of hazard to him; so he told those that informed
him of his daughter's affection, that he would willingly give
David the virgin in marriage, and said, "I engage myself to marry
my daughter to him if he will bring me six hundred heads of my
enemies (17) supposing that when a reward so ample was proposed
to him, and when he should aim to get him great glory, by
undertaking a thing so dangerous and incredible, he would
immediately set about it, and so perish by the Philistines; and
my designs about him will succeed finely to my mind, for I shall
be freed from him, and get him slain, not by myself, but by
another man." So he gave order to his servants to try how David
would relish this proposal of marrying the damsel. Accordingly,
they began to speak thus to him: That king Saul loved him, as
well as did all the people, and that he was desirous of his
affinity by the marriage of this damsel. To which he gave this
answer:-- "Seemeth it to you a light thing to be made the king's
son-in-law? It does not seem so to me, especially when I am one
of a family that is low, and without any glory or honor." Now
when Saul was informed by his servants what answer David had
made, he said, - "Tell him that I do not want any money nor dowry
from him, which would be rather to set my daughter to sale than
to give her in marriage; but I desire only such a son-in-law as
hath in him fortitude, and all other kinds of virtue," of which
he saw David was possessed, and that his desire was to receive of
him, on account of his marrying his daughter, neither gold nor
silver, nor that he should bring such wealth out of his father's
house, but only some revenge on the Philistines, and indeed six
hundred of their heads, than which a more desirable or a more
glorious present could not be brought him, and that he had much
rather obtain this, than any of the accustomed dowries for his
daughter, viz. that she should be married to a man of that
character, and to one who had a testimony as having conquered his
enemies.

3. When these words of Saul were brought to David, he was pleased
with them, and supposed that Saul was really desirous of this
affinity with him; so that without bearing to deliberate any
longer, or casting about in his mind whether what was proposed
was possible, or was difficult or not, he and his companions
immediately set upon the enemy, and went about doing what was
proposed as the condition of the marriage. Accordingly, because
it was God who made all things easy and possible to David, he
slew many [of the Philistines], and cut off the heads of six
hundred of them, and came to the king, and by showing him these
heads of the Philistines, required that he might have his
daughter in marriage. Accordingly, Saul having no way of getting
off his engagements, as thinking it a base thing either to seem a
liar when he promised him this marriage, or to appear to have
acted treacherously by him, in putting him upon what was in a
manner impossible, in order to have him slain, he gave him his
daughter in marriage: her name was Michal.




CHAPTER 11.

How David, Upon Saul's Laying Snares For Him, Did Yet Escape The
Dangers He Was In By The Affection And Care Of Jonathan And The
Contrivances Of His Wife Michal: And How He Came To Samuel The
Prophet.


1. However, Saul was not disposed to persevere long in the state
wherein he was, for when he saw that David was in great esteem,
both with God and with the multitude, he was afraid; and being
not able to conceal his fear as concerning great things, his
kingdom and his life, to be deprived of either of which was a
very great calamity, he resolved to have David slain, and
commanded his son Jonathan and his most faithful servants to kill
him: but Jonathan wondered at his father's change with relation
to David, that it should be made to so great a degree, from
showing him no small good-will, to contrive how to have him
killed. Now, because he loved the young man, and reverenced him
for his virtue, he informed him of the secret charge his father
had given, and what his intentions were concerning him. However,
he advised him to take care and be absent the next day, for that
he would salute his father, and, if he met with a favorable
opportunity, he would discourse with him about him, and learn the
cause of his disgust, and show how little ground there was for
it, and that for it he ought not to kill a man that had done so
many good things to the multitude, and had been a benefactor to
himself, on account of which he ought in reason to obtain pardon,
had he been guilty of the greatest crimes; and "I will then
inform thee of my father's resolution." Accordingly David
complied with such an advantageous advice, and kept himself then
out of the king's sight.

2. On the next day Jonathan came to Saul, as soon as he saw him
in a cheerful and joyful disposition, and began to introduce a
discourse about David: "What unjust action, O father, either
little or great, hast thou found so exceptionable in David, as to
induce thee to order us to slay a man who hath been of great
advantage to thy own preservation, and of still greater to the
punishment of the Philistines? A man who hath delivered the
people of the Hebrews from reproach and derision, which they
underwent for forty days together, when he alone had courage
enough to sustain the challenge of the adversary, and after that
brought as many heads of our enemies as he was appointed to
bring, and had, as a reward for the same, my sister in marriage;
insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful to us, not only
on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness of our
relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that
he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood, before
she can come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual
conversation. Consider these things, and change your mind to a
more merciful temper, and do no mischief to a man, who, in the
first place, hath done us the greatest kindness of preserving
thee; for when an evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee, he
cast them out, and procured rest to thy soul from their
incursions: and, in the second place, hath avenged us of our
enemies; for it is a base thing to forget such benefits." So Saul
was pacified with these words, and sware to his son that he would
do David no harm, for a righteous discourse proved too hard for
the king's anger and fear. So Jonathan sent for David, and
brought him good news from his father, that he was to be
preserved. He also brought him to his father; and David continued
with the king as formerly.

3. About this time it was that, upon the Philistines making a new
expedition against the Hebrews, Saul sent David with an army to
fight with them; and joining battle with them he slew many of
them, and after his victory he returned to the king. But his
reception by Saul was not as he expected upon such success, for
he was grieved at his prosperity, because he thought he would be
more dangerous to him by having acted so gloriously: but when the
demoniacal spirit came upon him, and put him into disorder, and
disturbed him, he called for David into his bed-chamber wherein
he lay, and having a spear in his hand, he ordered him to charm
him with playing on his harp, and with singing hymns; which when
David did at his command, he with great force threw the spear at
him; but David was aware of it before it came, and avoided it,
and fled to his own house, and abode there all that day.

4. But at night the king sent officers, and commanded that he
should be watched till the morning, lest he should get quite
away, that he might come into the judgment-hall, and so might be
delivered up, and condemned and slain. But when Michal, David's
wife, the king's daughter, understood what her father designed,
she came to her husband, as having small hopes of his
deliverance, and as greatly concerned about her own life also,
for she could not bear to live in case she were deprived of him;
and she said, "Let not the sun find thee here when it rises, for
if it do, that will be the last time it will see thee: fly away
then while the night may afford thee opportunity, and may God
lengthen it for thy sake; for know this, that if my father find
thee, thou art a dead man." So she let him down by a cord out of
the window, and saved him: and after she had done so, she fitted
up a bed for him as if he were sick, and put under the
bed-clothes a goat's liver (18) and when her father, as soon as
it was day, sent to seize David, she said to those that were
there, That he had not been well that night, and showed them the
bed covered, and made them believe, by the leaping of the liver,
which caused the bed-clothes to move also, that David breathed
like one that was asthmatic. So when those that were sent told
Saul that David had not been well in the night he ordered him to
be brought in that condition, for he intended to kill him. Now
when they came and uncovered the bed, and found out the woman's
contrivance, they told it to the king; and when her father
complained of her that she had saved his enemy, and had put a
trick upon himself, she invented this plausible defense for
herself, and said, That when he had threatened to kill her, she
lent him her assistance for his preservation, out of fear; for
which her assistance she ought to be forgiven, because it was not
done of her own free choice, but out of necessity: "For," said
she, "I do not suppose that thou wast so zealous to kill thy
enemy, as thou wast that I should be saved." Accordingly Saul
forgave the damsel; but David, when he had escaped this danger,
came to the prophet Samuel to Ramah, and told him what snares the
king had laid for him, and how he was very near to death by
Saul's throwing a spear at him, although he had been no way
guilty with relation to him, nor had he been cowardly in his
battles with his enemies, but had succeeded well in them all, by
God's assistance; which thing was indeed the cause of Saul's
hatred to David.

5. When the prophet was made acquainted with the unjust
proceedings of the king, he left the city Ramah, and took David
with him, to a certain place called Naioth, and there he abode
with him. But when it was told Saul that David was with the
prophet, he sent soldiers to him, and ordered them to take him,
and bring him to him: and when they came to Samuel, and found
there a congregation of prophets, they became partakers of the
Divine Spirit, and began to prophesy; which when Saul heard of,
he sent others to David, who prophesying in like manner as did
the first, he again sent others; which third sort prophesying
also, at last he was angry, and went thither in great haste
himself; and when he was just by the place, Samuel, before he saw
him, made him prophesy also. And when Saul came to him, he was
disordered in mind (19) and under the vehement agitation of a
spirit; and, putting off his garments, (20) he fell down, and lay
on the ground all that day and night, in the presence of Samuel
and David.

6. And David went thence, and came to Jonathan, the son of Saul,
and lamented to him what snares were laid for him by his father;
and said, that though he had been guilty of no evil, nor had
offended against him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed.
Hereupon Jonathan exhorted him not to give credit to such his own
suspicions, nor to the calumnies of those that raised those
reports, if there were any that did so, but to depend on him, and
take courage; for that his father had no such intention, since he
would have acquainted him with that matter, and have taken his
advice, had it been so, as he used to consult with him in common
when he acted in other affairs. But David sware to him that so it
was; and he desired him rather to believe him, and to provide for
his safety, than to despise what he, with great sincerity, told
him: that he would believe what he said, when he should either
see him killed himself, or learn it upon inquiry from others: and
that the reason why his father did not tell him of these things,
was this, that he knew of the friendship and affection that he
bore towards him.

7. Hereupon, when Jonathan found that this intention of Saul was
so well attested, he asked him what he would have him do for him.
To which David replied, "I am sensible that thou art willing to
gratify me in every thing, and procure me what I desire. Now
tomorrow is the new moon, and I was accustomed to sit down then
with the king at supper: now, if it seem good to thee, I will go
out of the city, and conceal myself privately there; and if Saul
inquire why I am absent, tell him that I am gone to my own city
Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own tribe; and add this
also, that thou gavest me leave so to do. And if he say, as is
usually said in the case of friends that are gone abroad, It is
well that he went, then assure thyself that no latent mischief or
enmity may be feared at his hand; but if he answer otherwise,
that will be a sure sign that he hath some designs against me,
Accordingly thou shalt inform me of thy father's inclinations;
and that out of pity to my case and out of thy friendship for me,
as instances of which friendship thou hast vouchsafed to accept
of the assurances of my love to thee, and to give the like
assurances to me, that is, those of a master to his servant; but
if thou discoverest any wickedness in me, do thou prevent thy
father, and kill me thyself."

8. But Jonathan heard these last words with indignation, and
promised to do what he desired of him, and to inform him if his
father's answers implied any thing of a melancholy nature, and
any enmity against him. And that he might the more firmly depend
upon him, he took him out into the open field, into the pure air,
and sware that he would neglect nothing that might tend to the
preservation of David; and he said, "I appeal to that God, who,
as thou seest, is diffused every where, and knoweth this
intention of mine, before I explain it in words, as the witness
of this my covenant with thee, that I will not leave off to make
frequent trims of the purpose of my father till I learn whether
there be any lurking distemper in the most secret parts of his
soul; and when I have learnt it, I will not conceal it from thee,
but will discover it to thee, whether he be gently or peevishly
disposed; for this God himself knows, that I pray he may always
be with thee, for he is with thee now, and will not forsake thee,
and will make thee superior to thine enemies, whether my father
be one of them, or whether I myself be such. Do thou only
remember what we now do; and if it fall out that I die, preserve
my children alive, and requite what kindness thou hast now
received to them." When he had thus sworn, he dismissed David,
bidding him go to a certain place of that plain wherein he used
to perform his exercises; for that, as soon as he knew the mind
of his father, he would come thither to him, with one servant
only; "and if," says he, "I shoot three darts at the mark, and
then bid my servant to carry these three darts away, for they are
before him, know thou that there is no mischief to be feared from
my father; but if thou hearest me say the contrary, expect the
contrary from the king. However, thou shalt gain security by my
means, and shalt by no means suffer any harm; but see thou dost
not forget what I have desired of thee in the time of thy
prosperity, and be serviceable to my children." Now David, when
he had received these assurances from Jonathan, went his way to
the place appointed.

9. But on the next day, which was the new moon, the king, when he
had purified himself, as the custom was, came to supper; and when
there sat by him his son Jonathan on his right hand, and Abner,
the captain of his host, on the other hand, he saw David's seat
was empty, but said nothing, supposing that he had not purified
himself since he had accompanied with his wife, and so could not
be present; but when he saw that he was not there the second day
of the month neither, he inquired of his son Jonathan why the son
of Jesse did not come to the supper and the feast, neither the
day before nor that day. So Jonathan said, That he was gone,
according to the agreement between them, to his own city, where
his tribe kept a festival, and that by his permission: that he
also invited him to come to their sacrifice; "and," says
Jonathan, "if thou wilt give me leave, I Will go thither, for
thou knowest the good-will that I bear him." And then it was that
Jonathan understood his father's hatred to David, and plainly saw
his entire disposition; for Saul could not restrain his anger,
but reproached Jonathan, and called him the son of a runagate,
and an enemy; and said he was a partner with David, and his
assistant, and that by his behavior he showed he had no regard to
himself, or to his mother, and would not be persuaded of this, -
that while David is alive, their kingdom was not secure to them;
yet did he bid him send for him, that he might be punished. And
when Jonathan said, in answer, "What hath he done that thou wilt
punish him?" Saul no longer contented himself to express his
anger in bare words, but snatched up his spear, and leaped upon
him, and was desirous to kill him. He did not indeed do what he
intended, because he was hindered by his friends; but it appeared
plainly to his son that he hated David, and greatly desired to
despatch him, insomuch that he had almost slain his son with his
own hands on his account.

10. And then it was that the king's son rose hastily from supper;
and being unable to admit any thing into his mouth for grief, he
wept all night, both because he had himself been near
destruction, and because the death of David was determined: but
as soon as it was day, he went out into the plain that was before
the city, as going to perform his exercises, but in reality to
inform his friend what disposition his father was in towards him,
as he had agreed with him to do; and when Jonathan had done what
had been thus agreed, he dismissed his servant that followed him,
to return to the city; but he himself went into the desert, and
came into his presence, and communed with him. So David appeared
and fell at Jonathan's feet, and bowed down to him, and called
him the preserver of his soul; but he lifted him up from the
earth, and they mutually embraced one another, and made a long
greeting, and that not without tears. They also lamented their
age, and that familiarity which envy would deprive them of, and
that separation which must now be expected, which seemed to them
no better than death itself. So recollecting themselves at length
from their lamentation, and exhorting one another to be mindful
of the oaths they had sworn to each other, they parted asunder.




CHAPTER 12.

How David Fled To Ahimelech And Afterwards To The Kings Of The
Philistines And Of The Moabites, And How Saul Slew Ahimelech And
His Family.


1. But David fled from the king, and that death he was in danger
of by him, and came to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest,
who, when he saw him coming all alone, and neither a friend nor a
servant with him, he wondered at it, and desired to learn of him
the cause why there was nobody with him. To which David answered,
That the king had commanded him to do a certain thing that was to
be kept secret, to which, if he had a mind to know so much, he
had no occasion for any one to accompany him; "however, I have
ordered my servants to meet me at such and such a place." So he
desired him to let him have somewhat to eat; and that in case he
would supply him, he would act the part of a friend, and be
assisting to the business he was now about: and when he had
obtained what he desired, he also asked him whether he had any
weapons with him, either sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a
servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name was Doeg, one that
kept the king's mules. The high priest said that he had no such
weapons; but, he added, "Here is the sword of Goliath, which,
when thou hadst slain the Philistine, thou didst dedicate to
God."

2. When David had received the sword, he fled out of the country
of the Hebrews into that of the Philistines, over which Achish
reigned; and when the king's servants knew him, and he was made
known to the king himself, the servants informing him that he was
that David who had killed many ten thousands of the Philistines,
David was afraid lest the king should put him to death, and that
he should experience that danger from him which he had escaped
from Saul; so he pretended to be distracted and mad, so that his
spittle ran out of his mouth; and he did other the like actions
before the king of Gath, which might make him believe that they
proceeded from such a distemper. Accordingly the king was very
angry at his servants that they had brought him a madman, and he
gave orders that they should eject David immediately [out of the
city].

3. So when David had escaped in this manner out of Gath, he came
to the tribe of Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of
Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his brethren, and informed
them where he was, who then came to him with all their kindred,
and as many others as were either in want or in fear of king
Saul, came and made a body together, and told him they were ready
to obey his orders; they were in all about four hundred.
Whereupon he took courage, now such a force and assistance was
come to him; so he removed thence and came to the king of the
Moabites, and desired him to entertain his parents in his
country, while the issue of his affairs were in such an uncertain
condition. The king granted him this favor, and paid great
respect to David's parents all the time they were with him.

4. As for himself, upon the prophet's commanding him to leave the
desert, and to go into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and
abide there, he complied therewith; and coming to the city
Hareth, which was in that tribe, he remained there. Now when Saul
heard that David had been seen with a multitude about him, he
fell into no small disturbance and trouble; but as he knew that
David was a bold and courageous man, he suspected that somewhat
extraordinary would appear from him, and that openly also, which
would make him weep and put him into distress; so he called
together to him his friends, and his commanders, and the tribe
from which he was himself derived, to the hill where his palace
was; and sitting upon a place called Aroura, his courtiers that
were in dignities, and the guards of his body, being with him, he
spake thus to them:-- "You that are men of my own tribe, I
conclude that you remember the benefits that I have bestowed upon
you, and that I have made some of you owners of land, and made
you commanders, and bestowed posts of honor upon you, and set
some of you over the common people, and others over the soldiers;
I ask you, therefore, whether you expect greater and more
donations from the son of Jesse? for I know that you are all
inclinable to him; (even my own son Jonathan himself is of that
opinion, and persuades you to be of the same); for I am not
unacquainted with the oaths and the covenants that are between
him and David, and that Jonathan is a counselor and an assistant
to those that conspire against me, and none of you are concerned
about these things, but you keep silence and watch, to see what
will be the upshot of these things." When the king had made this
speech, not one of the rest of those that were present made any
answer; but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said, that he saw
David when he came to the city Nob to Ahimelech the high priest,
and that he learned future events by his prophesying; that he
received food from him, and the sword of Goliath, and was
conducted by him with security to such as he desired to go to.

5. Saul therefore sent for the high priest, and for all his
kindred; and said to them, "What terrible or ungrateful tiring
hast thou suffered from me, that thou hast received the son of
Jesse, and hast bestowed on him both food and weapons, when he
was contriving to get the kingdom? And further, why didst thou
deliver oracles to him concerning futurities? For thou couldst
not be unacquainted that he was fled away from me, and that he
hated my family." But the high priest did not betake himself to
deny what he had done, but confessed boldly that he had supplied
him with these things, not to gratify David, but Saul himself:
and he said, "I did not know that he was thy adversary, but a
servant of thine, who was very faithful to thee, and a captain
over a thousand of thy soldiers, and, what is more than these,
thy son-in-law, and kinsman. Men do not choose to confer such
favors on their adversaries, but on those who are esteemed to
bear the highest good-will and respect to them. Nor is this the
first time that I prophesied for him, but I have done it often,
and at other times as well as now. And when he told me that he
was sent by thee in great haste to do somewhat, if I had
furnished him with nothing that he desired I should have thought
that it was rather in contradiction to thee than to him;
wherefore do not thou entertain any ill opinion of me, nor do
thou have a suspicion of what I then thought an act of humanity,
from what is now told thee of David's attempts against thee, for
I did then to him as to thy friend and son-in-law, and captain of
a thousand, and not as to thine adversary."

6. When the high priest had spoken thus, he did not persuade
Saul, his fear was so prevalent, that he could not give credit to
an apology that was very just. So he commanded his armed men that
stood about him to kill him, and all his kindred; but as they
durst not touch the high priest, but were more afraid of
disobeying God than the king, he ordered Doeg the Syrian to kill
them. Accordingly, he took to his assistance such wicked men as
were like himself, and slew Ahimelech and all his family, who
were in all three hundred and eighty-five. Saul also sent to Nob,
(21) the city of the priests, and slew all that were there,
without sparing either women or children, or any other age, and
burnt it; only there was one son of Ahimelech, whose name was
Abiathar, who escaped. However, these things came to pass as God
had foretold to Eli the high priest, when he said that his
posterity should be destroyed, on account of the transgression of
his two sons.

7. (22) Now this king Saul, by perpetrating so barbarous a crime,
and murdering the whole family of the high-priestly dignity, by
having no pity of the infants, nor reverence for the aged, and by
overthrowing the city which God had chosen for the property, and
for the support of the priests and prophets which were there, and
had ordained as the only city allotted for the education of such
men, gives all to understand and consider the disposition of men,
that while they are private persons, and in a low condition,
because it is not in their power to indulge nature, nor to
venture upon what they wish for, they are equitable and moderate,
and pursue nothing but what is just, and bend their whole minds
and labors that way; then it is that they have this belief about
God, that he is present to all the actions of their lives, and
that he does not only see the actions that are done, but clearly
knows those their thoughts also, whence those actions do arise.
But when once they are advanced into power and authority, then
they put off all such notions, and, as if they were no other than
actors upon a theater, they lay aside their disguised parts and
manners, and take up boldness, insolence, and a contempt of both
human and Divine laws, and this at a time when they especially
stand in need of piety and righteousness, because they are then
most of all exposed to envy, and all they think, and all they
say, are in the view of all men; then it is that they become so
insolent in their actions, as though God saw them no longer, or
were afraid of them because of their power: and whatsoever it is
that they either are afraid of by the rumors they hear, or they
hate by inclination, or they love without reason, these seem to
them to be authentic, and firm, and true, and pleasing both to
men and to God; but as to what will come hereafter, they have not
the least regard to it. They raise those to honor indeed who have
been at a great deal of pains for them, and after that honor they
envy them; and when they have brought them into high dignity,
they do not only deprive them of what they had obtained, but
also, on that very account, of their lives also, and that on
wicked accusations, and such as on account of their extravagant
nature, are incredible. They also punish men for their actions,
not such as deserve condemnation, but from calumnies and
accusations without examination; and this extends not only to
such as deserve to be punished, but to as many as they are able
to kill. This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the
example of Saul, the son of Kish, who was the first king who
reigned after our aristocracy and government under the judges
were over; and that by his slaughter of three hundred priests and
prophets, on occasion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and by
the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and
this is as he were endeavoring in some sort to render the temple
[tabernacle] destitute both of priests and prophets, which
endeavor he showed by slaying so many of them, and not suffering
the very city belonging to them to remain, that so others might
succeed them.

8. But Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, who alone could be saved
out of the family of priests slain by Saul, fled to David, and
informed him of the calamity that had befallen their family, and
of the slaughter of his father; who hereupon said, He was not
unapprised of what would follow with relation to them when he saw
Doeg there; for he had then a suspicion that the high priest
would be falsely accused by him to the king, and he blamed
himself as having been the cause of this misfortune. But he
desired him to stay there, and abide with him, as in a place
where he might be better concealed than any where else.




CHAPTER 13.

How David, When He Had Twice The Opportunity Of Killing Saul Did
Not Kill Him. Also Concerning The Death Of Samuel And Nabal.


1. About this time it was that David heard how the Philistines
had made an inroad into the country of Keilah, and robbed it; so
he offered himself to fight against them, if God, when he should
be consulted by the prophet, would grant him the victory. And
when the prophet said that God gave a signal of victory, he made
a sudden onset upon the Philistines with his companions, and he
shed a great deal of their blood, and carried off their prey, and
staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had securely
gathered in their corn and their fruits. However, it was told
Saul the king that David was with the men of Keilah; for what had
been done and the great success that had attended him, were not
confined among the people where the things were done, but the
fame of it went all abroad, and came to the hearing of others,
and both the fact as it stood, and the author of the fact, were
carried to the king's ears. Then was Saul glad when he heard
David was in Keilah; and he said, "God hath now put him into my
hands, since he hath obliged him to come into a city that hath
walls, and gates, and bars." So he commanded all the people
suddenly, and when they had besieged and taken it to kill David.
But when David perceived this, and learned of God that if he
staid there the men of Keilah would deliver him up to Saul, he
took his four hundred men and retired into a desert that was over
against a city called Engedi. So that when the king heard he was
fled away from the men of Keilah, he left off his expedition
against him.

2. Then David removed thence, and came to a certain place called
the New Place, belonging to Ziph; where Jonathan, the son of
Saul, came to him, and saluted him, and exhorted him to be of
good courage, and to hope well as to his condition hereafter, and
not to despond at his present circumstances, for that he should
be king, and have all the forces of the Hebrews under him: he
told him that such happiness uses to come with great labor and
pains: they also took oaths, that they would, all their lives
long, continue in good-will and fidelity one to another; and he
called God to witness, as to what execrations he had made upon
himself if he should transgress his covenant, and should change
to a contrary behavior. So Jonathan left him there, having
rendered his cares and fears somewhat lighter, and returned home.
Now the men of Ziph, to gratify Saul, informed him that David
abode with them, and [assured him] that if he would come to them,
they would deliver him up, for that if the king would seize on
the Straits of Ziph, David would not escape to any other people.
So the king commended them, and confessed that he had reason to
thank them, because they had given him information of his enemy;
and he promised them, that it should not be long ere he would
requite their kindness. He also sent men to seek for David, and
to search the wilderness wherein he was; and he promised that he
himself would follow them. Accordingly they went before the king,
to hunt for and to catch David, and used endeavors, not only to
show their good-will to Saul, by informing him where his enemy
was, but to evidence the same more plainly by delivering him up
into his power. But these men failed of those their unjust and
wicked desires, who, while they underwent no hazard by not
discovering such an ambition of revealing this to Saul, yet did
they falsely accuse and promise to deliver up a man beloved of
God, and one that was unjustly sought after to be put to death,
and one that might otherwise have lain concealed, and this out of
flattery, and expectation of gain from the king; for when David
was apprized of the malignant intentions of the men of Ziph, and
the approach of Saul, he left the Straits of that country, and
fled to the great rock that was in the wilderness of Maon.

3. Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue him thither; for, as he was
marching, he learned that David was gone away from the Straits of
Ziph, and Saul removed to the other side of the rock. But the
report that the Philistines had again made an incursion into the
country of the Hebrews, called Saul another way from the pursuit
of David, when he was ready to be caught; for he returned back
again to oppose those Philistines, who were naturally their
enemies, as judging it more necessary to avenge himself of them,
than to take a great deal of pains to catch an enemy of his own,
and to overlook the ravage that was made in the land.

4. And by this means David unexpectedly escaped out of the danger
he was in, and came to the Straits of Engedi; and when Saul had
driven the Philistines out of the land, there came some
messengers, who told him that David abode within the bounds of
Engedi: so he took three thousand chosen men that were armed, and
made haste to him; and when he was not far from those places, he
saw a deep and hollow cave by the way-side; it was open to a
great length and breadth, and there it was that David with his
four hundred men were concealed. When therefore he had occasion
to ease nature, he entered into it by himself alone; and being
seen by one of David's companions, and he that saw him saying to
him, that he had now, by God's providence, an opportunity of
avenging himself of his adversary; and advising him to cut off
his head, and so deliver himself out of that tedious, wandering
condition, and the distress he was in; he rose up, and only cut
off the skirt of that garment which Saul had on: but he soon
repented of what he had done; and said it was not right to kill
him that was his master, and one whom God had thought worthy of
the kingdom; "for that although he were wickedly disposed towards
us, yet does it not behoove me to be so disposed towards him."
But when Saul had left the cave, David came near and cried out
aloud, and desired Saul to hear him; whereupon the king turned
his face back, and David, according to custom, fell down on his
face before the king, and bowed to him; and said, "O king, thou
oughtest not to hearken to wicked men, nor to such as forge
calumnies, nor to gratify them so far as to believe what they
say, nor to entertain suspicions of such as are your best
friends, but to judge of the dispositions of all men by their
actions; for calumny deludes men, but men's own actions are a
clear demonstration of their kindness. Words indeed, in their own
nature, may be either true or false, but men's actions expose
their intentions nakedly to our view. By these, therefore it will
be well for thee to believe me, as to my regard to thee and to
thy house, and not to believe those that frame such accusations
against me as never came into my mind, nor are possible to be
executed, and do this further by pursuing after my life, and have
no concern either day or night, but how to compass my life and to
murder me, which thing I think thou dost unjustly prosecute; for
how comes it about, that thou hast embraced this false opinion
about me, as if I had a desire to kill thee? Or how canst thou
escape the crime of impiety towards God, when thou wishest thou
couldst kill, and deemest thine adversary, a man who had it in
his power this day to avenge himself, and to punish thee, but
would not do it? nor make use of such an opportunity, which, if
it had fallen out to thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip,
for when I cut off the skirt of thy garment, I could have done
the same to thy head." So he showed him the piece of his garment,
and thereby made him agree to what he said to be true; and added,
"I, for certain, have abstained from taking a just revenge upon
thee, yet art thou not ashamed to prosecute me with unjust
hatred. (23) May God do justice, and determine about each of our
dispositions." - But Saul was amazed at the strange delivery he
had received; and being greatly affected with the moderation and
the disposition of the young man, he groaned; and when David had
done the same, the king answered that he had the justest occasion
to groan, "for thou hast been the author of good to me, as I have
been the author of calamity to thee; and thou hast demonstrated
this day, that thou possessest the righteousness of the ancients,
who determined that men ought to save their enemies, though they
caught them in a desert place. I am now persuaded that God
reserves the kingdom for thee, and that thou wilt obtain the
dominion over all the Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon oath,
That thou wilt not root out my family, nor, out of remembrance of
what evil I have done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and
preserve my house." So David sware as he desired, and sent back
Saul to his own kingdom; but he, and those that were with him,
went up the Straits of Mastheroth.

5. About this time Samuel the prophet died. He was a man whom the
Hebrews honored in an extraordinary degree: for that lamentation
which the people made for him, and this during a long time,
manifested his virtue, and the affection which the people bore
for him; as also did the solemnity and concern that appeared
about his funeral, and about the complete observation of all his
funeral rites. They buried him in his own city of Ramah; and wept
for him a very great number of days, not looking on it as a
sorrow for the death of another man, but as that in which they
were every one themselves concerned. He was a righteous man, and
gentle in his nature; and on that account he was very dear to
God. Now he governed and presided over the people alone, after
the death of Eli the high priest, twelve years, and eighteen
years together with Saul the king. And thus we have finished the
history of Samuel.

6. There was a man that was a Ziphite, of the city of Maon, who
was rich, and had a vast number of cattle; for he fed a flock of
three thousand sheep, and another flock of a thousand goats. Now
David had charged his associates to keep these flocks without
hurt and without damage, and to do them no mischief, neither out
of covetousness, nor because they were in want, nor because they
were in the wilderness, and so could not easily be discovered,
but to esteem freedom from injustice above all other motives, and
to look upon the touching of what belonged to another man as a
horrible crime, and contrary to the will of God. These were the
instructions he gave, thinking that the favors he granted this
man were granted to a good man, and one that deserved to have
such care taken of his affairs. This man was Nabal, for that was
his name, - a harsh man, and of a very wicked life, being like a
cynic in the course of his behavior, but still had obtained for
his wife a woman of a good character, wise and handsome. To this
Nabal, therefore, David sent ten men of his attendants at the
time when he sheared his sheep, and by them saluted him; and also
wished he might do what he now did for many years to come, but
desired him to make him a present of what he was able to give
him, since he had, to be sure, learned from his shepherds that we
had done them no injury, but had been their guardians a long time
together, while we continued in the wilderness; and he assured
him he should never repent of giving any thing to David. When the
messengers had carried this message to Nabal, he accosted them
after an inhuman and rough manner; for he asked them who David
was? and when he heard that he was the son of Jesse, he said,
"Now is the time that fugitives grow insolent, and make a figure,
and leave their masters." When they told David this, he was
wroth, and commanded four hundred armed men to follow him, and
left two hundred to take care of the stuff, (for he had already
six hundred, (24)) and went against Nabal: he also swore that he
would that night utterly destroy the whole house and possessions
of Nabal; for that he was grieved, not only that he had proved
ungrateful to them, without making any return for the humanity
they had shown him, but that he had also reproached them, and
used ill language to them, when he had received no cause of
disgust from them.

7. Hereupon one of those that kept the flocks of Nabal, said to
his mistress, Nabal's wife, that when David sent to her husband
he had received no civil answer at all from him; but that her
husband had moreover added very reproachful language, while yet
David had taken extraordinary care to keep his flocks from harm,
and that what had passed would prove very pernicious to his
master. When the servant had said this, Abigail, for that was his
wife's name, saddled her asses, and loaded them with all sorts of
presents; and, without telling her husband any thing of what she
was about, (for he was not sensible on account of his
drunkenness,) she went to David. She was then met by David as she
was descending a hill, who was coming against Nabal with four
hundred men. When the woman saw David, she leaped down from her
ass, and fell on her face, and bowed down to the ground; and
entreated him not to bear in mind the words of Nabal, since he
knew that he resembled his name. Now Nabal, in the Hebrew tongue,
signifies folly. So she made her apology, that she did not see
the messengers whom he sent. "Forgive me, therefore," said she,
"and thank God, who hath hindered thee from shedding human blood;
for so long as thou keepest thyself innocent, he will avenge thee
of wicked men, (25) for what miseries await Nabal, they will fall
upon the heads of thine enemies. Be thou gracious to me, and
think me so far worthy as to accept of these presents from me;
and, out of regard to me, remit that wrath and that anger which
thou hast against my husband and his house, for mildness and
humanity become thee, especially as thou art to be our king."
Accordingly, David accepted her presents, and said, "Nay, but, O
woman, it was no other than God's mercy which brought thee to us
today, for, otherwise, thou hadst never seen another day, I
having sworn to destroy Nabal's house this very night, and to
leave alive not one of you who belonged to a man that was wicked
and ungrateful to me and my companions; but now hast thou
prevented me, and seasonably mollified my anger, as being thyself
under the care of God's providence: but as for Nabal, although
for thy sake he now escape punishment, he will not always avoid
justice; for his evil conduct, on some other occasion, will be
his ruin."

8. When David had said this, he dismissed the woman. But when she
came home and found her husband feasting with a great company,
and oppressed with wine, she said nothing to him then about what
had happened; but on the next day, when he was sober, she told
him all the particulars, and made his whole body to appear like
that of a dead man by her words, and by that grief which arose
from them; so Nabal survived ten days, and no more, and then
died. And when David heard of his death, he said that God had
justly avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had died by his
own wickedness, and had suffered punishment on his account, while
he had kept his own hands clean. At which time he understood that
the wicked are prosecuted by God; that he does not overlook any
man, but bestows on the good what is suitable to them, and
inflicts a deserved punishment on the wicked. So he sent to
Nabal's wife, and invited her to come to him, to live with him,
and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied to those that came,
that she was not worthy to touch his feet; however, she came,
with all her servants, and became his wife, having received that
honor on account of her wise and righteous course of life. She
also obtained the same honor partly on account of her beauty. Now
David had a wife before, whom he married from the city Abesar;
for as to Michal, the daughter of king Saul, who had been David's
wife, her father had given her in marriage to Phalti, the son of
Laish, who was of the city of Gallim.

9. After this came certain of the Ziphites, and told Saul that
David was come again into their country, and if he would afford
them his assistance, they could catch him. So he came to them
with three thousand armed men; and upon the approach of night, he
pitched his camp at a certain place called Hachilah. But when
David heard that Saul was coming against him, he sent spies, and
bid them let him know to what place of the country Saul was
already come; and when they told him that he was at Hachilah, he
concealed his going away from his companions, and came to Saul's
camp, having taken with him Abishai, his sister Zeruiah's son,
and Ahimelech the Hittite. Now Saul was asleep, and the armed
men, with Abner their commander, lay round about him in a circle.
Hereupon David entered into the king's tent; but he did neither
kill Saul, though he knew where he lay, by the spear that was
stuck down by him, nor did he give leave to Abishai, who would
have killed him, and was earnestly bent upon it so to do; for he
said it was a horrid crime to kill one that was ordained king by
God, although he was a wicked man; for that he who gave him the
dominion would in time inflict punishment upon him. So he
restrained his eagerness; but that it might appear to have been
in his power to have killed him when he refrained from it, he
took his spear, and the cruse of water which stood by Saul as he
lay asleep, without being perceived by any in the camp, who were
all asleep, and went securely away, having performed every thing
among the king's attendants that the opportunity afforded, and
his boldness encouraged him to do. So when he had passed over a
brook, and was gotten up to the top of a hill, whence he might be
sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to Saul's soldiers, and to
Abner their commander, and awaked them out of their sleep, and
called both to him and to the people. Hereupon the commander
heard him, and asked who it was that called him. To whom David
replied, "It is I, the son of Jesse, whom you make a vagabond.
But what is the matter? Dost thou, that art a man of so great
dignity, and of the first rank in the king's court, take so
little care of thy master's body? and is sleep of more
consequence to thee than his preservation, and thy care of him?
This negligence of yours deserves death, and punishment to be
inflicted on you, who never perceived when, a little while ago,
some of us entered into your camp, nay, as far as to the king
himself, and to all the rest of you. If thou look for the king's
spear and his cruse of water, thou wilt learn what a mighty
misfortune was ready to overtake you in your very camp without
your knowing it." Now when Saul knew David's voice, and
understood that when he had him in his power while he was asleep,
and his guards took no care of him, yet did not he kill him, but
spared him, when he might justly have cut him off, he said that
he owed him thanks for his preservation; and exhorted him to be
of good courage, and not be afraid of suffering any mischief from
him any more, and to return to his own home, for he was now
persuaded that he did not love himself so well as he was loved by
him: that he had driven away him that could guard him, and had
given many demonstrations of his good-will to him: that he had
forced him to live so long in a state of banishment, and in great
fears of his life, destitute of his friends and his kindred,
while still he was often saved by him, and frequently received
his life again when it was evidently in danger of perishing. So
David bade them send for the spear and the cruse of water, and
take them back; adding this withal, That God would be the judge
of both their dispositions, and of the actions that flowed from
the same, "who knows that then it was this day in my power to
have killed thee I abstained from it."

10. Thus Saul having escaped the hands of David twice, he went
his way to his royal palace, and his own city: but David was
afraid, that if he staid there he should be caught by Saul; so he
thought it better to go up into the land of the Philistines, and
abide there. Accordingly, he came with the six hundred men that
were with him to Achish, the king of Gath, which was one of their
five cities. Now the king received both him and his men, and gave
them a place to inhabit in. He had with him also his two wives,
Ahinoam and Abigail, and he dwelt in Gath. But when Saul heard
this, he took no further care about sending to him, or going
after him, because he had been twice, in a manner, caught by him,
while he was himself endeavoring to catch him. However, David had
no mind to continue in the city of Gath, but desired the king,
that since he had received him with such humanity, that he would
grant him another favor, and bestow upon him some place of that
country for his habitation, for he was ashamed, by living in the
city, to be grievous and burdensome to him. So Achish gave him a
certain village called Ziklag; which place David and his sons
were fond of when he was king, and reckoned it to be their
peculiar inheritance. But about those matters we shall give the
reader further information elsewhere. Now the time that David
dwelt in Ziklag, in the land of the Philistines, was four months
and twenty days. And now he privately attacked those Geshurites
and Amalekites that were neighbors to the Philistines, and laid
waste their country, and took much prey of their beasts and
camels, and then returned home; but David abstained from the men,
as fearing they should discover him to king Achish; yet did he
send part of the prey to him as a free gift. And when the king
inquired whom they had attacked when they brought away the prey,
he said, those that lay to the south of the Jews, and inhabited
in the plain; whereby he persuaded Achish to approve of what he
had done, for he hoped that David had fought against his own
nation, and that now he should have him for his servant all his
life long, and that he would stay in his country.




CHAPTER 14.

Now Saul Upon God's Not Answering Him Concerning The Fight With
The Philistines Desired A Necromantic Woman To Raise Up The Soul
Of Samuel To Him; And How He Died, With His Sons Upon The
Overthrow Of The Hebrews In Battle.


1. About the same time the Philistines resolved to make war
against the Israelites, and sent to all their confederates that
they would go along with them to the war to Reggan, [near the
city Shunem,] whence they might gather themselves together, and
suddenly attack the Hebrews. Then did Achish, the king of Gath,
desire David to assist them with his armed men against the
Hebrews. This he readily promised; and said that the time was now
come wherein he might requite him for his kindness and
hospitality. So the king promised to make him the keeper of his
body, after the victory, supposing that the battle with the enemy
succeeded to their mind; which promise of honor and confidence he
made on purpose to increase his zeal for his service.

2. Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had cast out of the country
the fortune-tellers, and the necromancers, and all such as
exercised the like arts, excepting the prophets. But when he
heard that the Philistines were already come, and had pitched
their camp near the city Shunem, situate in the plain, he made
haste to oppose them with his forces; and when he was come to a
certain mountain called Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against
the enemy; but when he saw the enemy's army he was greatly
troubled, because it appeared to him to be numerous, and superior
to his own; and he inquired of God by the prophets concerning the
battle, that he might know beforehand what would be the event of
it. And when God did not answer him, Saul was under a still
greater dread, and his courage fell, foreseeing, as was but
reasonable to suppose, that mischief would befall him, now God
was not there to assist him; yet did he bid his servants to
inquire out for him some woman that was a necromancer and called
up the souls of the dead, that So he might know whether his
affairs would succeed to his mind; for this sort of necromantic
women that bring up the souls of the dead, do by them foretell
future events to such as desire them. And one of his servants
told him that there was such a woman in the city Endor, but was
known to nobody in the camp; hereupon Saul put off his royal
apparel, and took two of those his servants with him, whom he
knew to be most faithful to him, and came to Endor to the woman,
and entreated her to act the part of a fortune-teller, and to
bring up such a soul to him as he should name to her. But when
the woman opposed his motion, and said she did not despise the
king, who had banished this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he
did not do well himself, when she had done him no harm, to
endeavor to lay a snare for her, and to discover that she
exercised a forbidden art, in order to procure her to be
punished, he sware that nobody should know what she did; and that
he would not tell any one else what she foretold, but that she
should incur no danger. As soon as he had induced her by this
oath to fear no harm, he bid her bring up to him the soul of
Samuel. She, not knowing who Samuel was, called him out of Hades.
When he appeared, and the woman saw one that was venerable, and
of a divine form, she was in disorder; and being astonished at
the sight, she said, "Art not thou king Saul?" for Samuel had
informed her who he was. When he had owned that to be true, and
had asked her whence her disorder arose, she said that she saw a
certain person ascend, who in his form was like to a god. And
when he bid her tell him what he resembled, in what habit he
appeared, and of what age he was, she told him he was an old man
already, and of a glorious personage, and had on a sacerdotal
mantle. So the king discovered by these signs that he was Samuel;
and he fell down upon the ground, and saluted and worshipped him.
And when the soul of Samuel asked him why he had disturbed him,
and caused him to be brought up, he lamented the necessity he was
under; for he said, that his enemies pressed heavily upon him;
that he was in distress what to do in his present circumstances;
that he was forsaken of God, and could obtain no prediction of
what was coming, neither by prophets nor by dreams; and that
"these were the reasons why I have recourse to time, who always
took great care of me." But (27) Samuel, seeing that the end of
Saul's life was come, said, "It is in vain for thee to desire to
learn of me any thing future, when God hath forsaken thee:
however, hear what I say, that David is to be king, and to finish
this war with good success; and thou art to lose thy dominion and
thy life, because thou didst not obey God in the war with the
Amalekites, and hast not kept his commandments, as I foretold
thee while I was alive. Know, therefore, that the people shall be
made subject to their enemies, and that thou, with thy sons,
shall fall in the battle tomorrow, and thou shalt then be with me
[in Hades]."

3. When Saul heard this, he could not speak for grief, and fell
down on the floor, whether it were from the sorrow that arose
upon what Samuel had said, or from his emptiness, for he had
taken no food the foregoing day nor night, he easily fell quite
down: and when with difficulty he had recovered himself, the
woman would force him to eat, begging this of him as a favor on
account of her concern in that dangerous instance of
fortune-telling, which it was not lawful for her to have done,
because of the fear she was under of the king, while she knew not
who he was, yet did she undertake it, and go through with it; on
which account she entreated him to admit that a table and food
might be set before him, that he might recover his strength, and
so get safe to his own camp. And when he opposed her motion, and
entirely rejected it, by reason of his anxiety, she forced him,
and at last persuaded him to it. Now she had one calf that she
was very fond of, and one that she took a great deal of care of,
and fed it herself; for she was a woman that got her living by
the labor of her own hands, and had no other possession but that
one calf; this she killed, and made ready its flesh, and set it
before his servants and himself. So Saul came to the camp while
it was yet night.

4. Now it is but just to recommend the generosity of this woman,
(28) because when the king had forbidden her to use that art
whence her circumstances were bettered and improved, and when she
had never seen the king before, she still did not remember to his
disadvantage that he had condemned her sort of learning, and did
not refuse him as a stranger, and one that she had had no
acquaintance with; but she had compassion upon him, and comforted
him, and exhorted him to do what he was greatly averse to, and
offered him the only creature she had, as a poor woman, and that
earnestly, and with great humanity, while she had no requital
made her for her kindness, nor hunted after any future favor from
him, for she knew he was to die; whereas men are naturally either
ambitious to please those that bestow benefits upon them, or are
very ready to serve those from whom
they may receive some advantage. It would be well therefore to
imitate the example and to do kindnesses to all such as are in
want and to think that nothing is better, nor more becoming
mankind, than such a general beneficence, nor what will sooner
render God favorable, and ready to bestow good things upon us.
And so far may suffice to have spoken concerning this woman. But
I shall speak further upon another subject, which will afford me
all opportunity of discoursing on what is for the advantage of
cities, and people, and nations, and suited to the taste of good
men, and will encourage them all in the prosecution of virtue;
and is capable of showing them the of acquiring glory, and an
everlasting fame; and of imprinting in the kings of nations, and
the rulers of cities, great inclination and diligence of doing
well; as also of encouraging them to undergo dangers, and to die
for their countries, and of instructing them how to despise all
the most terrible adversities: and I have a fair occasion offered
me to enter on such a discourse by Saul the king of the Hebrews;
for although he knew what was coming upon him, and that he was to
die immediately, by the prediction of the prophet, he did not
resolve to fly from death, nor so far to indulge the love of life
as to betray his own people to the enemy, or to bring a disgrace
on his royal dignity; but exposing himself, as well as all his
family and children, to dangers, he thought it a brave thing to
fall together with them, as he was fighting for his subjects, and
that it was better his sons should die thus, showing their
courage, than to leave them to their uncertain conduct afterward,
while, instead of succession and posterity, they gained
commendation and a lasting name. Such a one alone seems to me to
be a just, a courageous, and a prudent man; and when any one has
arrived at these dispositions, or shall hereafter arrive at them,
he is the man that ought to be by all honored with the testimony
of a virtuous or courageous man: for as to those that go out to
war with hopes of success, and that they shall return safe,
supposing they should have performed some glorious action, I
think those do not do well who call these valiant men, as so many
historians and other writers who treat of them are wont to do,
although I confess those do justly deserve some commendation
also; but those only may be styled courageous and bold in great
undertakings, and despisers of adversities, who imitate Saul: for
as for those that do not know what the event of war will be as to
themselves, and though they do not faint in it, but deliver
themselves up to uncertain futurity, and are tossed this way and
that way, this is not so very eminent an instance of a generous
mind, although they happen to perform many great exploits; but
when men's minds expect no good event, but they know beforehand
they must die, and that they must undergo that death in the
battle also, after this neither to be aftrighted, nor to be
astonished at the terrible fate that is coming, but to go
directly upon it, when they know it beforehand, this it is that I
esteem the character of a man truly courageous. Accordingly this
Saul did, and thereby demonstrated that all men who desire fame
after they are dead are so to act as they may obtain the same:
this especially concerns kings, who ought not to think it enough
in their high stations that they are not wicked in the government
of their subjects, but to be no more than moderately good to
them. I could say more than this about Saul and his courage, the
subject affording matter sufficient; but that I may not appear to
run out improperly in his commendation, I return again to that
history from which I made this digression.

5. Now when the Philistines, as I said before, had pitched their
camp, and had taken an account of their forces, according to
their nations, and kingdoms, and governments, king Achish came
last of all with his own army; after whom came David with his six
hundred armed men. And when the commanders of the Philistines saw
him, they asked the king whence these Hebrews came, and at whose
invitation. He answered that it was David, who was fled away from
his master Saul, and that he had entertained him when he came to
him, and that now he was willing to make him this requital for
his favors, and to avenge himself upon Saul, and so was become
his confederate. The commanders complained of this, that he had
taken him for a confederate who was an enemy; and gave him
counsel to send him away, lest he should unawares do his friends
a great deal of mischief by entertaining him, for that he
afforded him an opportunity of being reconciled to his master by
doing a mischief to our army. They thereupon desired him, out of
a prudent foresight of this, to send him away, with his six
hundred armed men, to the place he had given him for his
habitation; for that this was that David whom the virgins
celebrated in their hymns, as having destroyed many ten thousands
of the Philistines. When the king of Gath heard this, he thought
they spake well; so he called David, and said to him, "As for
myself, I can bear witness that thou hast shown great diligence
and kindness about me, and on that account it was that I took
thee for my confederate; however, what I have done does not
please the commanders of the Philistines; go therefore within a
day's time to the place I have given thee, without suspecting any
harm, and there keep my country, lest any of our enemies should
make an incursion upon it, which will be one part of that
assistance which I expect from thee." So David came to Ziklag, as
the king of Gath bade him; but it happened, that while he was
gone to the assistance of the Philistines, the Amalekites had
made an incursion, and taken Ziklag before, and had burnt it; and
when they had taken a great deal of other prey out of that place,
and out of the other parts of the Philistines' country, they
departed.

6. Now when David found that Ziklag was laid waste, and that it
was all spoiled, and that as well his own wives, who were two, as
the wives of his companions, with their children, were made
captives, he presently rent his clothes, weeping and lamenting,
together with his friends; and indeed he was so cast down with
these misfortunes, that at length tears themselves failed him. He
was also in danger of being stoned to death by his companions,
who were greatly afflicted at the captivity of their wives and
children, for they laid the blame upon him of what had happened.
But when he had recovered himself out of his grief, and had
raised up his mind to God, he desired the high priest Abiathar to
put on his sacerdotal garments, and to inquire of God, and to
prophesy to him, whether God would grant; that if he pursued
after the Amalekites, he should overtake them, and save their
wives and their children, and avenge himself on the enemies. And
when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched
apace, with his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he
was come to a certain brook called Besor, and had lighted upon
one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was
almost dead with want and famine, (for he had continued wandering
about without food in the wilderness three days,) he first of all
gave him sustenance, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed
him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came.
Whereupon the man told him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was
left behind by his master, because he was so sick and weak that
he could not follow him. He also informed him that he was one of
those who had burnt and plundered, not only other parts of Judea,
but Ziklag itself also. So David made use of him as a guide to
find oat the Amalekites; and when he had overtaken them, as they
lay scattered about on the ground, some at dinner, some
disordered, and entirely drunk with wine, and in the fruition of
their spoils and their prey, he fell upon them on the sudden, and
made a great slaughter among them; for they were naked, and
expected no such thing, but had betaken themselves to drinking
and feasting; and so they were all easily destroyed. Now some of
them that were overtaken as they lay at the table were slain in
that posture, and their blood brought up with it their meat and
their drink. They slew others of them as they were drinking to
one another in their cups, and some of them when their full
bellies had made them fall asleep; and for so many as had time to
put on their armor, they slew them with the sword, with no less
case than they did those that were naked; and for the partisans
of David, they continued also the slaughter from the first hour
of the day to the evening, so that there were, not above four
hundred of the Amalekites left; and they only escaped by getting
upon their dromedaries and camels. Accordingly David recovered
not only all the other spoils which the enemy had carried away,
but his wives also, and the wives of his companions. But when
they were come to the place where they had left the two hundred
men, which were not able to follow them, but were left to take
care of the stuff, the four hundred men did not think fit to
divide among them any other parts of what they had gotten, or of
the prey, since they did not accompany them, but pretended to be
feeble, and did not follow them in pursuit of the enemy, but said
they should be contented to have safely recovered their wives;
yet did David pronounce that this opinion of theirs was evil and
unjust, and that when God had granted them such a favor, that
they had avenged themselves on their enemies, and had recovered
all that belonged to themselves, they should make an equal
distribution of what they had gotten to all, because the rest had
tarried behind to guard their stuff; and from that time this law
obtained among them, that those who guarded the stuff, should
receive an equal share with those that fought in the battle. Now
when David was come to Ziklag, he sent portions of the spoils to
all that had been familiar with him, and to his friends in the
tribe of Judah. And thus ended the affairs of the plundering of
Ziklag, and of the slaughter of the Amalekites.

7. Now upon the Philistines joining battle, there followed a
sharp engagement, and the Philistine, became the conquerors, and
slew a great number of their enemies; but Saul the king of
Israel, and his sons, fought courageously, and with the utmost
alacrity, as knowing that their entire glory lay in nothing else
but dying honorably, and exposing themselves to the utmost danger
from the enemy (for they had nothing else to hope for); so they
brought upon themselves the whole power of the enemy, till they
were encompassed round and slain, but not before they had killed
many of the Philistines Now the sons of Saul were Jonathan, and
Abinadab, and Malchisua; and when these were slain the multitude
of the Hebrews were put to flight, and all was disorder, and
confusion, and slaughter, upon the Philistines pressing in upon
them. But Saul himself fled, having a strong body of soldiers
about him; and upon the Philistines sending after them those that
threw javelins and shot arrows, he lost all his company except a
few. As for himself, he fought with great bravery; and when he
had received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up nor
to oppose any longer, and yet was not able to kill himself, he
bade his armor-bearer draw his sword, and run him through, before
the enemy should take him alive. But his armor-bearer not daring
to kill his master, he drew his own sword, and placing himself
over against its point, he threw himself upon it; and when he
could neither run it through him, nor, by leaning against it,
make the sword pass through him, he turned him round, and asked a
certain young man that stood by who he was; and when he
understood that he was an Amalekite, he desired him to force the
sword through him, because he was not able to do it with his own
hands, and thereby to procure him such a death as he desired.
This the young man did accordingly; and he took the golden
bracelet that was on Saul's arm, and his royal crown that was on
his head, and ran away. And when Saul's armor-bearer saw that he
was slain, he killed himself; nor did any of the king's guards
escape, but they all fell upon the mountain called Gilboa. But
when those Hebrews that dwelt in the valley beyond Jordan, and
those who had their cities in the plain, heard that Saul and his
sons were fallen, and that the multitude about them were
destroyed, they left their own cities, and fled to such as were
the best fortified and fenced; and the Philistines, finding those
cities deserted, came and dwelt in them.

8. On the next day, when the Philistines came to strip their
enemies that were slain, they got the bodies of Saul and of his
sons, and stripped them, and cut off their heads; and they sent
messengers all about their country, to acquaint them that their
enemies were fallen; and they dedicated their armor in the temple
of Astarte, but hung their bodies on crosses at the walls of the
city Bethshun, which is now called Scythepolls. But when the
inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead heard that they had dismembered the
dead bodies of Saul and of his sons, they deemed it so horrid a
thing to overlook this barbarity, and to suffer them to be
without funeral rites, that the most courageous and hardy among
them (and indeed that city had in it men that were very stout
both in body and mind) journeyed all night, and came to Bethshun,
and approached to the enemy's wall, and taking down the bodies of
Saul and of his sons, they carried them to Jabesh, while the
enemy were not able enough nor bold enough to hinder them,
because of their great courage. So the people of Jabesh wept all
in general, and buried their bodies in the best place of their
country, which was named Areurn; and they observed a public
mourning for them seven days, with their wives and children,
beating their breasts, and lamenting the king and his sons,
without either tasting meat or drink (29) [till the evening.]

9. To this his end did Saul come, according to the prophecy of
Samuel, because he disobeyed the commands of God about the
Amalekites, and on the account of his destroying the family of
Ahimelech the high priest, with Ahimelech himself, and the city
of the high priests. Now Saul, when he had reigned eighteen years
while Samuel was alive, and after his death two [and twenty],
ended his life in this manner.




BOOK VII.

Containing The Interval Of Forty Years.

From The Death Of Saul To The Death Of David.

CHAPTER 1.

How David Reigned Over One Tribe At Hebron While The Son Of Saul
Reigned Over The Rest Of The Multitude; And How, In The Civil War
Which Then Arose Asahel And Abner Were Slain.


1. This fight proved to be on the same day whereon David was come
back to Ziklag, after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now when he
had been already two days at Ziklag, there came to him the man
who slew Saul, which was the third day after the fight. He had
escaped out of the battle which the Israelites had with the
Philistines, and had his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head.
And when he made his obeisance to David, he inquired of him
whence he came. He replied, from the battle of the Israelites;
and he informed him that the end of it was unfortunate, many ten
thousands of the Israelites having been cut off, and Saul,
together with his sons, slain. He also said that he could well
give him this information, because he was present at the victory
gained over the Hebrews, and was with the king when he fled. Nor
did he deny that he had himself slain the king, when he was ready
to be taken by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him to do it,
because, when he was fallen on his sword, his great wounds had
made him so weak that he was not able to kill himself. He also
produced demonstrations that the king was slain, which were the
golden bracelets that had been on the king's arms, and his crown,
which he had taken away from Saul's dead body, and had brought
them to him. So David having no longer any room to call in
question the truth of what he said, but seeing most evident marks
that Saul was dead, he rent his garments, and continued all that
day with his companions in weeping and lamentation. This grief
was augmented by the consideration of Jonathan; the son of Saul,
who had been his most faithful friend, and the occasion of his
own deliverance. He also demonstrated himself to have such great
virtue, and such great kindness for Saul, as not only to take his
death to heart, though he had been frequently in danger of losing
his life by his means, but to punish him that slew him; for when
David had said to him that he was become his own accuser, as the
very man who had slain the king, and when he had understood that
he was the son of an Amalekite, he commanded him to be slain. He
also committed to writing some lamentations and funeral
commendations of Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to my
own age.

2. Now when David had paid these honors to the king, he left off
his mourning, and inquired of God by the prophet which of the
cities of the tribe of Judah he would bestow upon him to dwell
in; who answered that he bestowed upon him Hebron. So he left
Ziklag, and came to Hebron, and took with him his wives, who were
in number two, and his armed men; whereupon all the people of the
forementioned tribe came to him, and ordained him their king. But
when he heard that the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead had buried
Saul and his sons [honorably], he sent to them and commended
them, and took what they had done kindly, and promised to make
them amends for their care of those that were dead; and at the
same time he informed them that the tribe of Judah had chosen him
for their king.

3. But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner, who was general of
Saul's army, and a very active man, and good-natured, knew that
the king, and Jonathan, and his two other sons, were fallen in
the battle, he made haste into the camp; and taking away with him
the remaining son of Saul, whose name was Ishbosheth, he passed
over to the land beyond Jordan, and ordained him the king of the
whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Judah; and made his royal
seat in a place called in our own language Mahanaim, but in the
language of the Grecians, The Camps; from whence Abner made haste
with a select body of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe
of Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry that this tribe
had set up David for their king. But Joab, whose father was Suri,
and his mother Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general of
David's army, met him, according to David's appointment. He had
with him his brethren, Abistiai and Asahel, as also all David's
armed men. Now when he met Abner at a certain fountain, in the
city of Gibeon, he prepared to fight. And when Abner said to him,
that he had a mind to know which of them had the more valiant
soldiers, it was agreed between them that twelve soldiers of each
side should fight together. So those that were chosen out by both
the generals for this fight came between the two armies, and
throwing their lances one against the other, they drew their
swords, and catching one another by the head, they held one
another fast, and ran each other's swords into their sides and
groins, until they all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished
together. When these were fallen down dead, the rest of the army
came to a sore battle, and Abner's men were beaten; and when they
were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing them, but he pressed
upon them, and excited the soldiers to follow them close, and not
to grow weary of killing them. His brethren also pursued them
with great alacrity, especially the younger, Asahel, who was the
most eminent of them. He was very famous for his swiftness of
foot, for he could not only be too hard for men, but is reported
to have overrun a horse, when they had a race together. This
Asahel ran violently after Abner, and would not turn in the least
out of the straight way, either to the one side or to the other.
Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted artfully to avoid his
violence. Sometimes he bade him leave off the pursuit, and take
the armor of one of his soldiers; and sometimes, when he could
not persuade him so to do, he exhorted him to restrain himself,
and not to pursue him any longer, lest he should force him to
kill him, and he should then not be able to look his brother in
the face: but when Asahel would not admit of any persuasions, but
still continued to pursue him, Abner smote him with his spear, as
he held it in his flight, and that by a back-stroke, and gave him
a deadly wound, so that he died immediately; but those that were
with him pursuing Abner, when they came to the place where Asahel
lay, they stood round about the dead body, and left off the
pursuit of the enemy. However, both Joab (1) himself, and his
brother Abishai, ran past the dead corpse, and making their anger
at the death of Asahel an occasion of greater zeal against Abner,
they went on with incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued
Abner to a certain place called Ammah: it was about sun-set. Then
did Joab ascend a certain hill, as he stood at that place, having
the tribe of Benjamin with him, whence he took a view of them,
and of Abner also. Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said that it
was not fit that they should irritate men of the same nation to
fight so bitterly one against another; that as for Asahel his
brother, he was himself in the wrong, when he would not be
advised by him not to pursue him any farther, which was the
occasion of his wounding and death. So Joab consented to what he
said, and accepted these his words as an excuse [about Asahel],
and called the soldiers back with the sound of the trumpet, as a
signal for their retreat, and thereby put a stop to any further
pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp there that night; but
Abner marched all that night, and passed over the river Jordan,
and came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Mahanaim. On the next day
Joab counted the dead men, and took care of all their funerals.
Now there were slain of Abner's soldiers about three hundred and
sixty; but of those of David nineteen, and Asahel, whose body
Joab and Abishai carried to Bethlehem; and when they had buried
him in the sepulcher of their fathers, they came to David to
Hebron. From this time therefore there began an intestine war,
which lasted a great while, in which the followers of David grew
stronger in the dangers they underwent, and the servants and
subjects of Saul's sons did almost every day become weaker.

4. About this time David was become the father of six sons, born
of as many mothers. The eldest was by Ahinoam, and he was called
Arenon; the second was Daniel, by his wife Abigail; the name of
the third was Absalom, by Maacah, the daughter of Talmai, king of
Geshur; the fourth he named Adonijah, by his wife Haggith; the
fifth was Shephatiah, by Abital; the sixth he called Ithream, by
Eglah. Now while this intestine war went on, and the subjects of
the two kings came frequently to action and to fighting, it was
Abner, the general of the host of Saul's son, who, by his
prudence, and the great interest he had among the multitude, made
them all continue with Ishbosheth; and indeed it was a
considerable time that they continued of his party; but
afterwards Abner was blamed, and an accusation was laid against
him, that he went in unto Saul's concubine: her name was Rispah,
the daughter of Aiah. So when he was complained of by Ishbosheth,
he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he had not justice
done him by Ishbosheth, to whom he had shown the greatest
kindness; whereupon he threatened to transfer the kingdom to
David, and demonstrate that he did not rule over the people
beyond Jordan by his own abilities and wisdom, but by his warlike
conduct and fidelity in leading his army. So he sent ambassadors
to Hebron to David, and desired that he would give him security
upon oath that he would esteem him his companion and his friend,
upon condition that he should persuade the people to leave Saul's
son, and choose him king of the whole country; and when David had
made that league with Abner, for he was pleased with his message
to him, he desired that he would give this as the first mark of
performance of the present league, that he might have his wife
Michal restored to him, as her whom he had purchased with great
hazards, and with those six hundred heads of the Philistines
which he had brought to Saul her father. So Abner took Michal
from Phaltiel, who was then her husband, and sent her to David,
Ishbosheth himself affording him his assistance, for David had
written to him that of right he ought to have this his wife
restored to him. Abner also called together the elders of the
multitude, the commanders and captains of thousands, and spake
thus to them: That he had formerly dissuaded them from their own
resolution, when they were ready to forsake Ishbosheth, and to
join themselves to David; that, however, he now gave them leave
so to do, if they had a mind to it, for they knew that God had
appointed David to be king of all the Hebrews by Samuel the
prophet; and had foretold that he should punish the Philistines,
and overcome them, and bring them under. Now when the elders and
rulers heard this, and understood that Abner was come over to
those sentiments about the public affairs which they were of
before, they changed their measures, and came in to David. When
these men had agreed to Abner's proposal, he called together the
tribe of Benjamin, for all of that tribe were the guards of
Ishbosheth's body, and he spake to them to the same purpose. And
when he saw that they did not in the least oppose what he said,
but resigned themselves up to his opinion, he took about twenty
of his friends and came to David, in order to receive himself
security upon oath from him; for we may justly esteem those
things to be firmer which every one of us do by ourselves, than
those which we do by another. He also gave him an account of what
he had said to the rulers, and to the whole tribe of Benjamin;
and when David had received him in a courteous manner, and had
treated him with great hospitality for many days, Abner, when he
was dismissed, desired him to bring the multitude with him, that
he might deliver up the government to him, when David himself was
present, and a spectator of what was done.

5. When David had sent Abner away, Joab, the of his army, came
immediately to Hebron; he had understood that Abner had been with
David, and had parted with him a little before under leagues and
agreements that the government should be delivered up to David,
he feared lest David should place Abner, who had assisted him to
gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dignity, especially since
he was a shrewd man in other respects, in understanding affairs,
and in managing them artfully, as proper seasons should require,
and that he should himself be put lower, and be deprived of the
command of the army; so he took a knavish and a wicked course. In
the first place, he endeavored to calumniate Abner to the king,
exhorting him to have a care of him, and not to give attention to
what he had engaged to do for him, because all he did tended to
confirm the government to Saul's son; that he came to him
deceitfully and with guile, and was gone away in hopes of gaining
his purpose by this management: but when he could not thus
persuade David, nor saw him at all exasperated, he betook himself
to a project bolder than the former:-- he determined to kill
Abner; and in order thereto, he sent some messengers after him,
to whom he gave in charge, that when they should overtake him
they should recall him in David's name, and tell him that he had
somewhat to say to him about his affairs, which he had not
remembered to speak of when he was with him. Now when Abner heard
what the messengers said, (for they overtook him in a certain
place called Besira, which was distant from Hebron twenty
furlongs,) he suspected none of the mischief  which was befalling
him, and came back. Hereupon Joab met him in the gate, and
received him in the kindest manner, as if he were Abner's most
benevolent acquaintance and friend; for such as undertake the
vilest actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of any private
mischief intended, do frequently make the greatest pretenses to
what really good men sincerely do. So he took him aside from his
own followers, as if he would speak with him in private, and
brought him into a void place of the gate, having himself nobody
with him but his brother Abishai; then he drew his sword, and
smote him in the groin; upon which Abner died by this treachery
of Joab, which, as he said himself, was in the way of punishment
for his brother Asahel, whom Abner smote and slew as he was
pursuing after him in the battle of Hebron, but as the truth was,
out of his fear of losing his command of the army, and his
dignity with the king, and lest he should be deprived of those
advantages, and Abner should obtain the first rank in David's
court. By these examples any one may learn how many and how great
instances of wickedness men will venture upon for the sake of
getting money and authority, and that they may not fail of either
of them; for as when they are desirous of obtaining the same,
they acquire them by ten thousand evil practices; so when they
are afraid of losing them, they get them confirmed to them by
practices much worse than the former, as if no other calamity so
terrible could befall them as the failure of acquiring so exalted
an authority; and when they have acquired it, and by long custom
found the sweetness of it, the losing it again: and since this
last would be the heaviest of all afflictions they all of them
contrive and venture upon the most difficult actions, out of the
fear of losing the same. But let it suffice that I have made
these short reflections upon that subject.

6. When David heard that Abner was slain, it grieved his soul;
and he called all men to witness, with stretching out his hands
to God, and crying out that he was not a partaker in the murder
of Abner, and that his death was not procured by his command or
approbation. He also wished the heaviest curses might light upon
him that slew him and upon his whole house; and he devoted those
that had assisted him in this murder to the same penalties on its
account; for he took care not to appear to have had any hand in
this murder, contrary to the assurances he had given and the
oaths he had taken to Abner. However, he commanded all the people
to weep and lament this man, and to honor his dead body with the
usual solemnities; that is, by rending their garments, and
putting on sackcloth, and that things should be the habit in
which they should go before the bier; after which he followed it
himself, with the elders and those that were rulers, lamenting
Abner, and by his tears demonstrating his good-will to him while
he was alive, and his sorrow for him now he was dead, and that he
was not taken off with his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in
a magnificent manner, and indited funeral elegies for him; he
also stood first over the monument weeping, and caused others to
do the same; nay, so deeply did the death of Abner disorder him,
that his companions could by no means force him to take any food,
but he affirmed with an oath that he would taste nothing till the
sun was set. This procedure gained him the good-will of the
multitude; for such as had an affection for Abner were mightily
satisfied with the respect he paid him when he was dead, and the
observation of that faith he had plighted to him, which was shown
in his vouchsafing him all the usual ceremonies, as if he had
been his kinsman and his friend, and not suffering him to be
neglected and injured with a dishonorable burial, as if he had
been his enemy; insomuch that the entire nation rejoiced at the
king's gentleness and mildness of disposition, every one being
ready to suppose that the king would have taken the same care of
them in the like circumstances, which they saw be showed in the
burial of the dead body of Abner. And indeed David principally
intended to gain a good reputation, and therefore he took care to
do what was proper in this case, whence none had any suspicion
that he was the author of Abner's death. He also said this to the
multitude, that he was greatly troubled at the death of so good a
man; and that the affairs of the Hebrews had suffered great
detriment by being deprived of him, who was of so great abilities
to preserve them by his excellent advice, and by the strength of
his hands in war. But he added, that "God, who hath a regard to
all men's actions, will not suffer this man [Joab] to go off
unrevenged; but know ye, that I am not able to do any thing to
these sons of Zeruiah, Joab and Abishai, who have more power than
I have; but God will requite their insolent attempts upon their
own heads." And this was the fatal conclusion of the life of
Abner.




CHAPTER 2.

That Upon The Slaughter Of Ishbosheth By The Treachery Of His
Friends, David Received The Whole Kingdom.


1. When Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, had heard of the death of
Abner, he took it to heart to be deprived of a man that was of
his kindred, and had indeed given him the kingdom, but was
greatly afflicted, and Abner's death very much troubled him; nor
did he himself outlive any long time, but was treacherously set
upon by the sons of Rimmon, (Baanah and Rechab were their names,)
and was slain by them; for these being of a family of the
Benjamites, and of the first rank among them, thought that if
they should slay Ishbosheth, they should obtain large presents
from David, and be made commanders by him, or, however, should
have some other trust committed to them. So when they once found
him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upper room, when none of his
guards were there, and when the woman that kept the door was not
watching, but was fallen asleep also, partly on account of the
labor she had undergone, and partly on account of the heat of the
day, these men went into the room in which Ishbosheth, Saul's
son, lay asleep, and slew him; they also cut off his head, and
took their journey all that night, and the next day, as supposing
themselves flying away from those they had injured, to one that
would accept of this action as a favor, and would afford them
security. So they came to Hebron, and showed David the head of
Ishbosheth, and presented themselves to him as his well-wishers,
and such as had killed one that was his enemy and antagonist. Yet
David did not relish what they had done as they expected, but
said to them, "You vile wretches, you shall immediately receive
the punishment you deserve. Did not you know what vengeance I
executed on him that murdered Saul, and brought me his crown of
gold, and this while he who made this slaughter did it as a favor
to him, that he might not be caught by his enemies? Or do you
imagine that I am altered in my disposition, and suppose that I
am not the same man I then was, but am pleased with men that are
wicked doers, and esteem your vile actions, when you are become
murderers of your master, as grateful to me, when you have slain
a righteous man upon his bed, who never did evil to any body, and
treated you with great good-will and respect? Wherefore you shall
suffer the punishment due on his account, and the vengeance I
ought to inflict upon you for killing Ishbosheth, and for
supposing that I should take his death kindly at your hands; for
you could not lay a greater blot on my honor, than by making such
a supposal." When David had said this, he tormented them with all
sorts of torments, and then put them to death; and he bestowed
all accustomed rites on the burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and
laid it in the grave of Abner.

2. When these things were brought to this conclusion, all the
principal men of the Hebrew people came to David to Hebron, with
the heads of thousands, and other rulers, and delivered
themselves up to him, putting him in mind of the good-will they
had borne to him in Saul's lifetime, and the respect they then
had not ceased to pay him when he was captain of a thousand, as
also that he was chosen of God by Samuel the prophet, he and his
sons; (2) and declaring besides, how God had given him power to
save the land of the Hebrews, and to overcome the Philistines.
Whereupon he received kindly this their alacrity on his account;
and exhorted them to continue in it, for that they should have no
reason to repent of being thus disposed to him. So when he had
feasted them, and treated them kindly, he sent them out to bring
all the people to him; upon which came to him about six thousand
and eight hundred armed men of the tribe of Judah, who bare
shields and spears for their weapons, for these had [till now]
continued with Saul's son, when the rest of the tribe of Judah
had ordained David for their king. There came also seven thousand
and one hundred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out of the tribe of
Levi came four thousand and seven hundred, having Jehoiada for
their leader. After these came Zadok the high priest, with
twenty-two captains of his kindred. Out of the tribe of Benjamin
the armed men were four thousand; but the rest of the tribe
continued, still expecting that some one of the house of Saul
should reign over them. Those of the tribe of Ephraim were twenty
thousand and eight hundred, and these mighty men of valor, and
eminent for their strength. Out of the half tribe of Manasseh
came eighteen thousand, of the most potent men. Out of the tribe
of Issachar came two hundred, who foreknew what was to come
hereafter, (3) but of armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe of
Zebulon fifty thousand chosen men. This was the only tribe that
came universally in to David, and all these had the same weapons
with the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe of Naphtali the eminent
men and rulers were one thousand, whose weapons were shields and
spears, and the tribe itself followed after, being (in a manner)
innumerable [thirty-seven thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan
there were of chosen men twenty-seven thousand and six hundred.
Out of the tribe of Asher were forty thousand. Out of the two
tribes that were beyond Jordan, and the rest of the tribe of
Manasseh, such as used shields, and spears, and head-pieces, and
swords, were a hundred and twenty thousand. The rest of the
tribes also made use of swords. This multitude came together to
Hebron to David, with a great quantity of corn, and wine, and all
other sorts of food, and established David in his kingdom with
one consent. And when the people had rejoiced for three days in
Hebron, David and all the people removed and came to Jerusalem.




CHAPTER 3.

How David Laid Siege To Jerusalem; And When He Had Taken The
City, He Cast The Canaanites Out Of It, And Brought In The Jews
To Inhabit Therein.


1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and
were by extraction Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the
blind, and the lame, and all their maimed persons, upon the wall,
in way of derision of the king, and said that the very lame
themselves would hinder his entrance into it. This they did out
of contempt of his power, and as depending on the strength of
their walls. David was hereby enraged, and began the siege of
Jerusalem, and employed his utmost diligence and alacrity
therein, as intending by the taking of this place to demonstrate
his power, and to intimidate all others that might be of the like
[evil] disposition towards him. So he took the lower city by
force, but the citadel held out still; (4) whence it was that the
king, knowing that the proposal of dignities and rewards would
encourage the soldiers to greater actions, promised that he who
should first go over the ditches that were beneath the citadel,
and should ascend to the citadel itself and take it, should have
the command of the entire people conferred upon him. So they all
were ambitious to ascend, and thought no pains too great in order
to ascend thither, out of their desire of the chief command.
However, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the rest; and as
soon as he was got up to the citadel, cried out to the king, and
claimed the chief command.

2. When David had cast the Jebusites out of the citadel, he also
rebuilt Jerusalem, and named it The City of David, and abode
there all the time of his reign; but for the time that he reigned
over the tribe of Judah only in Hebron, it was seven years and
six months. Now when he had chosen Jerusalem to be his royal
city, his affairs did more and more prosper, by the providence of
God, who took care that they should improve and be augmented.
Hiram also, the king of the Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him, and
made a league of mutual friendship and assistance with him. He
also sent him presents, cedar-trees, and mechanics, and men
skillful in building and architecture, that they might build him
a royal palace at Jerusalem. Now David made buildings round about
the lower city: he also joined the citadel to it, and made it one
body; and when he had encompassed all with walls, he appointed
Joab to take care of them. It was David, therefore, who first
cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, and called it by his own
name, The City of David: for under our forefather Abraham it was
called (Salem, or) Solyma; (5) but after that time, some say that
Homer mentions it by that name of Solyma, [for he named the
temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew language, which denotes
security.] Now the whole time from the warfare under Joshua our
general against the Canaanites, and from that war in which he
overcame them, and distributed the land among the Hebrews, (nor
could the Israelites ever cast the Canaanites out of Jerusalem
until this time, when David took it by siege,) this whole time
was five hundred and fifteen years.

3. I shall now make mention of Araunah, who was a wealthy man
among the Jebusites, but was not slain by David in the siege of
Jerusalem, because of the good-will he bore to the Hebrews, and a
particular benignity and affection which he had to the king
himself; which I shall take a more seasonable opportunity to
speak of a little afterwards. Now David married other wives over
and above those which he had before: he had also concubines. The
sons whom he had were in number eleven, whose names were Amnon,
Emnos, Eban, Nathan, Solomon, Jeban, Elien, Phalna, Ennaphen,
Jenae, Eliphale; and a daughter, Tamar. Nine of these were born
of legitimate wives, but the two last-named of concubines; and
Tamar had the same mother with Absalom.




CHAPTER 4.

That When David Had Conquered The Philistines Who Made War
Against Him At Jerusalem, He Removed The Ark To Jerusalem And Had
A Mind To Build A Temple.


1. When the Philistines understood that David was made king of
the Hebrews, they made war against him at Jerusalem; and when
they had seized upon that valley which is called The Valley of
the Giants, and is a place not far from the city, they pitched
their camp therein; but the king of the Jews, who never permitted
himself to do any thing without prophecy, (6) and the command of
God and without depending on him as a security for the time to
come, bade the high priest to foretell to him what was the will
of God, and what would be the event of this battle. And when he
foretold that he should gain the victory and the dominion, he led
out his army against the Philistines; and when the battle was
joined, he came himself behind, and fell upon the enemy on the
sudden, and slew some of them, and put the rest to flight. And
let no one suppose that it was a small army of the Philistines
that came against the Hebrews, as guessing so from the suddenness
of their defeat, and from their having performed no great action,
or that was worth recording, from the slowness of their march,
and want of courage; but let him know that all Syria and
Phoenicia, with many other nations besides them, and those
warlike nations also, came to their assistance, and had a share
in this war, which thing was the only cause why, when they had
been so often conquered, and had lost so many ten thousands of
their men, they still came upon the Hebrews with greater armies;
nay, indeed, when they had so often failed of their purpose in
these battles, they came upon David with an army three times as
numerous as before, and pitched their camp on the same spot of
ground as before. The king of Israel therefore inquired of God
again concerning the event of the battle; and the high priest
prophesied to him, that he should keep his army in the groves,
called the Groves of Weeping, which were not far from the enemy's
camp, and that he should not move, nor begin to fight, till the
trees of the grove should be in motion without the wind's
blowing; but as soon as these trees moved, and the time foretold
to him by God was come, he should, without delay, go out to gain
what was an already prepared and evident victory; for the several
ranks of the enemy's army did not sustain him, but retreated at
the first onset, whom he closely followed, and slew them as he
went along, and pursued them to the city Gaza (which is the limit
of their country): after this he spoiled their camp, in which he
found great riches; and he destroyed their gods.

2. When this had proved the event of the battle, David thought it
proper, upon a consultation with the elders, and rulers, and
captains of thousands, to send for those that were in the flower
of their age out of all his countrymen, and out of the whole
land, and withal for the priests and the Levites, in order to
their going to Kirjathjearim, to bring up the ark of God out of
that city, and to carry it to Jerusalem, and there to keep it,
and offer before it those sacrifices and those other honors with
which God used to be well-pleased; for had they done thus in the
reign of Saul, they had not undergone any great misfortunes at
all. So when the whole body of the people were come together, as
they had resolved to do, the king came to the ark, which the
priest brought out of the house of Aminadab, and laid it upon a
new cart, and permitted their brethren and their children to draw
it, together with the oxen. Before it went the king, and the
whole multitude of the people with him, singing hymns to God, and
making use of all sorts of songs usual among them, with variety
of the sounds of musical instruments, and with dancing and
singing of psalms, as also with the sounds of trumpets and of
cymbals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem. But as they were
come to the threshing-floor of Chidon, a place so called, Uzzah
was slain by the anger of God; for as the oxen shook the ark, he
stretched out his hand, and would needs take hold of it. Now,
because he was not a priest (7) and yet touched the ark, God
struck him dead. Hereupon both the king and the people were
displeased at the death of Uzzah; and the place where he died is
still called the Breach of Uzzah unto this day. So David was
afraid; and supposing that if he received the ark to himself into
the city, he might suffer in the like manner as Uzzah had
suffered, who, upon his bare putting out his hand to the ark,
died in the manner already mentioned, he did not receive it to
himself into the city, but he took it aside unto a certain place
belonging to a righteous man, whose name was Obededom, who was by
his family a Levite, and deposited the ark with him; and it
remained there three entire months. This augmented the house of
Obededom, and conferred many blessings upon it. And when the king
heard what had befallen Obededom, how he was become, of a poor
man in a low estate, exceeding happy, and the object of envy to
all those that saw or inquired after his house, he took courage,
and, hoping that he should meet with no misfortune thereby, he
transferred the ark to his own house; the priests carrying it,
while seven companies of singers, who were set in that order by
the king, went before it, and while he himself played upon the
harp, and joined in the music, insomuch, that when his wife
Michel, the daughter of Saul, who was our first king, saw him so
doing, she laughed at him. But when they had brought in the ark,
they placed it under the tabernacle which David had pitched for
it, and he offered costly sacrifices and peace-offerings, and
treated the whole multitude, and dealt both to the women, and the
men, and the infants a loaf of bread and a cake, and another cake
baked in a pan, with the portion of the sacrifice. So when he had
thus feasted the people, he sent them away, and he himself
returned to his own house.

3. But when Michal his wife, the daughter of Saul, came and stood
by him, she wished him all other happiness, and entreated that
whatsoever he should further desire, to the utmost possibility,
might be given him by God, and that he might be favorable to him;
yet did she blame him, that so great a king as he was should
dance after an unseemly manner, and in his dancing, uncover
himself among the servants and the handmaidens. But he replied,
that he was not ashamed to do what was acceptable to God, who had
preferred him before her father, and before all others; that he
would play frequently, and dance, without any regard to what the
handmaidens and she herself thought of it. So this Michal, who
was David's wife, had no children; however, when she was
afterward married to him to whom Saul her father had given her,
(for at this time David had taken her away from him, and had her
himself,) she bare five children. But concerning those matters I
shall discourse in a proper place.

4. Now when the king saw that his affairs grew better almost
every day, by the will of God, he thought he should offend him,
if, while he himself continued in houses made of cedar, such as
were of a great height, and had the most curious works of
architecture in them, he should overlook the ark while it was
laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build a temple to God,
as Moses had predicted such a temple should be built. (8) And
when he had discoursed with Nathan the prophet about these
things, and had been encouraged by him to do whatsoever he had a
mind to do, as having God with him, and his helper in all things,
he was thereupon the more ready to set about that building. But
God appeared to Nathan that very night, and commanded him to say
to David, (9) that he took his purpose and his desires kindly,
since nobody had before now taken it into their head to build him
a temple, although upon his having such a notion he would not
permit him to build him that temple, because he had made many
wars, and was defiled with the slaughter of his enemies; that,
however, after his death, in his old age, and when he had lived a
long life, there should be a temple built by a son of his, who
should take the kingdom after him, and should be called Solomon,
whom he promised to provide for, as a father provides for his
son, by preserving the kingdom for his son's posterity, and
delivering it to them; but that he would still punish him, if he
sinned, with diseases and barrenness of land. When David
understood this from the prophet, and was overjoyful at this
knowledge of the sure continuance of the dominion to his
posterity, and that his house should be splendid, and very
famous, he came to the ark, and fell down on his face, and began
to adore God, and to return thanks to him for all his benefits,
as well for those that he had already bestowed upon him in
raising him from a low state, and from the employment of a
shepherd, to so great dignity of dominion and glory; as for those
also which he had promised to his posterity; and besides, for
that providence which he had exercised over the Hebrews in
procuring them the liberty they enjoyed. And when he had said
thus, and had sung a hymn of praise to God, he went his way.




CHAPTER 5.

How David Brought Under The Philistines, And The Moabites, And
The Kings Of Sophene And Of Damascus, And Of The Syrians As Also
The Idumeans, In War; And How He Made A League With The King Of
Hamath; And Was Mindful Of The Friendship That Jonathan, The Son
Of Saul, Had Borne Him.


1. A Litlle while after this, he considered that he ought to make
war against the Philistines, and not to see any idleness or
laziness permitted in his management, that so it might prove, as
God had foretold to him, that when he had overthrown his enemies,
he should leave his posterity to reign in peace afterward: so he
called together his army again, and when he had charged them to
be ready and prepared for war, and when he thought that all
things in his army were in a good state, he removed from
Jerusalem, and came against the Philistines; and when he had
overcome them in battle, and had cut off a great part of their
country, and adjoined it to the country of the Hebrews, he
transferred the war to the Moabites; and when he had overcome two
parts of their army in battle, he took the remaining part
captive, and imposed tribute upon them, to be paid annually. He
then made war against Iadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of
Sophene; (10) and when he had joined battle with him at 'the
river Euphrates, he destroyed twenty thousand of his footmen, and
about seven thousand of his horsemen. He also took a thousand of
his chariots, and destroyed the greatest part of them, and
ordered that no more than one hundred should be kept. (11)

2. Now when Hadad, king of Damascus and of Syria, heard that
David fought against Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to
his assistance with a powerful army, in hopes to rescue him; and
when he had joined battle with David at the river Euphrates, he
failed of his purpose, and lost in the battle a great number of
his soldiers; for there were slain of the army of Hadad twenty
thousand, and all the rest fled. Nicelens also [of Damascus]
makes mention of this king in the fourth book of his histories;
where he speaks thus: "A great while after these things had
happened, there was one of that country whose name was Hadad, who
was become very potent; he reigned over Damascus, and, the other
parts of Syria, excepting Phoenicia. He made war against David,
the king of Judea, and tried his fortune in many battles, and
particularly in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein he was
beaten. He seemed to have been the most excellent of all their
kings in strength and manhood," Nay, besides this, he says of his
posterity, that "they succeeded one another in his kingdom, and
in his name;" where he thus speaks: "When Hadad was dead, his
posterity reigned for ten generations, each of his successors
receiving from his father that his dominion, and this his name;
as did the Ptolemies in Egypt. But the third was the most
powerful of them all, and was willing to avenge the defeat his
forefather had received; so he made an expedition against the
Jews, and laid waste the city which is now called Samaria." Nor
did he err from the truth; for this is that Hadad who made the
expedition against Samaria, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel,
concerning whom we shall speak in due place hereafter.

3. Now when David had made an expedition against Damascus, and
the other parts of Syria, and had brought it all into subjection,
and had placed garrisons in the country, and appointed that they
should pay tribute, he returned home. He also dedicated to God at
Jerusalem the golden quivers, the entire armor which the guards
of Hadad used to wear; which Shishak, the king of Egypt, took
away when he fought with David's grandson, Rehoboam, with a great
deal of other wealth which he carried out of Jerusalem. However,
these things will come to be explained in their proper places
hereafter. Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was assisted by
God, who gave him great success in his wars, and he made all
expedition against the best cities of Hadadezer, Betah and
Machen; so he took them by force, and laid them waste. Therein
was found a very great quantity of gold and silver, besides that
sort of brass which is said to be more valuable than gold; of
which brass Solomon made that large vessel which was called The
[Brazen] Sea, and those most curious lavers, when he built the
temple for God.

4. But when the king of Hamath was informed of the ill success of
Hadadezer, and had heard of the ruin of his army, he was afraid
on his own account, and resolved to make a league of friendship
and fidelity with David before he should come against him; so he
sent to him his son Joram, and professed that he owed him thanks
for fighting against Hadadezer, who was his enemy, and made a
league with him of mutual assistance and friendship. He also sent
him presents, vessels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of
silver, and of brass. So when David had made this league of
mutual assistance with Toi, (for that was the name of the king of
Hamath,) and had received the presents he sent him, he dismissed
his son with that respect which was due on both sides; but then
David brought those presents that were sent by him, as also the
rest of the gold and silver which he had taken of the cities whom
he had conquered, and dedicated them to God. Nor did God give
victory and success to him only when he went to the battle
himself, and led his own army, but he gave victory to Abishai,
the brother of Joab, general of his forces, over the Idumeans,
(12) and by him to David, when he sent him with an army into
Idumea: for Abishai destroyed eighteen thousand of them in the
battle; whereupon the king [of Israel] placed garrisons through
all Idumea, and received the tribute of the country, and of every
head among them. Now David was in his nature just, and made his
determination with regard to truth. He had for the general of his
whole army Joab; and he made Jehoshaphat, the son of Ahilud,
recorder. He also appointed Zadok, of the family of Phinehas, to
be high priest, together with Abiathar, for he was his friend. He
also made Seisan the scribe, and committed the command over the
guards of his body to Benaiah; the son of Jehoiada. His elder
sons were near his body, and had the care of it also.

5. He also called to mind the covenants and the oaths he had made
with Jonathan, the son of Saul, and the friendship and affection
Jonathan had for him; for besides all the rest of his excellent
qualities with which he was endowed, he was also exceeding
mindful of such as had at other times bestowed benefits upon him.
He therefore gave order that inquiry should be made, whether any
of Jonathan's lineage were living, to whom he might make return
of that familiar acquaintance which Jonathan had had with him,
and for which he was still debtor. And when one of Saul's freed
men was brought to him, who was acquainted with those of his
family that were still living, he asked him whether he could tell
him of any one belonging to Jonathan that was now alive, and
capable of a requital of the benefits which he had received from
Jonathan. And he said, that a son of his was remaining, whose
name was Mephibosheth, but that he was lame of his feet; for that
when his nurse heard that the father and grandfather of the child
were fallen in the battle, she snatched him up, and fled away,
and let him fall from her shoulders, and his feet were lamed. So
when he had learned where and by whom he was brought up, he sent
messengers to Machir, to the city of Lodebar, for with him was
the son of Jonathan brought up, and sent for him to come to him.
So when Mephibosheth came to the king, he fell on his face and
worshipped him; but David encouraged him, bade him be of good
cheer, and expect better times. So he gave him his father's
house, and all the estate which his grandfather Saul was in
possession of, and bade him come and diet with him at his own
table, and never to be absent one day from that table. And when
the youth had worshipped him on account of his words and gifts
given to him, he called for Ziba, and told him that he had given
the youth his father's house, and all Saul's estate. He also
ordered that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take care of it,
and bring him the profits of all to Jerusalem. Accordingly, David
brought him to his table every day, and bestowed upon the youth,
Ziba and his sons, who were in number fifteen, and his servants,
who were in number twenty. When the king had made these
appointments, and Ziba had worshipped him, and promised to do all
that he had bidden him, he went his way; so that this son of
Jonathan dwelt at Jerusalem, and dieted at the king's table, and
had the same care that a son could claim taken of him. He also
had himself a son, whom he named Micha.




CHAPTER 6.

How The War Was Waged Against The Ammonites And Happily
Concluded.


1. This were the honors that such as were left of Saul's and
Jonathan's lineage received from David. About this time died
Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, who was a friend of David's;
and when his son had succeeded his father in the kingdom, David
sent ambassadors to him to comfort him; and exhorted him to take
his father's death patiently, and to expect that he would
continue the same kindness to himself which he had shown to his
father. But the princes of the Ammonites took this message in
evil part, and not as David's kind dispositions gave reason to
take it; and they excited the king to resent it; and said that
David had sent men to spy out the country, and what strength it
had, under the pretense of humanity and kindness. They further
advised him to have a care, and not to give heed to David's
words, lest he should be deluded by him, and so fall into an
inconsolable calamity. Accordingly Nahash's [son], the king of
the Ammonites, thought these princes spake what was more probable
than the truth would admit, and so abused the ambassadors after a
very harsh manner; for he shaved the one half of their beards,
and cut off one half of their garments, and sent his answer, not
in words, but in deeds. When the king of Israel saw this, he had
indignation at it, and showed openly that he would not overlook
this injurious and contumelious treatment, but would make war
with the Ammonites, and would avenge this wicked treatment of his
ambassadors on their king. So that king's intimate friends and
commanders, understanding that they had violated their league,
and were liable to be punished for the same, made preparations
for war; they also sent a thousand talents to the Syrian king of
Mesopotamia, and endeavored to prevail with him to assist them
for that pay, and Shobach. Now these kings had twenty thousand
footmen. They also hired the king of the country called Maacah,
and a fourth king, by name Ishtob; which last had twelve thousand
armed men.

2. But David was under no consternation at this confederacy, nor
at the forces of the Ammonites; and putting his trust in God,
because he was going to war in a just cause, on account of the
injurious treatment he had met with, he immediately sent Joab,
the captain of his host, against them, and gave him the flower of
his army, who pitched his camp by Rabbah, the metropolis of the
Ammonites; whereupon the enemy came out, and set themselves in
array, not all of them together, but in two bodies; for the
auxiliaries were set in array in the plain by themselves, but the
army of the Ammonites at the gates over against the Hebrews. When
Joab saw this, he opposed one stratagem against another, and
chose out the most hardy part of his men, and set them in
opposition to the king of Syria, and the kings that were with
him, and gave the other part to his brother Abishai, and bid him
set them in opposition to the Ammonites; and said to him, that in
case he should see that the Syrians distressed him, and were too
hard for him, he should order his troops to turn about and assist
him; and he said that he himself would do the same to him, if he
saw him in the like distress from the Ammonites. So he sent his
brother before, and encouraged him to do every thing courageously
and with alacrity, which would teach them to be afraid of
disgrace, and to fight manfully; and so he dismissed him to fight
with the Ammonites, while he fell upon the Syrians. And though
they made a strong opposition for a while, Joab slew many of
them, but compelled the rest to betake themselves to flight;
which, when the Ammonites saw, and were withal afraid of Abishai
and his army, they staid no longer, but imitated their
auxiliaries, and fled to the city. So Joab, when he had thus
overcome the enemy, returned with great joy to Jerusalem to the
king.

3. This defeat did not still induce the Ammonites to be quiet,
nor to own those that were superior to them to be so, and be
still, but they sent to Chalaman, the king of the Syrians, beyond
Euphrates, and hired him for an auxiliary. He had Shobach for the
captain of his host, with eighty thousand footmen, and ten
thousand horsemen. Now when the king of the Hebrews understood
that the Ammonites had again gathered so great an army together,
he determined to make war with them no longer by his generals,
but he passed over the river Jordan himself with all his army;
and when he met them he joined battle with them, and overcame
them, and slew forty thousand of their footmen, and seven
thousand of their horsemen. He also wounded Shobach, the general
of Chalaman's forces, who died of that stroke; but the people of
Mesopotamia, upon such a conclusion of the battle, delivered
themselves up to David, and sent him presents, who at winter time
returned to Jerusalem. But at the beginning of the spring he sent
Joab, the captain of his host, to fight against the Ammonites,
who overran all their country, and laid it waste, and shut them
up in their metropolis Rabbah, and besieged them therein.




CHAPTER 7.

How David Fell In Love With Bathsheba, And Slew Her Husband
Uriah, For Which He Is Reproved By Nathan.


1. But David fell now into a very grievous sin, though he were
otherwise naturally a righteous and a religious man, and one that
firmly observed the laws of our fathers; for when late in an
evening he took a view round him from the roof of his royal
palace, where he used to walk at that hour, he saw a woman
washing herself in her own house: she was one of extraordinary
beauty, and therein surpassed all other women; her name was
Bathsheba. So he was overcome by that woman's beauty, and was not
able to restrain his desires, but sent for her, and lay with her.
Hereupon she conceived with child, and sent to the king, that he
should contrive some way for concealing her sin (for, according
to the laws of their fathers, she who had been guilty of adultery
ought to be put to death). So the king sent for Joab's
armor-bearer from the siege, who was the woman's husband, and his
name was Uriah. And when he was come, the king inquired of him
about the army, and about the siege; and when he had made answer
that all their affairs went according to their wishes, the king
took some portions of meat from his supper, and gave them to him,
and bade him go home to his wife, and take his rest with her.
Uriah did not do so, but slept near the king with the rest of his
armor-bearers. When the king was informed of this, he asked him
why he did not go home to his house, and to his wife, after so
long an absence; which is the natural custom of all men, when
they come from a long journey. He replied, that it was not right,
while his fellow soldiers, and the general of the army, slept
upon the ground, in the camp, and in an enemy's country, that he
should go and take his rest, and solace himself with his wife. So
when he had thus replied, the king ordered him to stay there that
night, that he might dismiss him the next day to the general. So
the king invited Uriah to supper, and after a cunning and
dexterous manlier plied him with drink at supper, till he was
thereby disordered; yet did he nevertheless sleep at the king's
gates without any inclination to go to his wife. Upon this the
king was very angry at him; and wrote to Joab, and commanded him
to punish Uriah, for he told him that he had offended him; and he
suggested to him the manner in which he would have him punished,
that it might not be discovered that he was himself the author of
this his punishment; for he charged him to set him over against
that part of the enemy's army where the attack would be most
hazardous, and where he might be deserted, and be in the greatest
jeopardy, for he bade him order his fellow soldiers to retire out
of the fight. When he had written thus to him, and sealed the
letter with his own seal, he gave it to Uriah to carry to Joab.
When Joab had received it, and upon reading it understood the
king's purpose, he set Uriah in that place where he knew the
enemy would be most troublesome to them; and gave him for his
partners some of the best soldiers in the army; and said that he
would also come to their assistance with the whole army, that if
possible they might break down some part of the wall, and enter
the city. And he desired him to be glad of the opportunity of
exposing himself to such great pains, and not to be displeased at
it, since he was a valiant soldier, and had a great reputation
for his valor, both with the king and with his countrymen. And
when Uriah undertook the work he was set upon with alacrity, he
gave private orders to those who were to be his companions, that
when they saw the enemy make a sally, they should leave him.
When, therefore, the Hebrews made an attack upon the city, the
Ammonites were afraid that the enemy might prevent them, and get
up into the city, and this at the very place whither Uriah was
ordered; so they exposed their best soldiers to be in the
forefront, and opened their gates suddenly, and fell upon the
enemy with great vehemence, and ran violently upon them. When
those that were with Uriah saw this, they all retreated backward,
as Joab had directed them beforehand; but Uriah, as ashamed to
run away and leave his post, sustained the enemy, and receiving
the violence of their onset, he slew many of them; but being
encompassed round, and caught in the midst of them, he was slain,
and some other of his companions were slain with him.

2. When this was done, Joab sent messengers to the king, and
ordered them to tell him that he did what he could to take the
city soon; but that, as they made an assault on the wall, they
had been forced to retire with great loss; and bade them, if they
saw the king was angry at it, to add this, that Uriah was slain
also. When the king had heard this of the messengers, he took it
heinously, and said that they did wrong when they assaulted the
wall, whereas they ought, by undermining and other stratagems of
war, to endeavor the taking of rite city, especially when they
had before their eyes the example of Abimelech, the son of
Gideon, who would needs take the tower in Thebes by force, and
was killed by a large stone thrown at him by an old woman; and
although he was a man of great prowess, he died ignominiously by
the dangerous manner of his assault: that they should remember
this accident, and not come near the enemy's wall, for that the
best method of making war with success was to call to mind the
accidents of former wars, and what good or bad success had
attended them in the like dangerous cases, that so they might
imitate the one, and avoid the other. But when the king was in
this disposition, the messenger told him that Uriah was slain
also; whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the messenger go back
to Joab and tell him that this misfortune is no other than what
is common among mankind, and that such is the nature, and such
the accidents of war, insomuch that sometimes the enemy will have
success therein, and sometimes others; but that he ordered him to
go on still in his care about the siege, that no ill accident
might befall him in it hereafter; that they should raise bulwarks
and use machines in besieging the city; and when they have gotten
it, to overturn its very foundations, and to destroy all those
that are in it. Accordingly the messenger carried the king's
message with which he was charged, and made haste to Joab. But
Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, when she was informed of the death
of her husband, mourned for his death many days; and when her
mourning was over, and the tears which she shed for Uriah were
dried up, the king took her to wife presently; and a son was born
to him by her.

3. With this marriage God was not well pleased, but was thereupon
angry at David; and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in his
sleep, and complained of the king. Now Nathan was a fair and
prudent man; and considering that kings, when they fall into a
passion, are guided more by that passion than they are by
justice, he resolved to conceal the threatenings that proceeded
from God, and made a good-natured discourse to him, and this
after the manner following:-- He desired that the king would
give him his opinion in the following case:-- There were," said
he, "two men inhabiting the same city, the one of them was rich,
and [the other poor]. The rich man had a great many flocks of
cattle, of sheep, and of kine; but the poor man had but one ewe
lamb. This he brought up with his children, and let her eat her
food with them; and he had the same natural affection for her
which any one might have for a daughter. Now upon the coming of a
stranger to the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill any of
his own flocks, and thence feast his friend; but he sent for the
poor man's lamb, and took her away from him, and made her ready
for food, and thence feasted the stranger." This discourse
troubled the king exceedingly; and he denounced to Nathan, that
"this man was a wicked man who could dare to do such a thing; and
that it was but just that he should restore the lamb fourfold,
and be punished with death for it also." Upon this Nathan
immediately said that he was himself the man who ought to suffer
those punishments, and that by his own sentence; and that it was
he who had perpetrated this 'great and horrid crime. He also
revealed to him, and laid before him, the anger of God against
him, who had made him king over the army of the Hebrews, and lord
of all the nations, and those many and great nations round about
him; who had formerly delivered him out of the hands of Saul, and
had given him such wives as he had justly and legally married;
and now this God was despised by him, and affronted by his
impiety, when he had married, and now had, another man's wife;
and by exposing her husband to the enemy, had really slain him;
'that God would inflict punishments upon him on account of those
instances of wickedness; that his own wives should be forced by
one of his sons; and that he should be treacherously supplanted
by the same son; and that although he had perpetrated his
wickedness secretly, yet should that punishment which he was to
undergo be inflicted publicly upon him; "that, moreover," said
he, "the child which was born to thee of her shall soon die."
When the king was troubled at these messages, and sufficiently
confounded, and said with tears and sorrow that he had sinned,
(for he was without controversy a pious man, and guilty of no sin
at all in his whole life, excepting those in the matter of
Uriah,) God had compassion on him, and was reconciled to him, and
promised that he would preserve to him both his life and his
kingdom; for he said that, seeing he repented of the things he
had done, he was no longer displeased with him. So Nathan, when
he had delivered this prophecy to the king, returned home.

4. However, God sent a dangerous distemper upon the child that
was born to David of the wife of Uriah, at which the king was
troubled, and did not take any food for seven days, although his
servants almost forced him to take it; but he clothed himself in
a black garment, and fell down, and lay upon the ground in
sackcloth, entrusting God for the recovery of the child, for he
vehemently loved the child's mother; but when, on the seventh
day, the child was dead, the king's servants durst not tell him
of it, as supposing that when he knew it, he would still less
admit of food, and other care of himself, by reason of his grief
at the death of his son, since when the child was only sick, he
so greatly afflicted himself, and grieved for him: but when the
king perceived that his servants were in disorder, and seemed to
be affected, as those who are very desirous to conceal something,
he understood that the child was dead; and when he had called one
of his servants to him, and discovered that so it was, he arose
up and washed himself, and took a white garment, and came into
the tabernacle of God. He also commanded them to set supper
before him, and thereby greatly surprised his kindred and
servants, while he did nothing of this when the child was sick,
but did it all when he was dead. Whereupon having first begged
leave to ask him a question, they besought him to tell them the
reason of this his conduct; he then called them unskillful
people, and instructed them how he had hopes of the recovery of
the child while it was alive, and accordingly did all that was
proper for him to do, as thinking by such means to render God
propitious to him; but that when the child was dead, there was no
longer any occasion for grief, which was then to no purpose. When
he had said this, they commended the king's wisdom and
understanding. He then went in unto Bathsheba his wife, and she
conceived and bare a son; and by the command of Nathan the
prophet called his name Solomon.

5. But Joab sorely distressed the Ammonites in the siege, by
cutting off their waters, and depriving them of other means of
subsistence, till they were in the greatest want of meat and
drink, for they depended only on one small well of water, and
this they durst not drink of too freely, lest the fountain should
entirely fail them. So he wrote to the king, and informed him
thereof; and persuaded him to come himself to take the city, that
he might have the honor of the victory. Upon this letter of
Joab's, the king accepted of his good-will and fidelity, and took
with him his army, and came to the destruction of Rabbah; and
when he had taken it by force, he gave it to his soldiers to
plunder it; but he himself took the king of the Ammonites' crown,
whose weight was a talent of gold; (13) and it had in its middle
a precious stone called a sardonyx; which crown David ever after
wore on his own head. He also found many other vessels in the
city, and those both splendid and of great price; but as for the
men, he tormented them, (14) and then destroyed them; and when he
had taken the other cities of the Ammonites by force, he treated
them after the same manner.




CHAPTER 8.

How Absalom Murdered Amnon, Who Had Forced His Own Sister; And
How He Was Banished And Afterwards Recalled By David.


1. When the king was returned to Jerusalem, a sad misfortune
befell his house, on the occasion following: He had a daughter,
who was yet a virgin, and very handsome, insomuch that she
surpassed all the most beautiful women; her name was Tamar; she
had the same mother with Absalom. Now Amnon, David's eldest son,
fell in love with her, and being not able to obtain his desires,
on account of her virginity, and the custody she was under, was
so much out of order, nay, his grief so eat up his body, that he
grew lean, and his color was changed. Now there was one Jenadab,
a kinsman and friend of his, who discovered this his passion, for
he was an extraordinary wise man, and of great sagacity of mind.
When, therefore, he saw that every morning Amnon was not in body
as he ought to be, he came to him, and desired him to tell him
what was the cause of it: however, he said that he guessed that
it arose from the passion of love. Amnon confessed his passion,
that he was in love with a sister of his, who had the same father
with himself. So Jenadab suggested to him by what method and
contrivance he might obtain his desires; for he persuaded him to
pretend sickness, and bade him, when his father should come to
him, to beg of him that his sister might come and minister to
him; for if that were done, he should be better, and should
quickly recover from his distemper. So Amnon lay down on his bed,
and pretended to be sick, as Jonadab had suggested. When his
father came, and inquired how he did, he begged of him to send
his sister to him. Accordingly, he presently ordered her to be
brought to him; and when she was come, Amnon bade her make cakes
for him, and fry them in a pan, and do it all with her own hands,
because he should take them better from her hand [than from any
one's else]. So she kneaded the flour in the sight of her
brother, and made him cakes, and baked them in a pan, and brought
them to him; but at that time he would not taste them, but gave
order to his servants to send all that were there out of his
chamber, because he had a mind to repose himself, free from
tumult and disturbance. As soon as what he had commanded was
done, he desired his sister to bring his supper to him into the
inner parlor; which, when the damsel had done, he took hold of
her, and endeavored to persuade her to lie with him. Whereupon
the damsel cried out, and said, "Nay, brother, do not force me,
nor be so wicked as to transgress the laws, and bring upon
thyself the utmost confusion. Curb this thy unrighteous and
impure lust, from which our house will get nothing but reproach
and disgrace." She also advised him to speak to his father about
this affair; for he would permit him [to marry her]. This she
said, as desirous to avoid her brother's violent passion at
present. But he would not yield to her; but, inflamed with love
and blinded with the vehemency of his passion, he forced his
sister: but as soon as Amnon had satisfied his lust, he hated her
immediately, and giving her reproachful words, bade her rise up
and be gone. And when she said that this was a more injurious
treatment than the former, if, now he had forced her, he would
not let her stay with him till the evening, but bid her go away
in the day-time, and while it was light, that she might meet with
people that would be witnesses of her shame, - he commanded his
servant to turn her out of his house. Whereupon she was sorely
grieved at the injury and violence that had been offered to her,
and rent her loose coat, (for the virgins of old time wore such
loose coats tied at the hands, and let down to the ankles, that
the inner coats might not be seen,) and sprinkled ashes on her
head; and went up the middle of the city, crying out and
lamenting for the violence that had been offered her. Now
Absalom, her brother, happened to meet her, and asked her what
sad thing had befallen her, that she was in that plight; and when
she had told him what injury had been offered her, he comforted
her, and desired her to be quiet, and take all patiently, and not
to esteem her being corrupted by her brother as an injury. So she
yielded to his advice, and left off her crying out, and
discovering the force offered her to the multitude; and she
continued as a widow with her brother Absalom a long time.

2. When David his father knew this, he was grieved at the actions
of Amnon; but because he had an extraordinary affection for him,
for he was his eldest son, he was compelled not to afflict him;
but Absalom watched for a fit opportunity of revenging this crime
upon him, for he thoroughly hated him. Now the second year after
this wicked affair about his sister was over, and Absalom was
about to go to shear his own sheep at Baalhazor, which is a city
in the portion of Ephraim, he besought his father, as well as his
brethren, to come and feast with him: but when David excused
himself, as not being willing to be burdensome to him, Absalom
desired he would however send his brethren; whom he did send
accordingly. Then Absalom charged his own servants, that when
they should see Amnon disordered and drowsy with wine, and he
should give them a signal, they should fear nobody, but kill him.

3. When they had done as they were commanded, the rest of his
brethren were astonished and disturbed, and were afraid for
themselves, so they immediately got on horseback, and rode away
to their father; but somebody there was who prevented them, and
told their father they were all slain by Absalom; whereupon he
was overcome with sorrow, as for so many of his sons that were
destroyed at once, and that by their brother also; and by this
consideration, that it was their brother that appeared to have
slain them, he aggravated his sorrow for them. So he neither
inquired what was the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear
any thing else, which yet it was but reasonable to have done,
when so very great, and by that greatness so incredible, a
misfortune was related to him: he rent his clothes and threw
himself upon the ground, and there lay lamenting the loss of all
his sons, both those who, as he was informed, were slain, and of
him who slew them. But Jonadab, the son of his brother Shemeah,
entreated him not to indulge his sorrow so far, for as to the
rest of his sons he did not believe that they were slain, for he
found no cause for such a suspicion; but he said it might deserve
inquiry as to Amnon, for it was not unlikely that Absalom might
venture to kill him on account of the injury he had offered to
Tamar. In the mean time, a great noise of horses, and a tumult of
some people that were coming, turned their attention to them;
they were the king's sons, who were fled away from the feast. So
their father met them as they were in their grief, and he himself
grieved with them; but it was more than he expected to see those
his sons again, whom he had a little before heard to have
perished. However, their were tears on both sides; they lamenting
their brother who was killed, and the king lamenting his son, who
was killed also; but Absalom fled to Geshur, to his grandfather
by his mother's side, who was king of that country, and he
remained with him three whole years.

4. Now David had a design to send to Absalom, not that he should
come to be punished, but that he might be with him, for the
effects of his anger were abated by length of time. It was Joab,
the captain of his host, that chiefly persuaded him so to do; for
he suborned an ordinary woman, that was stricken in age, to go to
the king in mourning apparel, who said thus to him:-- That two of
her sons, in a coarse way, had some difference between them, and
that in the progress of that difference they came to an open
quarrel, and that one was smitten by the other, and was dead; and
she desired him to interpose in this case, and to do her the
favor to save this her son from her kindred, who were very
zealous to have him that had slain his brother put to death, that
so she might not be further deprived of the hopes she had of
being taken care of in her old age by him; and that if he would
hinder this slaughter of her son by those that wished for it, he
would do her a great favor, because the kindred would not be
restrained from their purpose by any thing else than by the fear
of him. And when the king had given his consent to what the woman
had begged of him, she made this reply to him:-- "I owe thee
thanks for thy benignity to me in pitying my old age, and
preventing the loss of my only remaining child; but in order to
assure me of this thy kindness, be first reconciled to thine own
son, and cease to be angry with him; for how shall I persuade
myself that thou hast really bestowed this favor upon me, while
thou thyself continuest after the like manner in thy wrath to
thine own son? for it is a foolish thing to add willfully another
to thy dead son, while the death of the other was brought about
without thy consent." And now the king perceived that this
pretended story was a subornation derived from Joab, and was of
his contrivance; and when, upon inquiry of the old woman, he
understood it to be so in reality, he called for Joab, and told
him he had obtained what he requested according to his own mind;
and he bid him bring Absalom back, for he was not now displeased,
but had already ceased to be angry with him. So Joab bowed
himself down to the king, and took his words kindly, and went
immediately to Geshur, and took Absalom with him, and came to
Jerusalem.

5. However, the king sent a message to his son beforehand, as he
was coming, and commanded him to retire to his own house, for he
was not yet in such a disposition as to think fit at present to
see him. Accordingly, upon the father's command, he avoided
coming into his presence, and contented himself with the respects
paid him by his own family only. Now his beauty was not impaired,
either by the grief he had been under, or by the want of such
care as was proper to be taken of a king's son, for he still
surpassed and excelled all men in the tallness of his body, and
was more eminent [in a fine appearance] than those that dieted
the most luxuriously; and indeed such was the thickness of the
hair of his head, that it was with difficulty that he was polled
every eighth day; and his hair weighed two hundred shekels (15)
which are five pounds. However, he dwelt in Jerusalem two years,
and became the father of three sons, and one daughter; which
daughter was of very great beauty, and which Rehoboam, the son of
Solomon, took to wife afterward, and had by her a son named
Abijah. But Absalom sent to Joab, and desired him to pacify his
father entirely towards him; and to beseech him to give him leave
to come to him to see him, and speak with him. But when Joab
neglected so to do, he sent some of his own servants, and set
fire to the field adjoining to him; which, when Joab understood,
he came to Absalom, and accused him of what he had done; and
asked him the reason why he did so. To which Absalom replied,
that "I have found out this stratagem that might bring thee to
us, while thou hast taken no care to perform the injunction I
laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile my father to me; and
I really beg it of thee, now thou art here, to pacify my father
as to me, since I esteem my coming hither to be more grievous
than my banishment, while my father's wrath against me
continues." Hereby Joab was persuaded, and pitied the distress
that Absalom was in, and became an intercessor with the king for
him. And when he had discoursed with his father, he soon brought
him to that amicable disposition towards Absalom, that he
presently sent for him to come to him; and when he had cast
himself down upon the ground, and had begged for the forgiveness
of his offenses, the king raised him up, and promised him to
forget what he had formerly done.




CHAPTER 9.

Concerning The Insurrection Of Absalom Against David And
Concerning Ahithophel And Hushai; And Concerning Ziba And Shimei;
And How Ahithophel Hanged Himself.


1. Now Absalom, upon this his success with the king, procured to
himself a great many horses, and many chariots, and that in a
little time also. He had moreover fifty armor-bearers that were
about him; and he came early every day to the king's palace, and
spake what was agreeable to such as came for justice and lost
their causes, as if that happened for want of good counselors
about the king, or perhaps because the judges mistook in that
unjust sentence they gave; whereby he gained the good-will of
them all. He told them, that had he but such authority committed
to him, he would distribute justice to them in a most equitable
manner. When he had made himself so popular among the multitude,
he thought he had already the good-will of the people secured to
him; but when four years (16) had passed since his father's
reconciliation to him, he came to him, and besought him to give
him leave to go to Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to God, because he
vowed it to him when he fled out of the country. So when David
had granted his request, he went thither, and great multitudes
came running together to him, for he had sent to a great number
so to do.

2. Among them came Ahithophel the Gilonite, a counsellor of
David's, and two hundred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew
not his intentions, but were sent for as to a sacrifice. So he
was appointed king by all of them, which he obtained by this
stratagem. As soon as this news was brought to David, and he was
informed of what he did not expect from his son, he was
aftrighted at this his impious and bold undertaking, and wondered
that he was so far from remembering how his offense had been so
lately forgiven him, that he undertook much worse and more wicked
enterprises; first, to deprive him of that kingdom which was
given him of God; and secondly, to take away his own father's
life. He therefore resolved to fly to the parts beyond Jordan: so
he called his most intimate friends together, and communicated to
them all that he had heard of his son's madness. He committed
himself to God, to judge between them about all their actions;
and left the care of his royal palace to his ten concubines, and
went away from Jerusalem, being willingly accompanied by the rest
of the multitude, who went hastily away with him, and
particularly by those six hundred armed men, who had been with
him from his first flight in the days of Saul. But he persuaded
Abiathar and Zadok, the high priests, who had determined to go
away with him, as also all the Levites, who were with the ark, to
stay behind, as hoping that God would deliver him without its
removal; but he charged them to let him know privately how all
things went on; and he had their sons, Ahimmaz the son of Zadok,
and Jonathan the son of Abiathar, for faithful ministers in all
things; but Ittai the Gitrite went out with him whether David
would let him or not, for he would have persuaded him to stay,
and on that account he appeared the more friendly to him. But as
he was ascending the Mount of Olives barefooted, and all his
company were in tears, it was told him that Ahithophel was with
Absalom, and was of his side. This hearing augmented his grief;
and he besought God earnestly to alienate the mind of Absalom
from Ahithophel, for he was afraid that he should persuade him to
follow his pernicious counsel, for he was a prudent man, and very
sharp in seeing what was advantageous. When David was gotten upon
the top of the mountain, he took a view of the city; and prayed
to God with abundance of tears, as having already lost his
kingdom; and here it was that a faithful friend of his, whose
name was Hushai, met him. When David saw him with his clothes
rent, and having ashes all over his head, and in lamentation for
the great change of affairs, he comforted him, and exhorted him
to leave off grieving; nay, at length he besought him to go back
to Absalom, and appear as one of his party, and to fish out the
secretest counsels of his mind, and to contradict the counsels of
Ahithophel, for that he could not do him so much good by being
with him as he might by being with Absalom. So he was prevailed
on by David, and left him, and came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom
himself came also a little while afterward.

3. When David was gone a little farther, there met him Ziba, the
servant of Mephibosheth, (whom he had sent to take care of the
possessions which had been given him, as the son of Jonathan, the
son of Saul,) with a couple of asses, loaden with provisions, and
desired him to take as much of them as he and his followers stood
in need of. And when the king asked him where he had left
Mephibosheth, he said he had left him in Jerusalem, expecting to
be chosen king in the present confusions, in remembrance of the
benefits Saul had conferred upon them. At this the king had great
indignation, and gave to Ziba all that he had formerly bestowed
on Mephibosheth; for he determined that it was much fitter that
he should have them than the other; at which Ziba greatly
rejoiced.

4. When David was at Bahurim, a place so called, there came out a
kinsman of Saul's, whose name was Shimei, and threw stones at
him, and gave him reproachful words; and as his friends stood
about the king and protected him, he persevered still more in his
reproaches, and called him a bloody man, and the author of all
sorts of mischief. He bade him also go out of the land as an
impure and accursed wretch; and he thanked God for depriving him
of his kingdom, and causing him to be punished for what injuries
he had done to his master [Saul], and this by the means of his
own son. Now when they were all provoked against him, and angry
at bin;, and particularly Abishai, who had a mind to kill Shimei,
David restrained his anger. "Let us not," said he, "bring upon
ourselves another fresh misfortune to those we have already, for
truly I have not the least regard nor concern for this dog that
raves at me: I submit myself to God, by whose permission this man
treats me in such a wild manner; nor is it any wonder that I am
obliged to undergo these abuses from him, while I experience the
like from an impious son of my own; but perhaps God will have
some commiseration upon us; if it be his will we shall overcome
them." So he went on his way without troubling himself with
Shimei, who ran along the other side of the mountain, and threw
out his abusive language plentifully. But when David was come to
Jordan, he allowed those that were with him to refresh
themselves; for they were weary.

5. But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his counselor, were come to
Jerusalem, with all the people, David's friend, Hushai, came to
them; and when he had worshipped Absalom, he withal wished that
his kingdom might last a long time, and continue for all ages.
But when Absalom said to him, "How comes this, that he who was so
intimate a friend of my father's, and appeared faithful to him in
all things, is not with him now, but hath left him, and is come
over to me?" Hushai's answer was very pertinent and prudent; for
he said, "We ought to follow God and the multitude of the people;
while these, therefore, my lord and master, are with thee, it is
fit that I should follow them, for thou hast received the kingdom
from God. I will therefore, if thou believest me to be thy
friend, show the same fidelity and kindness to thee, which thou
knowest I have shown to thy father; nor is there any reason to be
in the least dissatisfied with the present state of affairs, for
the kingdom is not transferred into another, but remains still in
the same family, by the son's receiving it after his father."
This speech persuaded Absalom, who before suspected Hushai. And
now he called Ahithophel, and consulted with him what he ought to
do: he persuaded him to go in unto his father's concubines; for
he said that "by this action the people would believe that thy
difference with thy father is irreconcilable, and will thence
fight with great alacrity against thy father, for hitherto they
are afraid of taking up open enmity against him, out of an
expectation that you will be reconciled again." Accordingly,
Absalom was prevailed on by this advice, and commanded his
servants to pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal palace, in
the sight of the multitude; and he went in and lay with his
father's concubines. Now this came to pass according to the
prediction of Nathan, when he prophesied and signified to him
that his son would rise up in rebellion against him.

6. And when Absalom had done what he was advised to by
Ahithophel, he desired his advice, in the second place, about the
war against his father. Now Ahithophel only asked him to let him
have ten thousand chosen men, and he promised he would slay his
father, and bring the soldiers back again in safety; and he said
that then the kingdom would be firm to him when David was dead
[but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased with this advice, and
called for Hushai, David's friend (for so did he style him); and
informing him of the opinion of Ahithophel, he asked, further,
what was his opinion concerning that matter. Now he was sensible
that if Ahithophel's counsel were followed, David would be in
danger of being seized on, and slain; so he attempted to
introduce a contrary opinion, and said, Thou art not
unacquainted, O king, with the valor of thy father, and of those
that are now with him; that he hath made many wars, and hath
always come off with victory, though probably he now abides in
the camp, for he is very skiliful in stratagems, and in
foreseeing the deceitful tricks of his enemies; yet will he leave
his own soldiers in the evening, and will either hide himself in
some valley, or will place an ambush at some rock; so that when
our army joins battle with him, his soldiers will retire for a
little while, but will come upon us again, as encouraged by the
king's being near them; and in the mean time your father will
show himself suddenly in the time of the battle, and will infuse
courage into his own people when they are in danger, but bring
consternation to thine. Consider, therefore, my advice, and
reason upon it, and if thou canst not but acknowledge it to be
the best, reject the opinion of Ahithophel. Send to the entire
country of the Hebrews, and order them to come and fight with thy
father; and do thou thyself take the army, and be thine own
general in this war, and do not trust its management to another;
then expect to conquer him with ease, when thou overtakest him
openly with his few partisans, but hast thyself many ten
thousands, who will be desirous to demonstrate to thee their
diligence and alacrity. And if thy father shall shut himself up
in some city, and bear a siege, we will overthrow that city with
machines of war, and by undermining it." When Hushai had said
this, he obtained his point against Ahithophel, for his opinion
was preferred by Absalom before the other's: however, it was no
other than God (17) who made the counsel of Hushai appear best to
the mind of Absalom.

7. So Hushai made haste to the high priests, Zadok and Abiathar,
and told them the opinion of Ahithophel, and his own, and that
the resolution was taken to follow this latter advice. He
therefore bade them send to David, and tell him of it, and to
inform him of the counsels that had been taken; and to desire him
further to pass quickly over Jordan, lest his son should change
his mind, and make haste to pursue him, and so prevent him, and
seize upon him before he be in safety. Now the high priests had
their sons concealed in a proper place out of the city, that they
might carry news to David of what was transacted. Accordingly,
they sent a maid-servant, whom they could trust, to them, to
carry the news of Absalom's counsels, and ordered them to signify
the same to David with all speed. So they made no excuse nor
delay, but taking along with them their fathers' injunctions,
because pious and faithful ministers, and judging that quickness
and suddenness was the best mark of faithful service, they made
haste to meet with David. But certain horsemen saw them when they
were two furlongs from the city, and informed Absalom of them,
who immediately sent some to take them; but when the sons of the
high priest perceived this, they went out of the road, and betook
themselves to a certain village; that village was called Bahurim;
there they desired a certain woman to hide them, and afford them
security. Accordingly she let the young men down by a rope into a
well, and laid fleeces of wool over them; and when those that
pursued them came to her, and asked her whether she saw them, she
did not deny that she had seen them, for that they staid with her
some time, but she said they then went their ways; and she
foretold that, however, if they would follow them directly, they
would catch them; but when after a long pursuit they could not
catch them, they came back again; and when the woman saw those
men were returned, and that there was no longer any fear of the
young men's being caught by them, she drew them up by the rope,
and bade them go on their journey accordingly, they used great
diligence in the prosecution of that journey, and came to David,
and informed him accurately of all the counsels of Absalom. So he
commanded those that were with him to pass over Jordan while it
was night, and not to delay at all on that account.

8. But Ahithophel, on rejection of his advice, got upon his ass,
and rode away to his own country, Gilon; and, calling his family
together, he told them distinctly what advice he had given
Absalom; and since he had not been persuaded by it, he said he
would evidently perish, and this in no long time, and that David
would overcome him, and return to his kingdom again; so he said
it was better that he should take his own life away with freedom
and magnanimity, than expose himself to be punished by David, in
opposition to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom. When he had
discoursed thus to them, he went into the inmost room of his
house, and hanged himself; and thus was the death of Ahithophel,
who was self-condemned; and when his relations had taken him down
from the halter, they took care of his funeral. Now, as for
David, he passed over Jordan, as we have said already, and came
to Mahanaim, every fine and very strong city; and all the chief
men of the country received him with great pleasure, both out of
the shame they had that he should be forced to flee away [from
Jerusalem], and out of the respect they bare him while he was in
his former prosperity. These were Barzillai the Gileadite, and
Siphar the ruler among the Ammonites, and Machir the principal
man of Gilead; and these furnished him with plentiful provisions
for himself and his followers, insomuch that they wanted no beds
nor blankets for them, nor loaves of bread, nor wine; nay, they
brought them a great many cattle for slaughter, and afforded them
what furniture they wanted for their refreshment when they were
weary, and for food, with plenty of other necessaries.




CHAPTER 10.

How, When Absalom Was Beaten, He Was Caught In A Tree By His Hair
And Was Slain


1. And this was the state of David and his followers: but Absalom
got together a vast army of the Hebrews to oppose his father, and
passed therewith over the river Jordan, and sat down not far off
Mahanaim, in the country of Gilead. He appointed Amasa to be
captain of all his host, instead of Joab his kinsman: his father
was Ithra and his mother Abigail: now she and Zeruiah, the mother
of Joab, were David's sisters. But when David had numbered his
followers, and found them to be about four thousand, he resolved
not to tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over his men
captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds, and divided his
army into three parts; the one part he committed to Joab, the
next to Abishai, Joab's brother, and the third to Ittai, David's
companion and friend, but one that came from the city Gath; and
when he was desirous of fighting himself among them, his friends
would not let him: and this refusal of theirs was founded upon
very wise reasons: "For," said they, "if we be conquered when he
is with us, we have lost all good hopes of recovering ourselves;
but if we should be beaten in one part of our army, the other
parts may retire to him, and may thereby prepare a greater force,
while the enemy will naturally suppose that he hath another army
with him." So David was pleased with this their advice, and
resolved himself to tarry at Mahanaim; and as he sent his friends
and commanders to the battle, he desired them to show all
possible alacrity and fidelity, and to bear in mind what
advantages they had received from him, which, though they had not
been very great, yet had they not been quite inconsiderable; and
he begged of them to spare the young man Absalom, lest some
mischief should befall himself, if he should be killed; and thus
did he send out his army to the battle, and wished them victory
therein.

2. Then did Joab put his army in battle-array over against the
enemy in the Great Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Absalom
also brought his army into the field to oppose him. Upon the
joining of the battle, both sides showed great actions with their
hands and their boldness; the one side exposing themselves to the
greatest hazards, and using their utmost alacrity, that David
might recover his kingdom; and the other being no way deficient,
either in doing or suffering, that Absalom might not be deprived
of that kingdom, and be brought to punishment by his father for
his impudent attempt against him. Those also that were the most
numerous were solicitous that they might not be conquered by
those few that were with Joab, and with the other commanders,
because that would be the greater disgrace to them; while David's
soldiers strove greatly to overcome so many ten thousands as the
enemy had with them. Now David's men were conquerors, as superior
in strength and skill in war; so they followed the others as they
fled away through the forests and valleys; some they took
prisoners, and many they slew, and more in the flight than in the
battle for there fell about twenty thousand that day. But all
David's men ran violently upon Absalom, for he was easily known
by his beauty and tallness. He was himself also afraid lest his
enemies should seize on him, so he got upon the king's mule, and
fled; but as he was carried with violence, and noise, and a great
motion, as being himself light, he entangled his hair greatly in
the large boughs of a knotty tree that spread a great way, and
there he hung, after a surprising manner; and as for the beast,
it went on farther, and that swiftly, as if his master had been
still upon his back; but he, hanging in the air upon the boughs,
was taken by his enemies. Now when one of David's soldiers saw
this, he informed Joab of it; and when the general said, that if
he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would have given him fifty
shekels, - he replied, "I would not have killed my master's son
if thou wouldst have given me a thousand shekels, especially when
he desired that the young man might be spared in the hearing of
us all." But Joab bade him show him where it was that he saw
Absalom hang; whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew him,
and Joab's armor-bearers stood round the tree, and pulled down
his dead body, and cast it into a great chasm that was out of
sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him, till the cavity was
filled up, and had both the appearance and the bigness of a
grave. Then Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own soldiers
from pursuing the enemy's army, in order to spare their
countrymen.

3. Now Absalom had erected for himself a marble pillar in the
king's dale, two furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which he named
Absalom's Hand, saying, that if his children were killed, his
name would remain by that pillar; for he had three sons and one
daughter, named Tamar, as we said before, who when she was
married to David's grandson, Rehoboam, bare a son, Abijah by
name, who succeeded his father in the kingdom; but of these we
shall speak in a part of our history which will be more proper.
After the death of Absalom, they returned every one to their own
homes respectively.

4. But now Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok the high priest, went to
Joab, and desired he would permit him to go and tell David of
this victory, and to bring him the good news that God had
afforded his assistance and his providence to him. However, he
did not grant his request, but said to him, "Wilt thou, who hast
always been the messenger of good news, now go and acquaint the
king that his son is dead?" So he desired him to desist. He then
called Cushi, and committed the business to him, that he should
tell the king what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again desired
him to let him go as a messenger, and assured him that he would
only relate what concerned the victory, but not concerning the
death of Absalom, he gave him leave to go to David. Now he took a
nearer road than the former did, for nobody knew it but himself,
and he came before Cushi. Now as David was sitting between the
gates, (18) and waiting to see when somebody would come to him
from the battle, and tell him how it went, one of the watchmen
saw Ahimaaz running, and before he could discern who he was, he
told David that he saw somebody coming to him, who said he was a
good messenger. A little while after, he informed him that
another messenger followed him; whereupon the king said that he
also was a good messenger: but when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and
that he was already very near, he gave the king notice that it
was the son of Zadok the high priest who came running. So David
was very glad, and said he was a messenger of good tidings, and
brought him some such news from the battle as he desired to hear.

5. While the king was saying thus, Ahimaaz appeared, and
worshipped the king. And when the king inquired of him about the
battle, he said he brought him the good news of victory and
dominion. And when he inquired what he had to say concerning his
son, he said that he came away on the sudden as soon as the enemy
was defeated, but that he heard a great noise of those that
pursued Absalom, and that he could learn no more, because of the
haste he made when Joab sent him to inform him of the victory.
But when Cushi was come, and had worshipped him, and informed him
of the victory, he asked him about his son, who replied, "May the
like misfortune befall thine enemies as hath befallen Absalom."
That word did not permit either himself or his soldiers to
rejoice for the victory, though it was a very great one; but
David went up to the highest part of the city, (19) and wept for
his son, and beat his breast, tearing [the hair of] his head,
tormenting himself all manner of ways, and crying out, "O my son!
I wish that I had died myself, and ended my days with thee!" for
he was of a tender natural affection, and had extraordinary
compassion for this son in particular. But when the army and Joab
heard that the king mourned for his son, they were ashamed to
enter the city in the habit of conquerors, but they all came in
as cast down, and in tears, as if they had been beaten. Now while
the king covered himself, and grievously lamented his son, Joab
went in to him, and comforted him, and said, "O my lord the king,
thou art not aware that thou layest a blot on thyself by what
thou now doest; for thou seemest to hate those that love thee,
and undergo dangers for thee nay, to hate thyself and thy family,
and to love those that are thy bitter enemies, and to desire the
company of those that are no more, and who have been justly
slain; for had Absalom gotten the victory, and firmly settled
himself in the kingdom, there had been none of us left alive, but
all of us, beginning with thyself and thy children, had miserably
perished, while our enemies had not wept for his, but rejoiced
over us, and punished even those that pitied us in our
misfortunes; and thou art not ashamed to do this in the case of
one that has been thy bitter enemy, who, while he was thine own
son hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave off, therefore, thy
unreasonable grief, and come abroad and be seen of thy soldiers,
and return them thanks for the alacrity they showed in the fight;
for I myself will this day persuade the people to leave thee, and
to give the kingdom to another, if thou continuest to do thus;
and then I shall make thee to grieve bitterly and in earnest."
Upon Joab's speaking thus to him, he made the king leave off his
sorrow, and brought him to the consideration of his affairs. So
David changed his habit, and exposed himself in a manner fit to
be seen by the multitude, and sat at the gates; whereupon all the
people heard of it,
and ran together to him, and saluted him. And this was the
present state of David's affairs.




CHAPTER 11.

How David, When He Had Recovered His Kingdom, Was Reconciled To
Shimei, And To Ziba; And Showed A Great Affection To Barzillai;
And How, Upon The Rise Of A Sedition, He Made Amasa Captain Of
His Host, In Order To Pursue Seba; Which Amasa Was Slain By Joab.


1. Now those Hebrews that had been With Absalom, and had retired
out of the battle, when they were all returned home, sent
messengers to every city to put them in mind of what benefits
David had bestowed upon them, and of that liberty which he had
procured them, by delivering them from many and great wars. But
they complained, that whereas they had ejected him out of his
kingdom, and committed it to another governor, which other
governor, whom they had set up, was already dead, they did not
now beseech David to leave off his anger at them, and to become
friends with them, and, as he used to do, to resume the care of
their affairs, and take the kingdom again. This was often told to
David. And, this notwithstanding, David sent to Zadok and
Abiathar the high priests, that they should speak to the rulers
of the tribe of Judah after the manner following: That it would
be a reproach upon them to permit the other tribes to choose
David for their king before their tribe, "and this," said he,
"while you are akin to him, and of the same common blood." He
commanded them also to say the same to Amasa the captain of their
forces, That whereas he was his sister's son, he had not
persuaded the multitude to restore the kingdom to David; that he
might expect from him not only a reconciliation, for that was
already granted, but that supreme command of the army also which
Absalom had bestowed upon him. Accordingly the high priests, when
they had discoursed with the rulers of the tribe, and said what
the king had ordered them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care
of his affairs. So he persuaded that tribe to send immediately
ambassadors to him, to beseech him to return to his own kingdom.
The same did all the Israelites, at the like persuasion of Amasa.

2. When the ambassadors came to him, he came to Jerusalem; and
the tribe of Judah was the first that came to meet the king at
the river Jordan. And Shimei, the son of Gera, came with a
thousand men, which he brought with him out of the tribe of
Benjamin; and Ziba, the freed-man of Saul, with his sons, fifteen
in number, and with his twenty servants. All these, as well as
the tribe of Judah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river, that
the king, and those that were with him, might with ease pass over
it. Now as soon as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah
saluted him. Shimei also came upon the bridge, and took hold of
his feet, and prayed him to forgive him what he had offended, and
not to be too bitter against him, nor to think fit to make him
the first example of severity under his new authority; but to
consider that he had repented of his failure of duty, and had
taken care to come first of all to him. While he was thus
entreating the king, and moving him to compassion, Abishai,
Joab's brother, said, "And shall not this man die for this, that
he hath cursed that king whom God hath appointed to reign over
us?" But David turned himself to him, and said, "Will you never
leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah? Do not you, I pray, raise new
troubles and seditions among us, now the former are over; for I
would not have you ignorant that I this day begin my reign, and
therefore swear to remit to all offenders their punishments, and
not to animadvert on any one that has sinned. Be thou,
therefore," said he, "O Shimei, of good courage, and do not at
all fear being put to death." So he worshipped him, and went on
before him.

3. Mephibosheth also, Saul's grandson, met David, clothed in a
sordid garment, and having his hair thick and neglected; for
after David was fled away, he was in such grief that he had not
polled his head, nor had he washed his clothes, as dooming
himself to undergo such hardships upon occasion of the change-of
the king's affairs. Now he had been unjustly calumniated to the
king by Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the king, and
worshipped him, the king began to ask him why he did not go out
of Jerusalem with him, and accompany him during his flight. He
replied, that this piece of injustice was owing to Ziba; because,
when he was ordered to get things ready for his going out with
him, he took no care of it, but regarded him no more than if he
had been a slave; "and, indeed, had I had my feet sound and
strong, I had not deserted thee, for I could then have made use
of them in my flight: but this is not all the injury that Ziba
has done me, as to my duty to thee, my lord and master, but he
hath calumniated me besides, and told lies about me of his own
invention; but I know thy mind will not admit of such calumnies,
but is righteously disposed, and a lover of truth, which it is
also the will of God should prevail. For when thou wast in the
greatest danger of suffering by my grandfather, and when, on that
account, our whole family might justly have been destroyed, thou
wast moderate and merciful, and didst then especially forget all
those injuries, when, if thou hadst remembered them, thou hadst
the power of punishing us for them; but thou hast judged me to be
thy friend, and hast set me every day at thine own table; nor
have I wanted any thing which one of thine own kinsmen, of
greatest esteem with thee, could have expected." When he had said
this, David resolved neither to punish Mephibosheth, nor to
condemn Ziba, as having belied his master; but said to him, that
as he had [before] granted all his estate to Ziba, because he did
not come along with him, so he [now] promised to forgive him, and
ordered that the one half of his estate should be restored to
him. (20) Whereupon Mephibosheth said, "Nay, let Ziba take all;
it suffices me that thou hast recovered thy kingdom."

4. But David desired Barzillai the Gileadite, that great and good
man, and one that had made a plentiful provision for him at
Mahanaim, and had conducted him as far as Jordan, to accompany
him to Jerusalem, for he promised to treat him in his old age
with all manner of respect - to take care of him, and provide for
him. But Barzillai was so desirous to live at home, that he
entreated him to excuse him from attendance on him; and said that
his age was too great to enjoy the pleasures [of a court,] since
he was fourscore years old, and was therefore making provision
for his death and burial: so he desired him to gratify him in
this request, and dismiss him; for he had no relish of his meat,
or his drink, by reason of his age; and that his ears were too
much shut up to hear the sound of pipes, or the melody of other
musical instruments, such as all those that live with kings
delight in. When he entreated for this so earnestly, the king
said, "I dismiss thee, but thou shalt grant me thy son Chimham,
and upon him I will bestow all sorts of good things." So
Barzillai left his son with him, and worshipped the king, and
wished him a prosperous conclusion of all his affairs according
to his own mind, and then returned home; but David came to
Gilgal, having about him half the people [of Israel], and the
[whole] tribe of Judah.

5. Now the principal men of the country came to Gilgal to him
with a great multitude, and complained of the tribe of Judah,
that they had come to him in a private manner; whereas they ought
all conjointly, and with one and the same intention, to have
given him the meeting. But the rulers of the tribe of Judah
desired them not to be displeased, if they had been prevented by
them; for, said they, "We are David's kinsmen, and on that
account we the rather took care of him, and loved him, and so
came first to him;" yet had they not, by their early coming,
received any gifts from him, which might give them who came last
any uneasiness. When the rulers of the tribe of Judah had said
this, the rulers of the other tribes were not quiet, but said
further, "O brethren, we cannot but wonder at you when you call
the king your kinsman alone, whereas he that hath received from
God the power over all of us in common ought to be esteemed a
kinsman to us all; for which reason the whole people have eleven
parts in him, and you but one part (21) we are also elder than
you; wherefore you have not done justly in coming to the king in
this private and concealed manner."

6. While these rulers were thus disputing one with another, a
certain wicked man, who took a pleasure in seditious practices,
(his name was Sheba, the son of Bichri, of the tribe of
Benjamin,) stood up in the midst of the multitude, and cried
aloud, and spake thus to them: "We have no part in David, nor
inheritance in the son of Jesse." And when he had used those
words, he blew with a trumpet, and declared war against the king;
and they all left David, and followed him; the tribe of Judah
alone staid with him, and settled him in his royal palace at
Jerusalem. But as for his concubines, with whom Absalom his son
had accompanied, truly he removed them to another house, and
ordered those that had the care of them to make a plentiful
provision for them, but he came not near them any more. He also
appointed Amass for the captain of his forces, and gave him the
same high office which Joab before had; and he commanded him to
gather together, out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as
he could, and come to him within three days, that he might
deliver to him his entire army, and might send him to fight
against [Sheba] the son of Bichri. Now while Amass was gone out,
and made some delay in gathering the army together, and so was
not yet returned, on the third day the king said to Joab, "It is
not fit we should make any delay in this affair of Sheba, lest he
get a numerous army about him, and be the occasion of greater
mischief, and hurt our affairs more than did Absalom himself; do
not thou therefore wait any longer, but take such forces as thou
hast at hand, and that [old] body of six hundred men, and thy
brother Abishai, with thee, and pursue after our enemy, and
endeavor to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake him. Make
haste to prevent him, lest he seize upon some fenced cities, and
cause us great labor and pains before we take him."

7. So Joab resolved to make no delay, but taking with him his
brother, and those six hundred men, and giving orders that the
rest of the army which was at Jerusalem should follow him, he
marched with great speed against Sheba; and when he was come to
Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem,
Amasa brought a great army with him, and met Joab. Now Joab was
girded with a sword, and his breastplate on; and when Amasa came
near him to salute him, he took particular care that his sword
should fall out, as it were, of its own accord: so he took it up
from the ground, and while he approached Amasa, who was then near
him, as though he would kiss him, he took hold of Amasa's beard
with his other hand, and he smote him in his belly when he did
not foresee it, and slew him. This impious and altogether profane
action Joab did to a good young man, and his kinsman, and one
that had done him no injury, and this out of jealousy that he
would obtain the chief command of the army, and be in equal
dignity with himself about the king; and for the same cause it
was that he killed Abner. But as to that former wicked action,
the death of his brother Asahel, which he seemed to revenge,
afforded him a decent pretense, and made that crime a pardonable
one; but in this murder of Amasa there was no such covering for
it. Now when Joab had killed this general, he pursued after
Sheba, having left a man with the dead body, who was ordered to
proclaim aloud to the army, that Amasa was justly slain, and
deservedly punished. "But," said he, "if you be for the king,
follow Joab his general, and Abishai, Joab's brother:" but
because the body lay on the road, and all the multitude came
running to it, and, as is usual with the multitude, stood
wondering a great while at it, he that guarded it removed it
thence, and carried it to a certain place that was very remote
from the road, and there laid it, and covered it with his
garment. When this was done, all the people followed Joab. Now as
he pursued Sheba through all the country of Israel, one told him
that he was in a strong city, called Abelbeth-maachah. Hereupon
Joab went thither, and set about it with his army, and cast up a
bank round it, and ordered his soldiers to undermine the walls,
and to overthrow them; and since the people in the city did not
admit him, he was greatly displeased at them.

8. Now there was a woman of small account, and yet both wise and
intelligent, who seeing her native city lying at the last
extremity, ascended upon the wall, and, by means of the armed
men, called for Joab; and when he came to her, she began to say,
That "God ordained kings and generals of armies, that they might
cut off the enemies of the Hebrews, and introduce a universal
peace among them; but thou art endeavoring to overthrow and
depopulate a metropolis of the Israelites, which hath been guilty
of no offense." But he replied, "God continue to be merciful unto
me: I am disposed to avoid killing any one of the people, much
less would I destroy such a city as this; and if they will
deliver me up Sheba, the son of Bichri, who hath rebelled against
the king, I will leave off the siege, and withdraw the army from
the place." Now as soon as the woman heard what Joab said, she
desired him to intermit the siege for a little while, for that he
should have the head of his enemy thrown out to him presently. So
she went down to the citizens, and said to them, "Will you be so
wicked as to perish miserably, with your children and wives, for
the sake of a vile fellow, and one whom nobody knows who he is?
And will you have him for your king instead of David, who hath
been so great a benefactor to you, and oppose your city alone to
such a mighty and strong army?" So she prevailed with them, and
they cut off the head of Sheba, and threw it into Joab's army.
When this was done, the king's general sounded a retreat, and
raised the siege. And when he was come to Jerusalem, he was again
appointed to be general of all the people. The king also
constituted Benaiah captain of the guards, and of the six hundred
men. He also set Adoram over the tribute, and Sabathes and
Achilaus over the records. He made Sheva the scribe, and
appointed Zadok and Abiathar the high priests.




CHAPTER 12.

How The Hebrews Were Delivered From A Famine When The Gibeonites
Had Caused Punishment To Be Inflicted For Those Of Them That Had
Been Slain: As Also, What Great Actions Were Performed Against
The Philistines By David, And The Men Of Valor About Him.


1. After this, when the country was greatly afflicted with a
famine, David besought God to have mercy on the people, and to
discover to him what was the cause of it, and how a remedy might
be found for that distemper. And when the prophets answered, that
God would have the Gibeonites avenged whom Saul the king was so
wicked as to betray to slaughter, and had not observed the oath
which Joshua the general and the senate had sworn to them: If,
therefore, said God, the king would permit such vengeance to be
taken for those that were slain as the Gibeonites should desire,
he promised that he would be reconciled to them, and free the
multitude from their miseries. As soon therefore as the king
understood that this it was which God sought, he sent for the
Gibeonites, and asked them what it was they should have; and when
they desired to have seven sons of Saul delivered to them to be
punished, he delivered them up, but spared Mephibosheth the son
of Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had received the men, they
punished them as they pleased; upon which God began to send rain,
and to recover the earth to bring forth its fruits as usual, and
to free it from the foregoing drought, so that the country of the
Hebrews flourished again. A little afterward the king made war
against the Philistines; and when he had joined battle with them,
and put them to flight, he was left alone, as he was in pursuit
of them; and when he was quite tired down, he was seen by one of
the enemy, his name was Achmon, the son of Araph, he was one of
the sons of the giants. He had a spear, the handle of which
weighed three hundred shekels, and a breastplate of chain-work,
and a sword. He turned back, and ran violently to slay [David]
their enemy's king, for he was quite tired out with labor; but
Abishai, Joab's brother, appeared on the sudden, and protected
the king with his shield, as he lay down, and slew the enemy. Now
the multitude were very uneasy at these dangers of the king, and
that he was very near to be slain; and the rulers made him swear
that he would no more go out with them to battle, lest he should
come to some great misfortune by his courage and boldness, and
thereby deprive the people of the benefits they now enjoyed by
his means, and of those that they might hereafter enjoy by his
living a long time among them.

2. When the king heard that the Philistines were gathered
together at the city Gazara, he sent an army against them, when
Sibbechai the Hittite, one of David's most courageous men,
behaved himself so as to deserve great commendation, for he slew
many of those that bragged they were the posterity of the giants,
and vaunted themselves highly on that account, and thereby was
the occasion of victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat, the
Philistines made war again; and when David had sent an army
against them, Nephan his kinsman fought in a single combat with
the stoutest of all the Philistines, and slew him, and put the
rest to flight. Many of them also were slain in the fight. Now a
little while after this, the Philistines pitched their camp at a
city which lay not far off the bounds of the country of the
Hebrews. They had a man who was six cubits tall, and had on each
of his feet and hands one more toe and finger than men naturally
have. Now the person who was sent against them by David out of
his army was Jonathan, the son of Shimea, who fought this man in
a single combat, and slew him; and as he was the person who gave
the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest reputation for
courage therein. This man also vaunted himself to be of the sons
of the giants. But after this fight the Philistines made war no
more against the Israelites.

3. And now David being freed from wars and dangers, and enjoying
for the future a profound peace, (22) composed songs and hymns to
God of several sorts of metre; some of those which he made were
trimeters, and some were pentameters. He also made instruments of
music, and taught the Levites to sing hymns to God, both on that
called the sabbath day, and on other festivals. Now the
construction of the instruments was thus: The viol was an
instrument of ten strings, it was played upon with a bow; the
psaltery had twelve musical notes, and was played upon by the
fingers; the cymbals were broad and large instruments, and were
made of brass. And so much shall suffice to be spoken by us about
these instruments, that the readers may not be wholly
unacquainted with their nature.

4. Now all the men that were about David were men of courage.
Those that were most illustrious and famous of them for their
actions were thirty-eight; of five of whom I will only relate the
performances, for these will suffice to make manifest the virtues
of the others also; for these were powerful enough to subdue
countries, and conquer great nations. First, therefore, was
Jessai, the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped upon the
troops of the enemy, and did not leave off fighting till he
overthrew nine hundred of them. After him was Eleazar, the son of
Dodo, who was with the king at Arasam. This man, when once the
Israelites were under a consternation at the multitude of the
Philistines, and were running away, stood alone, and fell upon
the enemy, and slew many of them, till his sword clung to his
hand by the blood he had shed, and till the Israelites, seeing
the Philistines retire by his means, came down from the mountains
and pursued them, and at that time won a surprising and a famous
victory, while Eleazar slew the men, and the multitude followed
and spoiled their dead bodies. The third was Sheba, the son of
Ilus. Now this man, when, in the wars against the Philistines,
they pitched their camp at a place called Lehi, and when the
Hebrews were again afraid of their army, and did not stay, he
stood still alone, as an army and a body of men; and some of them
he overthrew, and some who were not able to abide his strength
and force he pursued. These are the works of the hands, and of
fighting, which these three performed. Now at the time when the
king was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the Philistines came
upon him to fight him, David went up to the top of the citadel,
as we have already said, to inquire of God concerning the battle,
while the enemy's camp lay in the valley that extends to the city
Bethlehem, which is twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. Now
David said to his companions, "We have excellent water in my own
city, especially that which is in the pit near the gate,"
wondering if any one would bring him some of it to drink; but he
said that he would rather have it than a great deal of money.
When these three men heard what he said, they ran away
immediately, and burst through the midst of their enemy's camp,
and came to Bethlehem; and when they had drawn the water, they
returned again through the enemy's camp to the king, insomuch
that the Philistines were so surprised at their boldness and
alacrity, that they were quiet, and did nothing against them, as
if they despised their small number. But when the water was
brought to the king, he would not drink it, saying, that it was
brought by the danger and the blood of men, and that it was not
proper on that account to drink it. But he poured it out to God,
and gave him thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to these
was Abishai, Joab's brother; for he in one day slew six hundred.
The fifth of these was Benaiah, by lineage a priest; for being
challenged by [two] eminent men in the country of Moab, he
overcame them by his valor, Moreover, there was a man, by nation
an Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and challenged him, yet did
he, when he was unarmed, kill him with his own spear, which he
threw at him; for he caught him by force, and took away his
weapons while he was alive and fighting, and slew him with his
own weapons. One may also add this to the forementioned actions
of the same man, either as the principal of them in alacrity, or
as resembling the rest. When God sent a snow, there was a lion
who slipped and fell into a certain pit, and because the pit's
mouth was narrow it was evident he would perish, being enclosed
with the snow; so when he saw no way to get out and save himself,
he roared. When Benaiah heard the wild beast, he went towards
him, and coming at the noise he made, he went down into the mouth
of the pit and smote him, as he struggled, with a stake that lay
there, and immediately slew him. The other thirty-three were like
these in valor also.




CHAPTER 13.

That When David Had Numbered the People, They Were Punished; and
How the Divine Compassion Restrained That Punishment.


1. Now king David was desirous to know how many ten thousands
there were of the people, but forgot the commands of Moses, (23)
who told them beforehand, that if the multitude were numbered,
they should pay half a shekel to God for every head. Accordingly
the king commanded Joab, the captain of his host, to go and
number the whole multitude; but when he said there was no
necessity for such a numeration, he was not persuaded [to
countermand it], but he enjoined him to make no delay, but to go
about the numbering of the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with
him the heads of the tribes, and the scribes, and went over the
country of the Israelites, and took notice how numerous the
multitude were, and returned to Jerusalem to the king, after nine
months and twenty days; and he gave in to the king the number of
the people, without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not yet
numbered that tribe, no more than the tribe of Levi, for the king
repented of his having sinned against God. Now the number of the
rest of the Israelites was nine hundred thousand men, who were
able to bear arms and go to war; but the tribe of Judah, by
itself, was four hundred thousand men.

2. Now when the prophets had signified to David that God was
angry at him, he began to entreat him, and to desire he would be
merciful to him, and forgive his sin. But God sent Nathan the
prophet to him, to propose to him the election of three things,
that he might choose which he liked best: Whether he would have
famine come upon the country for seven years, or would have a
war, and be subdued three months by his enemies? or, whether God
should send a pestilence and a distemper upon the Hebrews for
three days? But as he was fallen to a fatal choice of great
miseries, he was in trouble, and sorely confounded; and when the
prophet had said that he must of necessity make his choice, and
had ordered him to answer quickly, that he might declare what he
had chosen to God, the king reasoned with himself, that in case
he should ask for famine, he would appear to do it for others,
and without danger to himself, since he had a great deal of corn
hoarded up, but to the harm of others; that in case he should
choose to be overcome [by his enemies] for three months, he would
appear to have chosen war, because he had valiant men about him,
and strong holds, and that therefore he feared nothing therefrom:
so he chose that affliction which is common to kings and to their
subjects, and in which the fear was equal on all sides; and said
this beforehand, that it was much better to fall into the hands
of God, than into those of his enemies.

3. When the prophet had heard this, he declared it to God; who
thereupon sent a pestilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews; nor
did they die after one and the same manner, nor so that it was
easy to know what the distemper was. Now the miserable disease
was one indeed, but it carried them off by ten thousand causes
and occasions, which those that were afflicted could not
understand; for one died upon the neck of another, and the
terrible malady seized them before they were aware, and brought
them to their end suddenly, some giving up the ghost immediately
with very great pains and bitter grief, and some were worn away
by their distempers, and had nothing remaining to be buried, but
as soon as ever they fell were entirely macerated; some were
choked, and greatly lamented their case, as being also stricken
with a sudden darkness; some there were who, as they were burying
a relation, fell down dead, without finishing the rites of the
funeral. Now there perished of this disease, which began with the
morning, and lasted till the hour of dinner, seventy thousand.
Nay, the angel stretched out his hand over Jerusalem, as sending
this terrible judgment upon it. But David had put on sackcloth,
and lay upon the ground, entreating God, and begging that the
distemper might now cease, and that he would be satisfied with
those that had already perished. And when the king looked up into
the air, and saw the angel carried along thereby into Jerusalem,
with his sword drawn, he said to God, that he might justly be
punished, who was their shepherd, but that the sheep ought to be
preserved, as not having sinned at all; and he implored God that
he would send his wrath upon him, and upon all his family, but
spare the people.

4. When God heard his supplication, he caused the pestilence to
cease, and sent Gad the prophet to him, and commanded him to go
up immediately to the thrashing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite,
and build an altar there to God, and offer sacrifices. When David
heard that, he did not neglect his duty, but made haste to the
place appointed him. Now Araunah was thrashing wheat; and when he
saw the king and all his servants coming to him, he ran before,
and came to him and worshipped him: he was by his lineage a
Jebusite, but a particular friend of David's; and for that cause
it was that, when he overthrew the city, he did him no harm, as
we informed the reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired,
"Wherefore is my lord come to his servant?" He answered, to buy
of him the thrashing-floor, that he might therein build an altar
to God, and offer a sacrifice. He replied, that he freely gave
him both the thrashing-floor and the ploughs and the oxen for a
burnt-offering; and he besought God graciously to accept his
sacrifice. But the king made answer, that he took his generosity
and magnanimity loudly, and accepted his good-will, but he
desired him to take the price of them all, for that it was not
just to offer a sacrifice that cost nothing. And when Araunah
said he would do as he pleased, he bought the thrashing-floor of
him for fifty shekels. And when he had built an altar, he
performed Divine service, and brought a burnt-offering, and
offered peace-offerings also. With these God was pacified, and
became gracious to them again. Now it happened that Abraham
(24)came and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering at that
very place; and when the youth was ready to have his throat cut,
a ram appeared on a sudden, standing by the altar, which Abraham
sacrificed in the stead of his son, as we have before related.
Now when king David saw that God had heard his prayer, and had
graciously accepted of his sacrifice, he resolved to call that
entire place The Altar of all the People, and to build a temple
to God there; which words he uttered very appositely to what was
to be done afterward; for God sent the prophet to him, and told
him that there should his son build him an altar, that son who
was to take the kingdom after him.




CHAPTER 14.

That David Made Great Preparations For The House Of God; And
That, Upon Adonijah's Attempt To Gain The Kingdom, He Appointed
Solomon To Reign.


1. After the delivery of this prophecy, the king commanded the
strangers to be numbered; and they were found to be one hundred
and eighty thousand; of these he appointed fourscore thousand to
be hewers of stone, and the rest of the multitude to carry the
stones, and of them he set over the workmen three thousand and
five hundred. He also prepared a great quantity of iron and brass
for the work, with many (and those exceeding large) cedar trees;
the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to him, for he had sent to
them for a supply of those trees. And he told his friends that
these things were now prepared, that he might leave materials
ready for the building of the temple to his son, who was to reign
after him, and that he might not have them to seek then, when he
was very young, and by reason of his age unskillful in such
matters, but might have them lying by him, and so might the more
readily complete the work.

2. So David called his son Solomon, and charged him, when he had
received the kingdom, to build a temple to God, and said, "I was
willing to build God a temple myself, but he prohibited me,
because I was polluted with blood and wars; but he hath foretold
that Solomon, my youngest son, should build him a temple, and
should be called by that name; over whom he hath promised to take
the like care as a father takes over his son; and that he would
make the country of the Hebrews happy under him, and that, not
only in other respects, but by giving it peace and freedom from
wars, and from internal seditions, which are the greatest of all
blessings. Since, therefore," says he, "thou wast ordained king
by God himself before thou wast born, endeavor to render thyself
worthy of this his providence, as in other instances, so
particularly in being religious, and righteous, and courageous.
Keep thou also his commands and his laws, which he hath given us
by Moses, and do not permit others to break them. Be zealous also
to dedicate to God a temple, which he hath chosen to be built
under thy reign; nor be thou aftrighted by the vastness of the
work, nor set about it timorously, for I will make all things
ready before I die: and take notice, that there are already ten
thousand talents of gold, and a hundred thousand talents of
silver (25) collected together. I have also laid together brass
and iron without number, and an immense quantity of timber and of
stones. Moreover, thou hast many ten thousand stone-cutters and
carpenters; and if thou shalt want any thing further, do thou add
somewhat of thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest this work,
thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have him for thy patron."
David also further exhorted the rulers of the people to assist
his son in this building, and to attend to the Divine service,
when they should be free from all their misfortunes, for that
they by this means should enjoy, instead of them, peace and a
happy settlement, with which blessings God rewards such men as
are religious and righteous. He also gave orders, that when the
temple should be once built, they should put the ark therein,
with the holy vessels; and he assured them that they ought to
have had a temple long ago, if their fathers had not been
negligent of God's commands, who had given it in charge, that
when they had got the possession of this land, they should build
him a temple. Thus did David discourse to the governors, and to
his son.

3. David was now in years, and his body, by length of time, was
become cold, and benumbed, insomuch that he could get no heat by
covering himself with many clothes; and when the physicians came
together, they agreed to this advice, that a beautiful virgin,
chosen out of the whole country, should sleep by the king's side,
and that this damsel would communicate heat to him, and be a
remedy against his numbness. Now there was found in the city one
woman, of a superior beauty to all other women, (her name was
Abishag,) who, sleeping with the king, did no more than
communicate warmth to him, for he was so old that he could not
know her as a husband knows his wife. But of this woman we shall
speak more presently.

4. Now the fourth son of David was a beautiful young man, and
tall, born to him of Haggith his wife. He was named Adonijah, and
was in his disposition like to Absalom; and exalted himself as
hoping to be king, and told his friends that he ought to take the
government upon him. He also prepared many chariots and horses,
and fifty men to run before him. When his father saw this, he did
not reprove him, nor restrain him from his purpose, nor did he go
so far as to ask wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah had for his
assistants Joab the captain of the army, and Abiathar the high
priest; and the only persons that opposed him were Zadok the high
priest, and the prophet Nathan, and Benaiah, who was captain of
the guards, and Shimei, David's friend, with all the other most
mighty men. Now Adonijah had prepared a supper out of the city,
near the fountain that was in the king's paradise, and had
invited all his brethren except Solomon, and had taken with him
Joab the captain of the army, and: Abiathar, and the rulers of
the tribe of Judah, but had not invited to this feast either
Zadok the high priest, or Nathan the prophet, or Benaiah the
captain of the guards, nor any of those of the contrary party.
This matter was told by Nathan the prophet to Bathsheba,
Solomon's mother, that Adonijah was king, and that David knew
nothing of it; and he advised her to save herself and her son
Solomon, and to go by herself to David, and say to him, that he
had indeed sworn that Solomon should reign after him, but that in
the mean time Adonijah had already taken the kingdom. He said
that he, the prophet himself, would come after her, and when she
had spoken thus to the king, would confirm what she had said.
Accordingly Bathsheba agreed with Nathan, and went in to the king
and worshipped him, and when she had desired leave to speak with
him, she told him all things in the manner that Nathan had
suggested to her; and related what a supper Adonijah had made,
and who they were whom he had invited; Abiathar the and Joab the
general, and David's sons, excepting Solomon and his intimate
friends. She also said that all the people had their eyes upon
him, to know whom he would choose for their king. She desired him
also to consider how, after his departure, Adonijah, if he were
king, would slay her and her son Solomon.

5. Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the keeper of the king's
chambers told him that Nathan desired to see him. And when the
king had commanded that he should be admitted, he came in, and
asked him whether he had ordained Adonijah to be king, and
delivered the government to him, or not; for that he had made a
splendid supper, and invited all his sons, except Solomon; as
also that he had invited Joab, the captain of his host, [and
Abiathar the high priest,] who are feasting with applauses, and
many joyful sounds of instruments, and wish that his kingdom may
last for ever; but he hath not invited me, nor Zadok the high
priest, nor Benaiah the captain of the guards; and it is but fit
that all should know whether this be done by thy approbation or
not. When Nathan had said thus, the king commanded that they
should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone out of the room
when the prophet came. And when Bathsheba was come, David said,
"I swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solomon shall certainly he
king, as I formerly swore; and that he shall sit upon my throne,
and that this very day also." So Bathsheba worshipped him, and
wished him a long life; and the king sent for Zadok the high
priest, and Benaiah the captain of the guards; and when they were
come, he ordered them to take with them Nathan the prophet, and
all the armed men about the palace, and to set his son Solomon
upon the king's mule, and to carry him out of the city to the
fountain called Gihon, and to anoint him there with the holy oil,
and to make him king. This he charged Zadok the high priest, and
Nathan the prophet, to do, and commanded them to follow Solomon
through the midst of the city, and to sound the trumpets, and
wish aloud that Solomon the king may sit upon the royal throne
for ever, that so all the people may know that he is ordained
king by his father. He also gave Solomon a charge concerning his
government, to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and
particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and righteously. And
when Benaiah had prayed to God to be favorable to Solomon,
without any delay they set Solomon upon the mule, and brought him
out of the city to the fountain, and anointed him with oil, and
brought him into the city again, with acclamations and wishes
that his kingdom might continue a long time: and when they had
introduced him into the king's house, they set him upon the
throne; whereupon all the people betook themselves to make merry,
and to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting themselves
with musical pipes, till both the earth and the air echoed with
the multitude of the instruments of music.

6. Now when Adonijah and his guests perceived this noise, they
were in disorder; and Joab the captain of the host said he was
not pleased with these echoes, and the sound of these trumpets.
And when supper was set before them, nobody tasted of it, but
they were all very thoughtful what would be the matter. Then
Jonathan, the son of Abiathar the high priest, came running to
them; and when Adonijah saw the young man gladly, and said to him
that he was a good messenger, he declared to them the whole
matter about Solomon, and the determination of king David:
hereupon both Adonijah and all the guests rose hastily from the
feast, and every one fled to their own homes. Adonijah also, as
afraid of the king for what he had done, became a supplicant to
God, and took hold of the horns of the altar, which were
prominent. It was also told Solomon that he had so done; and that
he desired to receive assurances from him that he would not
remember the injury he had done, and not inflict any severe
punishment for it. Solomon answered very mildly and prudently,
that he forgave him this his offense; but said withal, that if he
were found out in any attempt for new innovations, that he would
be the author of his own punishment. So he sent to him, and
raised him up from the place of his supplication. And when he was
come to the king, and had worshipped him, the king bid him go
away to his own house, and have no suspicion of any harm; and
desired him to show himself a worthy man, as what would tend to
his own advantage.

7. But David, being desirous of ordaining his son king of all the
people, called together their rulers to Jerusalem, with the
priests and the Levites; and having first numbered the Levites,
he found them to be thirty-eight thousand, from thirty years old
to fifty; out of which he appointed twenty-three thousand to take
care of the building of the temple, and out of the same, six
thousand to be judges of the people and scribes, four thousand
for porters to the house of God, and as many for singers, to sing
to the instruments which David had prepared, as we have said
already. He divided them also into courses: and when he had
separated the priests from them, he found of these priests
twenty-four courses, sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight
of that of Ithamar; and he ordained that one course should
minister to God eight days, from sabbath to sabbath. And thus
were the courses distributed by lot, in the presence of David,
and Zadok and Abiathar the high priests, and of all the rulers;
and that course which came up first was written down as the
first, and accordingly the second, and so on to the
twenty-fourth; and this partition hath remained to this day. He
also made twenty-four parts of the tribe of Levi; and when they
cast lots, they came up in the same manner for their courses of
eight days. He also honored the posterity of Moses, and made them
the keepers of the treasures of God, and of the donations which
the kings dedicated. He also ordained that all the tribe of Levi,
as well as the priests, should serve God night and day, as Moses
had enjoined them.

8. After this he parted the entire army into twelve parts, with
their leaders [and captains of hundreds] and commanders. Now
every part had twenty-four thousand, which were ordered to wait
on Solomon, by thirty days at a time, from the first day till the
last, with the captains of thousands and captains of hundreds. He
also set rulers over every part, such as he knew to be good and
righteous men. He set others also to take charge of the
treasures, and of the villages, and of the fields, and of the
beasts, whose names I do not think it necessary to mention. When
David had ordered all these officers after the manner before
mentioned, he called the rulers of the Hebrews, and their heads
of tribes, and the officers over the several divisions, and those
that were appointed over every work, and every possession; and
standing upon a high pulpit, he said to the multitude as follows:
"My brethren and my people, I would have you know that I intended
to build a house for God, and prepared a large quantity of gold,
and a hundred thousand talents of silver; but God prohibited me
by the prophet Nathan, because of the wars I had on your account,
and because my right hand was polluted with the slaughter of our
enemies; but he commanded that my son, who was to succeed me in
the kingdom, should build a temple for him. Now therefore, since
you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob our forefather had
Judah was appointed to be king, and that I was preferred before
my six brethren, and received the government from God, and that
none of them were uneasy at it, so do I also desire that my sons
be not seditious one against another, now Solomon has received
the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for their lord, as
knowing that God hath chosen him; for it is not a grievous thing
to obey even a foreigner as a ruler, if it be God's will, but it
is fit to rejoice when a brother hath obtained that dignity,
since the rest partake of it with him. And I pray that the
promises of God may be fulfilled; and that this happiness which
he hath promised to bestow upon king Solomon, over all the
country, may continue therein for all time to come. And these
promises O son, will be firm, and come to a happy end, if thou
showest thyself to be a religious and a righteous man, and an
observer of the laws of thy country; but if not, expect adversity
upon thy disobedience to them."

9. Now when the king had said this, he left off; but gave the
description and pattern of the building of the temple in the
sight of them all to Solomon: of the foundations and of the
chambers, inferior and superior; how many they were to be, and
how large in height and in breadth; as also he determined the
weight of the golden and silver vessels: moreover, he earnestly
excited them with his words to use the utmost alacrity about the
work; he exhorted the rulers also, and particularly the tribe of
Levi, to assist him, both because of his youth, and because God
had chosen him to take care of the building of the temple, and of
the government of the kingdom. He also declared to them that the
work would be easy, and not very laborious to them, because he
had prepared for it many talents of gold, and more of silver,
with timber, and a great many carpenters and stone-cutters, and a
large quantity of emeralds, and all sorts of precious stones; and
he said, that even now he would give of the proper goods of his
own dominion two hundred talents, and three hundred other talents
of pure gold, for the most holy place, and for the chariot of
God, the cherubim, which are to stand over and cover the ark. Now
when David had done speaking, there appeared great alacrity among
the rulers, and the priests, and the Levites, who now contributed
and made great and splendid promises for a future Contribution;
for they undertook to bring of gold five thousand talents, and
ten thousand drams, and of silver ten thousand talents, and many
ten thousand talents of iron; and if any one had a precious stone
he brought it, and bequeathed it to be put among the treasures;
of which Jachiel, one of the posterity of Moses, had the care.

10. Upon this occasion all the people rejoiced, as in particular
did David, when he saw the zeal and forward ambition of the
rulers, and the priests, and of all the rest; and he began to
bless God with a loud voice, calling him the Father and Parent of
the universe, and the Author of human and divine things, with
which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and guardian of the
Hebrew nation, and of its happiness, and of that kingdom which he
hath given his son. Besides this, he prayed for happiness to all
the people; and to Solomon his son, a sound and a righteous mind,
and confirmed in all sorts of virtue; and then he commanded the
multitude to bless God; upon which they all fell down upon the
ground and worshipped him. They also gave thanks to David, on
account of all the blessings which they had received ever since
he had taken the kingdom. On the next day he presented sacrifices
to God, a thousand bullocks, and as many lambs, which they
offered for burnt-offerings. They also offered peace-offerings,
and slew many ten thousand sacrifices; and the king feasted all
day, together with all the people; and they anointed Solomon a
second time with the oil, and appointed him to be king, and Zadok
to be the high priest of the whole multitude. And when they had
brought Solomon to the royal palace, and had set him upon his
father's throne, they were obedient to him from that day.




CHAPTER 15.

What Charge David Gave Tohis Son Solomon At The Approach Of His
Death, And How Many Things He Left Him For The Building Of The
Temple.


1. A Little afterward David also fell into a distemper, by reason
of his age; and perceiving that he was near to death, he called
his son Solomon, and discoursed to him thus: "I am now, O my son,
going to my grave, and to my fathers, which is the common way
which all men that now are, or shall be hereafter, must go; from
which way it is no longer possible to return, and to know any
thing that is done in this world. On which account I exhort thee,
while I am still alive, though already very near to death, in the
same manner as I have formerly said in my advice to thee, to be
righteous towards thy subjects, and religious towards God, that
hath given thee thy kingdom; to observe his commands and his
laws, which he hath sent us by Moses; and neither do thou out of
favor nor flattery allow any lust or other passion to weigh with
thee to disregard them; for if thou transgressest his laws, thou
wilt lose the favor of God, and thou wilt turn away his
providence from thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so
as it behooves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou wilt preserve our
kingdom to our family, and no other house will bear rule over the
Hebrews but we ourselves for all ages. Be thou also mindful of
the transgressions of Joab, (26) the captain of the host, who
hath slain two generals out of envy, and those righteous and good
men, Abner the son of Ner, and Amasa the son of Jether; whose
death do thou avenge as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath
been too hard for me, and more potent than myself, and so hath
escaped punishment hitherto. I also commit to thee the son of
Barzillai the Gileadite, whom, in order to gratify me, thou shalt
have in great honor, and take great care of; for we have not done
good to him first, but we only repay that debt which we owe to
his father for what he did to me in my flight. There is also
Shimei the son of Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after he
had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in my flight, I was going
to Mahanaim, met me at Jordan, and received assurances that he
should then suffer nothing. Do thou now seek out for some just
occasion, and punish him."

2. When David had given these admonitions to his son about public
affairs, and about his friends, and about those whom he knew to
deserve punishment, he died, having lived seventy years, and
reigned seven years and six months in Hebron over the tribe of
Judah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem over all the country.
This man was of an excellent character, and was endowed with all
virtues that were desirable in a king, and in one that had the
preservation of so many tribes committed to him; for he was a man
of valor in a very extraordinary degree, and went readily and
first of all into dangers, when he was to fight for his subjects,
as exciting the soldiers to action by his own labors, and
fighting for them, and not by commanding them in a despotic way.
He was also of very great abilities in understanding, and
apprehension of present and future circumstances, when he was to
manage any affairs. He was prudent and moderate, and kind to such
as were under any calamities; he was righteous and humane, which
are good qualities, peculiarly fit for kings; nor was he guilty
of any offense in the exercise of so great an authority, but in
the business of the wife of Uriah. He also left behind him
greater wealth than any other king, either of the Hebrews or, of
other nations, ever did.

3. He was buried by his son Solomon, in Jerusalem, with great
magnificence, and with all the other funeral pomp which kings
used to be buried with; moreover, he had great and immense wealth
buried with him, the vastness of which may be easily conjectured
at by what I shall now say; for a thousand and three hundred
years afterward Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was besieged by
Antiochus, that was called the Pious, the son of Demetrius, and
was desirous of giving him money to get him to raise the siege
and draw off his army, and having no other method of compassing
the money, opened one room of David's sepulcher, and took out
three thousand talents, and gave part of that sum to Antiochus;
and by this means caused the siege to be raised, as we have
informed the reader elsewhere. Nay, after him, and that many
years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great
deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the
kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so
artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered
into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said
concerning these matters.




BOOK VIII.

Containing The Interval Of One Hundred And Sixty-Three Years.

From The Death Of David To The Death Of Ahab.

CHAPTER 1.

How Solomon, When He Had Received The Kingdom Took Off His
Enemies.


1. We have already treated of David, and his virtue, and of the
benefits he was the author of to his countrymen; of his wars also
and battles, which he managed with success, and then died an old
man, in the foregoing book. And when Solomon his son, who was but
a youth in age, had taken the kingdom, and whom David had
declared, while he was alive, the lord of that people, according
to God's will; when he sat upon the throne, the whole body of the
people made joyful acclamations to him, as is usual at the
beginning of a reign; and wished that all his affairs might come
to a blessed conclusion; and that he might arrive at a great age,
and at the most happy state of affairs possible.

2. But Adonijah, who, while his father was living, attempted to
gain possession of the government, came to the king's mother
Bathsheba, and saluted her with great civility; and when she
asked him, whether he came to her as desiring her assistance in
any thing or not, and bade him tell her if that were the case,
for that she would cheerfully afford it him; he began to say,
that she knew herself that the kingdom was his, both on account
of his elder age, and of the disposition of the multitude, and
that yet it was transferred to Solomon her son, according to the
will of God. He also said that he was contented to be a servant
under him, and was pleased with the present settlement; but he
desired her to be a means of obtaining a favor from his brother
to him, and to persuade him to bestow on him in marriage Abishag,
who had indeed slept by his father, but, because his father was
too old, he did not lie with her, and she was still a virgin. So
Bathsheba promised him to afford him her assistance very
earnestly, and to bring this marriage about, because the king
would be willing to gratify him in such a thing, and because she
would press it to him very earnestly. Accordingly he went away in
hopes of succeeding in this match. So Solomon's mother went
presently to her son, to speak to him about what she had
promised, upon Adonijah's supplication to her. And when her son
came forward to meet her, and embraced her, and when he had
brought her into the house where his royal throne was set, he sat
thereon, and bid them set another throne on the right hand for
his mother. When Bathsheba was set down, she said, "O my son,
grant me one request that I desire of thee, and do not any thing
to me that is disagreeable or ungrateful, which thou wilt do if
thou deniest me." And when Solomon bid her to lay her commands
upon him, because it was agreeable to his duty to grant her every
thing she should ask, and complained that she did not at first
begin her discourse with a firm expectation of obtaining what she
desired, but had some suspicion of a denial, she entreated him to
grant that his brother Adonijah might marry Abishag.

3. But the king was greatly offended at these words, and sent
away his mother, and said that Adonijah aimed at great things;
and that he wondered that she did not desire him to yield up the
kingdom to him, as to his elder brother, since she desired that
he might marry Abishag; and that he had potent friends, Joab the
captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest. So he called for
Benaiah, the captain of the guards, and ordered him to slay his
brother Adonijah. He also called for Abiathar the priest, and
said to him, "I will not put thee to death because of those other
hardships which thou hast endured with my father, and because of
the ark which thou hast borne along with him; but I inflict this
following punishment upon thee, because thou wast among
Adonijah's followers, and wast of his party. Do not thou continue
here, nor come any more into my sight, but go to thine own town,
and live on thy own fields, and there abide all thy life; for
thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not just that thou
shouldst retain thy dignity any longer." For the forementioned
cause, therefore, it was that the house of Ithamar was deprived
of the sacerdotal dignity, as God had foretold to Eli, the
grandfather of Abiathar. So it was transferred to the family of
Phineas, to Zadok. Now those that were of the family of Phineas,
but lived privately during the time that the high priesthood was
transferred to the house of Ithamar, (of which family Eli was the
first that received it,)were these that follow: Bukki, the son of
Abishua the high priest; his son was Joatham; Joatham's son was
Meraioth; Meraioth's son was Arophseus; Aropheus's son was
Ahitub; and Ahitub's son was Zadok, who was first made high
priest in the reign of David.

4. Now when Joab the captain of the host heard of the slaughter
of Adonijah, he was greatly afraid, for he was a greater friend
to him than to Solomon; and suspecting, not without reason, that
he was in danger, on account of his favor to Adonijah, he fled to
the altar, and supposed he might procure safety thereby to
himself, because of the king's piety towards God. But when some
told the king what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah, and
commanded him to raise him up from the altar, and bring him to
the judgment-seat, in order to make his defense. However, Joab
said he would not leave the altar, but would die there rather
than in another place. And when Benaiah had reported his answer
to the king, Solomon commanded him to cut off his head there (1)
and let him take that as a punishment for those two captains of
the host whom he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body, that
his sins might never leave his family, but that himself and his
father, by Joab's death, might be guiltless. And when Benaiah had
done what he was commanded to do, he was himself appointed to be
captain of the whole army. The king also made Zadok to be alone
the high priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom he had removed.

5. But as to Shimei, Solomon commanded that he should build him a
house, and stay at Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should not
have authority to go over the brook Cedron; and that if he
disobeyed that command, death should be his punishment. He also
threatened him so terribly, that he compelled him to take all
oath that he would obey. Accordingly Shimei said that he had
reason to thank Solomon for giving him such an injunction; and
added an oath, that he would do as he bade him; and leaving his
own country, he made his abode in Jerusalem. But three years
afterwards, when he heard that two of his servants were run away
from him, and were in Gath, he went for his servants in haste;
and when he was come back with them, the king perceived it, and
was much displeased that he had contemned his commands, and, what
was more, had no regard to the oaths he had sworn to God; so he
called him, and said to him, "Didst not thou swear never to leave
me, nor to go out of this city to another? Thou shalt not
therefore escape punishment for thy perjury, but I will punish
thee, thou wicked wretch, both for this crime, and for those
wherewith thou didst abuse my father when he was in his flight,
that thou mayst know that wicked men gain nothing at last,
although they be not punished immediately upon their unjust
practices; but that in all the time wherein they think themselves
secure, because they have yet suffered nothing, their punishment
increases, and is heavier upon them, and that to a greater degree
than if they had been punished immediately upon the commission of
their crimes." So Benaiah, on the king's command, slew Shimei.




CHAPTER 2.

Concerning The Wife Of Solomon; Concerning His Wisdom And Riches;
And Concerning What He Obtained Of Hiram For The Building Of The
Temple.


1. Solomon having already settled himself firmly in his kingdom,
and having brought his enemies to punishment, he married the
daughter of Pharaoh king of Egypt, and built the walls of
Jerusalem much larger and stronger than those that had been
before, (2) and thenceforward he managed public affairs very
peaceably. Nor was his youth any hinderance in the exercise of
justice, or in the observation of the laws, or in the remembrance
of what charges his father had given him at his death; but he
discharged every duty with great accuracy, that might have been
expected from such as are aged, and of the greatest prudence. He
now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacrifice to God upon the
brazen altar that was built by Moses. Accordingly he offered
there burnt-offerings, in number a thousand; and when he had done
this, he thought he had paid great honor to God; for as he was
asleep that very night God appeared to him, and commanded him to
ask of him some gifts which he was ready to give him as a reward
for his piety. So Solomon asked of God what was most excellent,
and of the greatest worth in itself, what God would bestow with
the greatest joy, and what it was most profitable for man to
receive; for he did not desire to have bestowed upon him either
gold or silver, or any other riches, as a man and a youth might
naturally have done, for these are the things that generally are
esteemed by most men, as alone of the greatest worth, and the
best gifts of God; but, said he, "Give me, O Lord, a sound mind,
and a good understanding, whereby I may speak and judge the
people according to truth and righteousness." With these
petitions God was well pleased; and promised to give him all
those things that he had not mentioned in his option, riches,
glory, victory over his enemies; and, in the first place,
understanding and wisdom, and this in such a degree as no other
mortal man, neither kings nor ordinary persons, ever had. He also
promised to preserve the kingdom to his posterity for a very long
time, if he continued righteous and obedient to him, and imitated
his father in those things wherein he excelled. When Solomon
heard this from God, he presently leaped out of his bed; and when
he had worshipped him, he returned to Jerusalem; and after he had
offered great sacrifices before the tabernacle, he feasted all
his own family.

2. In these days a hard cause came before him in judgment, which
it was very difficult to find any end of; and I think it
necessary to explain the fact about which the contest was, that
such as light upon my writings may know what a difficult cause
Solomon was to determine, and those that are concerned in such
matters may take this sagacity of the king for a pattern, that
they may the more easily give sentence about such questions.
There were two women, who were harlots in the course of their
lives, that came to him; of whom she that seemed to be injured
began to speak first, and said, "O king, I and this other woman
dwell together in one room. Now it came to pass that we both bore
a son at the same hour of the same day; and on the third day this
woman overlaid her son, and killed it, and then took my son out
of my bosom, and removed him to herself, and as I was asleep she
laid her dead son in my arms. Now, when in the morning I was
desirous to give the breast to the child, I did not find my own,
but saw the woman's dead child lying by me; for I considered it
exactly, and found it so to be. Hence it was that I demanded my
son, and when I could not obtain him, I have recourse, my lord,
to thy assistance; for since we were alone, and there was nobody
there that could convict her, she cares for nothing, but
perseveres in the stout denial of the fact." When this woman had
told this her story, the king asked the other woman what she had
to say in contradiction to that story. But when she denied that
she had done what was charged upon her, and said that it was her
child that was living, and that it was her antagonist's child
that was dead, and when no one could devise what judgment could
be given, and the whole court were blind in their understanding,
and could not tell how to find out this riddle, the king alone
invented the following way how to discover it. He bade them bring
in both the dead child and the living child; and sent one of his
guards, and commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw it, and to
cut both the children into two pieces, that each of the women
might have half the living and half the dead child. Hereupon all
the people privately laughed at the king, as no more than a
youth. But, in the mean time, she that was the real mother of the
living child cried out that he should not do so, but deliver that
child to the other woman as her own, for she would be satisfied
with the life of the child, and with the sight of it, although it
were esteemed the other's child; but the other woman was ready to
see the child divided, and was desirous, moreover, that the first
woman should be tormented. When the king understood that both
their words proceeded from the truth of their passions, he
adjudged the child to her that cried out to save it, for that she
was the real mother of it; and he condemned the other as a wicked
woman, who had not only killed her own child, but was endeavoring
to see her friend's child destroyed also. Now the multitude
looked on this determination as a great sign and demonstration of
the king's sagacity and wisdom, and after that day attended to
him as to one that had a divine mind.

3. Now the captains of his armies, and officers appointed over
the whole country, were these: over the lot of Ephraim was Ures;
over the toparchy of Bethlehem was Dioclerus; Abinadab, who
married Solomon's daughter, had the region of Dora and the
sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was under Benaiah, the son
of Achilus; he also governed all the country as far as Jordan;
Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulanitis, and had under him the
sixty great and fenced cities [of Og]; Achinadab managed the
affairs of all Galilee as far as Sidon, and had himself also
married a daughter of Solomon's, whose name was Basima; Banacates
had the seacoast about Arce; as had Shaphat Mount Tabor, and
Carmel, and [the Lower] Galilee, as far as the river Jordan; one
man was appointed over all this country; Shimei was intrusted
with the lot of Benjamin; and Gabares had the country beyond
Jordan, over whom there was again one governor appointed. Now the
people of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah,
received a wonderful increase when they betook themselves to
husbandry, and the cultivation of their grounds; for as they
enjoyed peace, and were not distracted with wars and troubles,
and having, besides, an abundant fruition of the most desirable
liberty, every one was busy in augmenting the product of their
own lands, and making them worth more than they had formerly
been.

4. The king had also other rulers, who were over the land of
Syria and of the Philistines, which reached from the river
Euphrates to Egypt, and these collected his tributes of the
nations. Now these contributed to the king's table, and to his
supper every day (3) thirty cori of fine flour, and sixty of
meal; as also ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures,
and a hundred fat lambs; all these were besides what were taken
by hunting harts and buffaloes, and birds and fishes, which were
brought to the king by foreigners day by day. Solomon had also so
great a number of chariots, that the stalls of his horses for
those chariots were forty thousand; and besides these he had
twelve thousand horsemen, the one half of which waited upon the
king in Jerusalem, and the rest were dispersed abroad, and dwelt
in the royal villages; but the same officer who provided for the
king's expenses supplied also the fodder for the horses, and
still carried it to the place where the king abode at that time.

5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which God had bestowed on Solomon
was so great, that he exceeded the ancients; insomuch that he was
no way inferior to the Egyptians, who are said to have been
beyond all men in understanding; nay, indeed, it is evident that
their sagacity was very much inferior to that of the king's. He
also excelled and distinguished himself in wisdom above those who
were most eminent among the Hebrews at that time for shrewdness;
those I mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, the
sons of Mahol. He also composed books of odes and songs a
thousand and five, of parables and similitudes three thousand;
for he spake a parable upon every sort of tree, from the hyssop
to the cedar; and in like manner also about beasts, about all
sorts of living creatures, whether upon the earth, or in the
seas, or in the air; for he was not unacquainted with any of
their natures, nor omitted inquiries about them, but described
them all like a philosopher, and demonstrated his exquisite
knowledge of their several properties. God also enabled him to
learn that skill which expels demons, (4) which is a science
useful and sanative to men. He composed such incantations also by
which distempers are alleviated. And he left behind him the
manner of using exorcisms, by which they drive away demons, so
that they never return; and this method of cure is of great force
unto this day; for I have seen a certain man of my own country,
whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were demoniacal in
the presence of Vespasian, and his sons, and his captains, and
the whole multitude of his soldiers. The manner of the cure was
this: He put a ring that had a Foot of one of those sorts
mentioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the demoniac, after which
he drew out the demon through his nostrils; and when the man fell
down immediately, he abjured him to return into him no more,
making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations
which he composed. And when Eleazar would persuade and
demonstrate to the spectators that he had such a power, he set a
little way off a cup or basin full of water, and commanded the
demon, as he went out of the man, to overturn it, and thereby to
let the spectators know that he had left the man; and when this
was done, the skill and wisdom of Solomon was shown very
manifestly: for which reason it is, that all men may know the
vastness of Solomon's abilities, and how he was beloved of God,
and that the extraordinary virtues of every kind with which this
king was endowed may not be unknown to any people under the sun
for this reason, I say, it is that we have proceeded to speak so
largely of these matters.

6. Moreover Hiram, king of Tyre, when he had heard that Solonion
succeeded to his father's kingdom, was very glad of it, for he
was a friend of David's. So he sent ambassadors to him, and
saluted him, and congratulated him on the present happy state of
his affairs. Upon which Solomon sent him an epistle, the contents
of which here follow:

Solomon To King Hiram.

"(5)Know thou that my father would have built a temple to God,
but was hindered by wars, and continual expeditions; for he did
not leave off to overthrow his enemies till he made them all
subject to tribute. But I give thanks to God for the peace I at
present enjoy, and on that account I am at leisure, and design to
build a house to God, for God foretold to my father that such a
house should be built by me; wherefore I desire thee to send some
of thy subjects with mine to Mount Lebanon to cut down timber,
for the Sidonians are more skillful than our people in cutting of
wood. As for wages to the hewers of wood, I will pay whatsoever
price thou shalt determine."

7. When Hiram had read this epistle, he was pleased with it; and
wrote back this answer to Solomon.

Hiram To King Solomon.

"It is fit to bless God that he hath committed thy father's
government to thee, who art a wise man, and endowed with all
virtues. As for myself, I rejoice at the condition thou art in,
and will be subservient to thee in all that thou sendest to me
about; for when by my subjects I have cut down many and large
trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send them to sea, and
will order my subjects to make floats of them, and to sail to
what place soever of thy country thou shalt desire, and leave
them there, after which thy subjects may carry them to Jerusalem.
But do thou take care to procure us corn for this timber, which
we stand in need of, because we inhabit in an island."

8. The copies of these epistles remain at this day, and are
preserved not only in our books, but among the Tyrians also;
insomuch that if any one would know the certainty about them, he
may desire of the keepers of the public records of Tyre to show
him them, and he will find what is there set down to agree with
what we have said. I have said so much out of a desire that my
readers may know that we speak nothing but the truth, and do not
compose a history out of some plausible relations, which deceive
men and please them at the same time, nor attempt to avoid
examination, nor desire men to believe us immediately; nor are we
at liberty to depart from speaking truth, which is the proper
commendation of an historian, and yet be blameless: but we insist
upon no admission of what we say, unless we be able to manifest
its truth by demonstration, and the strongest vouchers.

9. Now king Solomon, as soon as this epistle of the king of Tyre
was brought him, commended the readiness and good-will he
declared therein, and repaid him in what he desired, and sent him
yearly twenty thousand cori of wheat, and as many baths of oil:
now the bath is able to contain seventy-two sextaries. He also
sent him the same measure of wine. So the friendship between
Hiram and Solomon hereby increased more and more; and they swore
to continue it for ever. And the king appointed a tribute to be
laid on all the people, of thirty thousand laborers, whose work
he rendered easy to them by prudently dividing it among them; for
he made ten thousand cut timber in Mount Lebanon for one month;
and then to come home, and rest two months, until the time when
the other twenty thousand had finished their task at the
appointed time; and so afterward it came to pass that the first
ten thousand returned to their work every fourth month: and it
was Adoram who was over this tribute. There were also of the
strangers who were left by David, who were to carry the stones
and other materials, seventy thousand; and of those that cut the
stones, eighty thousand. Of these three thousand and three
hundred were rulers over the rest. He also enjoined them to cut
out large stones for the foundations of the temple, and that they
should fit them and unite them together in the mountain, and so
bring them to the city. This was done not only by our own country
workmen, but by those workmen whom Hiram sent also.




CHAPTER 3.

Of The Building Of This Temple


1. Solomon began to build the temple in the fourth year of his
reign, on the second month, which the Macedonians call
Artemisius, and the Hebrews Jur, five hundred and ninety-two
years after the Exodus out of Egypt; but one thousand and twenty
years from Abraham's coming out of Mesopotamia into Canaan, and
after the deluge one thousand four hundred and forty years; and
from Adam, the first man who was created, until Solomon built the
temple, there had passed in all three thousand one hundred and
two years. Now that year on which the temple began to be built
was already the eleventh year of the reign of Hiram; but from the
building of Tyre to the building of the temple, there had passed
two hundred and forty years.

2. Now, therefore, the king laid the foundations of the temple
very deep in the ground, and the materials were strong stones,
and such as would resist the force of time; these were to unite
themselves with the earth, and become a basis and a sure
foundation for that superstructure which was to be erected over
it; they were to be so strong, in order to sustain with ease
those vast superstructures and precious ornaments, whose own
weight was to be not less than the weight of those other high and
heavy buildings which the king designed to be very ornamental and
magnificent. They erected its entire body, quite up to the roof,
of white stone; its height was sixty cubits, and its length was
the same, and its breadth twenty. There was another building
erected over it, equal to it in its measures; so that the entire
altitude of the temple was a hundred and twenty cubits. Its front
was to the east. As to the porch, they built it before the
temple; its length was twenty cubits, and it was so ordered that
it might agree with the breadth of the house; and it had twelve
cubits in latitude, and its height was raised as high as a
hundred and twenty cubits. He also built round about the temple
thirty small rooms, which might include the whole temple, by
their closeness one to another, and by their number and outward
position round it. He also made passages through them, that they
might come into on through another. Every one of these rooms had
five cubits in breadth, (7) and the same in length, but in height
twenty. Above these there were other rooms, and others above
them, equal, both in their measures and number; so that these
reached to a height equal to the lower part of the house; for the
upper part had no buildings about it. The roof that was over the
house was of cedar; and truly every one of these rooms had a roof
of their own, that was not connected with the other rooms; but
for the other parts, there was a covered roof common to them all,
and built with very long beams, that passed through the rest, and
rough the whole building, that so the middle walls, being
strengthened by the same beams of timber, might be thereby made
firmer: but as for that part of the roof that was under the
beams, it was made of the same materials, and was all made
smooth, and had ornaments proper for roofs, and plates of gold
nailed upon them. And as he enclosed the walls with boards of
cedar, so he fixed on them plates of gold, which had sculptures
upon them; so that the whole temple shined, and dazzled the eyes
of such as entered, by the splendor of the gold that was on every
side of them, Now the whole structure of the temple was made with
great skill of polished stones, and those laid together so very
harmoniously and smoothly, that there appeared to the spectators
no sign of any hammer, or other instrument of architecture; but
as if, without any use of them, the entire materials had
naturally united themselves together, that the agreement of one
part with another seemed rather to have been natural, than to
have arisen from the force of tools upon them. The king also had
a fine contrivance for an ascent to the upper room over the
temple, and that was by steps in the thickness of its wall; for
it had no large door on the east end, as the lower house had, but
the entrances were by the sides, through very small doors. He
also overlaid the temple, both within and without, with boards of
cedar, that were kept close together by thick chains, so that
this contrivance was in the nature of a support and a strength to
the building.

3. Now when the king had divided the temple into two parts, he
made the inner house of twenty cubits [every way], to be the most
secret chamber, but he appointed that of forty cubits to be the
sanctuary; and when he had cut a door-place out of the wall, he
put therein doors of Cedar, and overlaid them with a great deal
of gold, that had sculptures upon it. He also had veils of blue,
and purple, and scarlet, and the brightest and softest linen,
with the most curious flowers wrought upon them, which were to be
drawn before those doors. He also dedicated for the most secret
place, whose breadth was twenty cubits, and length the same, two
cherubims of solid gold; the height of each of them was five
cubits (8) they had each of them two wings stretched out as far
as five cubits; wherefore Solomon set them up not far from each
other, that with one wing they might touch the southern wall of
the secret place, and with another the northern: their other
wings, which joined to each other, were a covering to the ark,
which was set between them; but nobody can tell, or even
conjecture, what was the shape of these cherubims. He also laid
the floor of the temple with plates of gold; and he added doors
to the gate of the temple, agreeable to the measure of the height
of the wall, but in breadth twenty cubits, and on them he glued
gold plates. And, to say all in one word, he left no part of the
temple, neither internal nor external, but what was covered with
gold. He also had curtains drawn over these doors in like manner
as they were drawn over the inner doors of the most holy place;
but the porch of the temple had nothing of that sort.

4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was
Hiram; he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother's
side, (for she was of that tribe,) but his father was Ur, of the
stock of the Israelites. This man was skillful in all sorts of
work; but his chief skill lay in working in gold, and silver, and
brass; by whom were made all the mechanical works about the
temple, according to the will of Solomon. Moreover, this Hiram
made two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were of brass, and the
thickness of the brass was four fingers' breadth, and the height
of the pillars was eighteen cubits and their circumference twelve
cubits; but there was cast with each of their chapiters lily-work
that stood upon the pillar, and it was elevated five cubits,
round about which there was net-work interwoven with small palms,
made of brass, and covered the lily-work. To this also were hung
two hundred pomegranates, in two rows. The one of these pillars
he set at the entrance of the porch on the right hand, and called
it Jachin (9) and the other at the left hand, and called it Booz.

5. Solomon also cast a brazen sea, whose figure was that of a
hemisphere. This brazen vessel was called a sea for its
largeness, for the laver was ten feet in diameter, and cast of
the thickness of a palm. Its middle part rested on a short pillar
that had ten spirals round it, and that pillar was ten cubits in
diameter. There stood round about it twelve oxen, that looked to
the four winds of heaven, three to each wind, having their hinder
parts depressed, that so the hemispherical vessel might rest upon
them, which itself was also depressed round about inwardly. Now
this sea contained three thousand baths.

6. He also made ten brazen bases for so many quadrangular lavers;
the length of every one of these bases was five cubits, and the
breadth four cubits, and the height six cubits. This vessel was
partly turned, and was thus contrived: There were four small
quadrangular pillars that stood one at each corner; these had the
sides of the base fitted to them on each quarter; they were
parted into three parts; every interval had a border fitted to
support [the laver]; upon which was engraven, in one place a
lion, and in another place a bull, and an eagle. The small
pillars had the same animals engraven that were engraven on the
sides. The whole work was elevated, and stood upon four wheels,
which were also cast, which had also naves and felloes, and were
a foot and a half in diameter. Any one who saw the spokes of the
wheels, how exactly they were turned, and united to the sides of
the bases, and with what harmony they agreed to the felloes,
would wonder at them. However, their structure was this: Certain
shoulders of hands stretched out held the corners above, upon
which rested a short spiral pillar, that lay under the hollow
part of the laver, resting upon the fore part of the eagle and
the lion, which were adapted to them, insomuch that those who
viewed them would think they were of one piece: between these
were engravings of palm trees. This was the construction of the
ten bases. He also made ten large round brass vessels, which were
the lavers themselves, each of which contained forty baths; (10)
for it had its height four cubits, and its edges were as much
distant from each other. He also placed these lavers upon the ten
bases that were called Mechonoth; and he set five of the lavers
on the left side of the temple (11) which was that side towards
the north wind, and as many on the right side, towards the south,
but looking towards the east; the same [eastern] way he also set
the sea Now he appointed the sea to be for washing the hands and
the feet of the priests, when they entered into the temple and
were to ascend the altar, but the lavers to cleanse the entrails
of the beasts that were to be burnt-offerings, with their feet
also.

7. He also made a brazen altar, whose length was twenty cubits,
and its breadth the same, and its height ten, for the
burnt-offerings. He also made all its vessels of brass, the pots,
and the shovels, and the basons; and besides these, the snuffers
and the tongs, and all its other vessels, he made of brass, and
such brass as was in splendor and beauty like gold. The king also
dedicated a great number of tables, but one that was large and
made of gold, upon which they set the loaves of God; and he made
ten thousand more that resembled them, but were done after
another manner, upon which lay the vials and the cups; those of
gold were twenty thousand, those of silver were forty thousand.
He also made ten thousand candlesticks, according to the command
of Moses, one of which he dedicated for the temple, that it might
burn in the day time, according to the law; and one table with
loaves upon it, on the north side of the temple, over against the
candlestick; for this he set on the south side, but the golden
altar stood between them. All these vessels were contained in
that part of the holy house, which was forty cubits long, and
were before the veil of that most secret place wherein the ark
was to be set.

8. The king also made pouring vessels, in number eighty thousand,
and a hundred thousand golden vials, and twice as many silver
vials: of golden dishes, in order therein to offer kneaded fine
flour at the altar, there were eighty thousand, and twice as many
of silver. Of large basons also, wherein they mixed fine flour
with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. Of
the measures like those which Moses called the Hin and the
Assaron, (a tenth deal,) there were twenty thousand of gold, and
twice as many of silver. The golden censers, in which they
carried the incense to the altar, were twenty thousand; the other
censers, in which they carried fire from the great altar to the
little altar, within the temple, were fifty thousand. The
sacerdotal garments which belonged to the high priest, with the
long robes, and the oracle, and the precious stones, were a
thousand. But the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name of
God],]was only one, and hath remained to this very day. He also
made ten thousand sacerdotal garments of fine linen, with purple
girdles for every priest; and two hundred thousand trumpets,
according to the command of Moses; also two hundred thousand
garments of fine linen for the singers, that were Levites. And he
made musical instruments, and such as were invented for singing
of hymns, called Nablee and Cindree, [psalteries and harps,]
which were made of electrum, [the finest brass,] forty thousand.

9. Solomon made all these things for the honor of God, with great
variety and magnificence, sparing no cost, but using all possible
liberality in adorning the temple; and these things he dedicated
to the treasures of God. He also placed a partition round about
the temple, which in our tongue we call Gison, but it is called
Thrigcos by the Greeks, and he raised it up to the height of
three cubits; and it was for the exclusion of the multitude from
coming into the temple, and showing that it was a place that was
free and open only for the priests. He also built beyond this
court a temple, whose figure was that of a quadrangle, and
erected for it great and broad cloisters; this was entered into
by very high gates, each of which had its front exposed to one of
the [four] winds, and were shut by golden doors. Into this temple
all the people entered that were distinguished from the rest by
being pure and observant of the laws. But he made that temple
which was beyond this a wonderful one indeed, and such as exceeds
all description in words; nay, if I may so say, is hardly
believed upon sight; for when he had filled up great valleys with
earth, which, on account of their immense depth, could not be
looked on, when you bended down to see them, without pain, and
had elevated the ground four hundred cubits, he made it to be on
a level with the top of the mountain, on which the temple was
built, and by this means the outmost temple, which was exposed to
the air, was even with the temple itself. He encompassed this
also with a building of a double row of cloisters, which stood on
high upon pillars of native stone, while the roofs were of cedar,
and were polished in a manner proper for such high roofs; but he
made all the doors of this temple of silver.




CHAPTER 4.

How Solomon Removed The Ark Into The Temple How He Made
Supplication To God, And Offered Public Sacrifices To Him.


1. When king Solomon had finished these works, these large and
beautiful buildings, and had laid up his donations in the temple,
and all this in the interval of seven years, and had given a
demonstration of his riches and alacrity therein, insomuch that
any one who saw it would have thought it must have been an
immense time ere it could have been finished; and would be
surprised that so much should be finished in so short a time;
short, I mean, if compared with the greatness of the work: he
also wrote to the rulers and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered
all the people to gather themselves together to Jerusalem, both
to see the temple which he had built, and to remove the ark of
God into it; and when this invitation of the whole body of the
people to come to Jerusalem was every where carried abroad, it
was the seventh month before they came together; which month is
by our countrymen called Thisri, but by the Macedonians
Hyperberetoets. The feast of tabernacles happened to fall at the
same time, which was celebrated by the Hebrews as a most holy and
most eminent feast. So they carried the ark and the tabernacle
which Moses had pitched, and all the vessels that were for
ministration, to the sacrifices of God, and removed them to the
temple. (13) The king himself, and all the people and the
Levites, went before, rendering the ground moist with sacrifices,
and drink-offerings, and the blood of a great number of
oblations, and burning an immense quantity of incense, and this
till the very air itself every where round about was so full of
these odors, that it met, in a most agreeable manner, persons at
a great distance, and was an indication of God's presence; and,
as men's opinion was, of his habitation with them in this newly
built and consecrated place, for they did not grow weary, either
of singing hymns or of dancing, until they came to the temple;
and in this manner did they carry the ark. But when they should
transfer it into the most secret place, the rest of the multitude
went away, and only those priests that carried it set it between
the two cherubims, which embracing it with their wings, (for so
were they framed by the artificer,) they covered it, as under a
tent, or a cupola. Now the ark contained nothing else but those
two tables of stone that preserved the ten commandments, which
God spake to Moses in Mount Sinai, and which were engraved upon
them; but they set the candlestick, and the table, and the golden
altar in the temple, before the most secret place, in the very
same places wherein they stood till that time in the tabernacle.
So they offered up the daily sacrifices; but for the brazen
altar, Solomon set it before the temple, over against the door,
that when the door was opened, it might be exposed to sight, and
the sacred solemnities, and the richness of the sacrifices, might
be thence seen; and all the rest of the vessels they gathered
together, and put them within the temple.

2. Now as soon as the priests had put all things in order about
the ark, and were gone out, there cane down a thick cloud, and
stood there, and spread itself, after a gentle manner, into the
temple; such a cloud it was as was diffused and temperate, not
such a rough one as we see full of rain in the winter season.
This cloud so darkened the place, that one priest could not
discern another, but it afforded to the minds of all a visible
image and glorious appearance of God's having descended into this
temple, and of his having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein.
So these men were intent upon this thought. But Solomon rose up,
(for he was sitting before,) and used such words to God as he
thought agreeable to the Divine nature to receive, and fit for
him to give; for he said, "Thou hast an eternal house, O Lord,
and such a one as thou hast created for thyself out of thine own
works; we know it to be the heaven, and the air, and the earth,
and the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou contained within
their limits. I have indeed built this temple to thee, and thy
name, that from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform sacred
operations, we may send our prayers up into the air, and may
constantly believe that thou art present, and art not remote from
what is thine own; for neither when thou seest all things, and
hearest all things, nor now, when it pleases thee to dwell here,
dost thou leave the care of all men, but rather thou art very
near to them all, but especially thou art present to those that
address themselves to thee, whether by night or by day." When he
had thus solemnly addressed himself to God, he converted his
discourse to the multitude, and strongly represented the power
and providence of God to them; - how he had shown all things that
were come to pass to David his father, as many of those things
had already come to pass, and the rest would certainly come to
pass hereafter; and how he had given him his name, and told to
David what he should be called before he was born; and foretold,
that when he should be king after his father's death, he should
build him a temple, which since they saw accomplished, according
to his prediction, he required them to bless God, and by
believing him, from the sight of what they had seen accomplished,
never to despair of any thing that he had promised for the
future, in order to their happiness, or suspect that it would not
come to pass.

3. When the king had thus discoursed to the multitude, he looked
again towards the temple, and lifting up his right hand to the
multitude, he said," It is not possible by what men can do to
return sufficient thanks to God for his benefits bestowed upon
them, for the Deity stands in need of nothing, and is above any
such requital; but so far as we have been made superior, O Lord,
to other animals by thee, it becomes us to bless thy Majesty, and
it is necessary for us to return thee thanks for what thou hast
bestowed upon our house, and on the Hebrew people; for with what
other instrument can we better appease thee when thou art angry
at us, or more properly preserve thy favor, than with our voice?
which, as we have it from the air, so do we know that by that air
it ascends upwards [towards thee]. I therefore ought myself to
return thee thanks thereby, in the first place, concerning my
father, whom thou hast raised from obscurity unto so great joy;
and, in the next place, concerning myself, since thou hast
performed all that thou hast promised unto this very day. And I
beseech thee for the time to come to afford us whatsoever thou, O
God, hast power to bestow on such as thou dost esteem; and to
augment our house for all ages, as thou hast promised to David my
father to do, both in his lifetime and at his death, that our
kingdom shall continue, and that his posterity should
successively receive it to ten thousand generations. Do not thou
therefore fail to give us these blessings, and to bestow on my
children that virtue in which thou delightest. And besides all
this, I humbly beseech thee that thou wilt let some portion of
thy Spirit come down and inhabit in this temple, that thou mayst
appear to be with us upon earth. As to thyself, the entire
heavens, and the immensity of the things that are therein, are
but a small habitation for thee, much more is this poor temple
so; but I entreat thee to keep it as thine own house, from being
destroyed by our enemies for ever, and to take care of it as
thine own possession: but if this people be found to have sinned,
and be thereupon afflicted by thee with any plague, because of
their sin, as with dearth or pestilence, or any other affliction
which thou usest to inflict on those that transgress any of thy
holy laws, and if they fly all of them to this temple, beseeching
thee, and begging of time to deliver them, then do thou hear
their prayers, as being within thine house, and have mercy upon
them, and deliver them from their afflictions. Nay, moreover,
this help is what I implore of thee, not for the Hebrews only,
when they are in distress, but when any shall come hither from
any ends of the world whatsoever, and shall return from their
sins and implore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them, and hear
their prayer. For hereby all shall learn that thou thyself wast
pleased with the building of this house for thee; and that we are
not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like
enemies to such as are not of our own people; but are willing
that thy assistance should be communicated by thee to all men in
common, and that they may have the enjoyment of thy benefits
bestowed upon them."

4. When Solomon had said this, and had cast himself upon the
ground, and worshipped a long time, he rose up, and brought
sacrifices to the altar; and when he had filled it with
unblemished victims, he most evidently discovered that God had
with pleasure accepted of all that he had sacrificed to him, for
there came a fire running out of the air, and rushed with
violence upon the altar, in the sight of all, and caught hold of
and consumed the sacrifices. Now when this Divine appearance was
seen, the people supposed it to be a demonstration of God's abode
in the temple, and were pleased with it, and fell down upon the
ground and worshipped. Upon which the king began to bless God,
and exhorted the multitude to do the same, as now having
sufficient indications of God's favorable disposition to them;
and to pray that they might always have the like indications from
him, and that he would preserve in them a mind pure from all
wickedness, in righteousness and religious worship, and that they
might continue in the observation of those precepts which God had
given them by Moses, because by that means the Hebrew nation
would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all nations among
all mankind. He exhorted them also to be mindful, that by what
methods they had attained their present good things, by the same
they must preserve them sure to themselves, and make them greater
and more than they were at present; for that it was not
sufficient for them to suppose they had received them on account
of their piety and righteousness, but that they had no other way
of preserving them for the time to come; for that it is not so
great a thing for men to acquire somewhat which they want, as to
preserve what they have acquired, and to be guilty of no sin
whereby it may be hurt.

5. So when the king had spoken thus to the multitude, he
dissolved the congregation, but not till he had completed his
oblations, both for himself and for the Hebrews, insomuch that he
sacrificed twenty and two thousand oxen, and a hundred and twenty
thousand sheep; for then it was that the temple did first of all
taste of the victims, and all the Hebrews, with their wives and
children, feasted therein: nay, besides this, the king then
observed splendidly and magnificently the feast which is called
the Feast of Tabernacles, before the temple, for twice seven
days; and he then feasted together with all the people.

6. When all these solemnities were abundantly satisfied, and
nothing was omitted that concerned the Divine worship, the king
dismissed them; and they every one went to their own homes,
giving thanks to the king for the care he had taken of them, and
the works he had done for them; and praying to God to preserve
Solomon to be their king for a long time. They also took their
journey home with rejoicing, and making merry, and singing hymns
to God. And indeed the pleasure they enjoyed took away the sense
of the pains they all underwent in their journey home. So when
they had brought the ark into the temple, and had seen its
greatness, and how fine it was, and had been partakers of the
many sacrifices that had been offered, and of the festivals that
had been solemnized, they every one returned to their own cities.
But a dream that appeared to the king in his sleep informed him
that God had heard his prayers; and that he would not only
preserve the temple, but would always abide in it; that is, in
case his posterity and the whole multitude would be righteous.
And for himself, it said, that if he continued according to the
admonitions of his father, he would advance him to an immense
degree of dignity and happiness, and that then his posterity
should be kings of that country, of the tribe of Judah, for ever;
but that still, if he should be found a betrayer of the
ordinances of the law, and forget them, and turn away to the
worship of strange gods, he would cut him off by the roots, and
would neither suffer any remainder of his family to continue, nor
would overlook the people of Israel, or preserve them any longer
from afflictions, but would utterly destroy them with ten
thousand wars and misfortunes; would cast them out of the land
which he had given their fathers, and make them sojourners in
strange lands; and deliver that temple which was now built to be
burnt and spoiled by their enemies, and that city to be utterly
overthrown by the hands of their enemies; and make their miseries
deserve to be a proverb, and such as should very hardly be
credited for their stupendous magnitude, till their neighbors,
when they should hear of them, should wonder at their calamities,
and very earnestly inquire for the occasion, why the Hebrews, who
had been so far advanced by God to such glory and wealth, should
be then so hated by him? and that the answer that should be made
by the remainder of the people should be, by confessing their
sins, and their transgression of the laws of their country.
Accordingly we have it transmitted to us in writing, that thus
did God speak to Solomon in his sleep.




CHAPTER 5.

How Solomon Built Himself A Royal Palace, Very Costly And
Splendid; And How He Solved The Riddles Which Were Sent Him By
Hiram.


1. After the building of the temple, which, as we have before
said, was finished in seven years, the king laid the foundation
of his palace, which he did not finish under thirteen years, for
he was not equally zealous in the building of this palace as he
had been about the temple; for as to that, though it was a great
work, and required wonderful and surprising application, yet God,
for whom it was made, so far co-operated therewith, that it was
finished in the forementioned number of years: but the palace,
which was a building much inferior in dignity to the temple, both
on account that its materials had not been so long beforehand
gotten ready, nor had been so zealously prepared, and on account
that this was only a habitation for kings, and not for God, it
was longer in finishing. However, this building was raised so
magnificently, as suited the happy state of the Hebrews, and of
the king thereof. But it is necessary that I describe the entire
structure and disposition of the parts, that so those that light
upon this book may thereby make a conjecture, and, as it were,
have a prospect of its magnitude.

2. This house was a large and curious building, and was supported
by many pillars, which Solomon built to contain a multitnde for
hearing causes, and taking cognizance of suits. It was
sufficiently capacious to contain a great body of men, who would
come together to have their causes determined. It was a hundred
cubits long, and fifty broad, and thirty high, supported by
quadrangular pillars, which were all of cedar; but its roof was
according to the Corinthian order, (14) with folding doors, and
their adjoining pillars of equal magnitude, each fluted with
three cavities; which building as at once firm, and very
ornamental. There was also another house so ordered, that its
entire breadth was placed in the middle; it was quadrangular, and
its breadth was thirty cubits, having a temple over against it,
raised upon massy pillars; in which temple there was a large and
very glorious room, wherein the king sat in judgment. To this was
joined another house that was built for his queen. There were
other smaller edifices for diet, and for sleep, after public
matters were over; and these were all floored with boards of
cedar. Some of these Solomon built with stones of ten cubits, and
wainscoted the walls with other stones that were sawed, and were
of great value, such as are dug out of the earth for the
ornaments of temples, and to make fine prospects in royal
palaces, and which make the mines whence they are dug famous. Now
the contexture of the curious workmanship of these stones was in
three rows, but the fourth row would make one admire its
sculptures, whereby were represented trees, and all sorts of
plants; with the shades that arose from their branches, and
leaves that hung down from them. Those trees anti plants covered
the stone that was beneath them, and their leaves were wrought so
prodigious thin and subtile, that you would think they were in
motion; but the other part up to the roof, was plastered over,
and, as it were, embroidered with colors and pictures. He,
moreover, built other edifices for pleasure; as also very long
cloisters, and those situate in an agreeable place of the palace;
and among them a most glorious dining room, for feastings and
compotations, and full of gold, and such other furniture as so
fine a room ought to have for the conveniency of the guests, and
where all the vessels were made of gold. Now it is very hard to
reckon up the magnitude and the variety of the royal apartments;
how many rooms there were of the largest sort, how many of a
bigness inferior to those, and how many that were subterraneous
and invisible; the curiosity of those that enjoyed the fresh air;
and the groves for the most delightful prospect, for the avoiding
the heat, and covering of their bodies. And, to say all in brief,
Solomon made the whole building entirely of white stone, and
cedar wood, and gold, and silver. He also adorned the roofs and
walls with stones set in gold, and beautified them thereby in the
same manner as he had beautified the temple of God with the like
stones. He also made himself a throne of prodigious bigness, of
ivory, constructed as a seat of justice, and having six steps to
it; on every one of which stood, on each end of the step two
lions, two other lions standing above also; but at the sitting
place of the throne hands came out and received the king; and
when he sat backward, he rested on half a bullock, that looked
towards his back; but still all was fastened together with gold.

3. When Solomon had completed all this in twenty years' time,
because Hiram king of Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold,
and more silver to these buildings, as also cedar wood and pine
wood, he also rewarded Hiram with rich presents; corn he sent him
also year by year, and wine and oil, which were the principal
things that he stood in need of, because he inhabited an island,
as we have already said. And besides these, he granted him
certain cities of Galilee, twenty in number, that lay not far
from Tyre; which, when Hiram went to, and viewed, and did not
like the gift, he sent word to Solomon that he did not want such
cities as they were; and after that time these cities were called
the land of Cabul; which name, if it be interpreted according to
the language of the Phoenicians, denotes what does not please.
Moreover, the king of Tyre sent sophisms and enigmatical sayings
to Solomon, and desired he would solve them, and free them from
the ambiguity that was in them. Now so sagacious and
understanding was Solomon, that none of these problems were too
hard for him; but he conquered them all by his reasonings, and
discovered their hidden meaning, and brought it to light.
Menander also, one who translated the Tyrian archives out of the
dialect of the Phoenicians into the Greek language, makes mention
of these two kings, where he says thus: "When Abibalus was dead,.
his son Hiram received the kingdom from him, who, when he had
lived fifty-three years, reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank in
the large place, and dedicated the golden pillar which is in
Jupiter's temple. He also went and cut down materials of timber
out of the mountain called Libanus, for the roof of temples; and
when he had pulled down the ancient temples, he both built the
temple of Hercules and that of Astarte; and he first set up the
temple of Hercules in the month Peritius; he also made an
expedition against the Euchii, or Titii, who did not pay their
tribute, and when he had subdued them to himself he returned.
Under this king there was Abdemon, a very youth in age, who
always conquered the difficult problems which Solomon, king of
Jerusalem, commanded him to explain. Dius also makes mention of
him, where he says thus: "When Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram
reigned. He raised the eastern parts of the city higher, and made
the city itself larger. He also joined the temple of Jupiter,
which before stood by itself, to the city, by raising a bank in
the middle between them; and he adorned it with donations of
gold. Moreover, he went up to Mount Libanus, and cut down
materials of wood for the building of the temples." He says also,
that Solomon, who was then king of Jerusalem, sent riddles to
Hiram, and desired to receive the like from him, but that he who
could not solve them should pay money to them that did solve
them, and that Hiram accepted the conditions; and when he was not
able to solve the riddles proposed by Solomon, he paid a great
deal of money for his fine; but that he afterward did solve the
proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a man of Tyre; and that
Hiram proposed other riddles, which, when Solomon could not
solve, he paid back a great deal of money to Hiram." This it is
which Dius wrote.




CHAPTER 6.

How Solomon Fortified The City Of Jerusalem, And Built Great
Cities; And How He Brought Some Of The Canaanites Into
Subjection, And Entertained The Queen Of Egypt And Of Ethiopia.


1. Now when the king saw that the walls of Jerusalem stood in
need of being better secured, and made stronger, (for he thought
the wails that encompassed Jerusalem ought to correspond to the
dignity of the city,) he both repaired them, and made them
higher, with great towers upon them; he also built cities which
might be counted among the strongest, Hazor and Megiddo, and the
third Gezer, which had indeed belonged to the Philistines; but
Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made an expedition against it,
and besieged it, and taken it by force; and when he had slain all
its inhabitants, he utterly overthrew it, and gave it as a
present to his daughter, who had been married to Solomon; for
which reason the king rebuilt it, as a city that was naturally
strong, and might be useful in wars, and the mutations of affairs
that sometimes happen. Moreover, he built two other cities not
far from it, Beth-horon was the name of one of them, and Baalath
of the other. He also built other cities that lay conveniently
for these, in order to the enjoyment of pleasures and delicacies
in them, such as were naturally of a good temperature of the air,
and agreeable for fruits ripe in their proper seasons, and well
watered with springs. Nay, Solomon went as far as the desert
above Syria, and possessed himself of it, and built there a very
great city, which was distant two days' journey from Upper Syria,
and one day's journey from Euphrates, and six long days' journey
from Babylon the Great. Now the reason why this city lay so
remote from the parts of Syria that are inhabited is this, that
below there is no water to be had, and that it is in that place
only that there are springs and pits of water. When he had
therefore built this city, and encompassed it with very strong
walls, he gave it the name of Tadmor, and that is the name it is
still called by at this day among the Syrians, but the Greeks
name it Palmyra.

2. Now Solomon the king was at this time engaged in building
these cities. But if any inquire why all the kings of Egypt from
Menes, who built Memphis, and was many years earlier than our
forefather Abraham, until Solomon, where the interval was more
than one thousand three hundred years, were called Pharaohs, and
took it from one Pharaoh that lived after the kings of that
interval, I think it necessary to inform them of it, and this in
order to cure their ignorance, and to make the occasion of that
name manifest. Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a king
(15) but I suppose they made use of other names from their
childhood; but when they were made kings, they changed them into
the name which in their own tongue denoted their authority; for
thus it was also that the kings of Alexandria, who were called
formerly by other names, when they took the kingdom, were named
Ptolemies, from their first king. The Roman emperors also were
from their nativity called by other names, but are styled
Caesars, their empire and their dignity imposing that name upon
them, and not suffering them to continue in those names which
their fathers gave them. I suppose also that Herodotus of
Halicarnassus, when he said there were three hundred and thirty
kings of Egypt after Menes, who built Memphis, did therefore not
tell us their names, because they were in common called Pharaohs;
for when after their death there was a queen reigned, he calls
her by her name Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while the
kings were of the male line, and so admitted of the same nature,
while a woman did not admit the same, he did therefore set down
that her name, which she could not naturally have. As for myself,
I have discovered from our own books, that after Pharaoh, the
father-in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt did any longer
use that name; and that it was after that time when the forenamed
queen of Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, concerning whom we
shall inform the reader presently; but I have now made mention of
these things, that I may prove that our books and those of the
Egyptians agree together in many things.

3. But king Solomon subdued to himself the remnant of the
Canaanites that had not before submitted to him; those I mean
that dwelt in Mount Lebanon, and as far as the city Hamath; and
ordered them to pay tribute. He also chose out of them every year
such as were to serve him in the meanest offices, and to do his
domestic works, and to follow husbandry; for none of the Hebrews
were servants [in such low employments]: nor was it reasonable,
that when God had brought so many nations under their power, they
should depress their own people to such mean offices of life,
rather than those nations; while all the Israelites were
concerned in warlike affairs, and were in armor; and were set
over the chariots and the horses, rather than leading the life of
slaves. He appointed also five hundred and fifty rulers over
those Canaanites who were reduced to such domestic slavery, who
received the entire care of them from the king, and instructed
them in those labors and operations wherein he wanted their
assistance.

4. Moreover, the king built many ships in the Egyptian Bay of the
Red Sea, in a certain place called Ezion-geber: it is now called
Berenice, and is not far from the city Eloth. This country
belonged formerly to the Jews, and became useful for shipping
from the donations of Hiram king of Tyre; for he sent a
sufficient number of men thither for pilots, and such as were
skillful in navigation, to whom Solomon gave this command: That
they should go along with his own stewards to the land that was
of old called Ophir, but now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs
to India, to fetch him gold. And when they had gathered four
hundred talents together, they returned to the king again.

5. There was then a woman queen of Egypt and Ethiopia; (16) she
was inquisitive into philosophy, and one that on other accounts
also was to be admired. When this queen heard of the virtue and
prudence of Solomon, she had a great mind to see him; and the
reports that went every day abroad induced her to come to him,
she being desirous to be satisfied by her own experience, and not
by a bare hearing; (for reports thus heard are likely enough to
comply with a false opinion, while they wholly depend on the
credit of the relators;) so she resolved to come to him, and that
especially in order to have a trial of his wisdom, while she
proposed questions of very great difficulty, and entreated that
he would solve their hidden meaning. Accordingly she came to
Jerusalem with great splendor and rich furniture; for she brought
with her camels laden with gold, with several sorts of sweet
spices, and with precious stones. Now, upon the king's kind
reception of her, he both showed a great desire to please her,
and easily comprehending in his mind the meaning of the curious
questions she propounded to him, he resolved them sooner than any
body could have expected. So she was amazed at the wisdom of
Solomon, and discovered that it was more excellent upon trial
than what she had heard by report beforehand; and especially she
was surprised at the fineness and largeness of his royal palace,
and not less so at the good order of the apartments, for she
observed that the king had therein shown great wisdom; but she
was beyond measure astonished at the house which was called the
Forest of Lebanon, as also at the magnificence of his daily
table, and the circumstances of its preparation and ministration,
with the apparel of his servants that waited, and the skillful
and decent management of their attendance: nor was she less
affected with those daily sacrifices which were offered to God,
and the careful management which the priests and Levites used
about them. When she saw this done every day, she was in the
greatest admiration imaginable, insomuch that she was not able to
contain the surprise she was in, but openly confessed how
wonderfully she was affected; for she proceeded to discourse with
the king, and thereby owned that she was overcome with admiration
at the things before related; and said, "All things indeed, O
king, that came to our knowledge by report, came with uncertainty
as to our belief of them; but as to those good things that to
thee appertain, both such as thou thyself possessest, I mean
wisdom and prudence, and the happiness thou hast from thy
kingdom, certainly the same that came to us was no falsity; it
was not only a true report, but it related thy happiness after a
much lower manner than I now see it to be before my eyes. For as
for the report, it only attempted to persuade our hearing, but
did not so make known the dignity of the things themselves as
does the sight of them, and being present among them. I indeed,
who did not believe what was reported, by reason of the multitude
and grandeur of the things I inquired about, do see them to be
much more numerous than they were reported to be. Accordingly I
esteem the Hebrew people, as well as thy servants and friends, to
be happy, who enjoy thy presence and hear thy wisdom every day
continually. One would therefore bless God, who hath so loved
this country, and those that inhabit therein, as to make thee
king over them."

6. Now when the queen had thus demonstrated in words how deeply
the king had affected her, her disposition was known by certain
presents, for she gave him twenty talents of gold, and an immense
quantity of spices and precious stones. (They say also that we
possess the root of that balsam which our country still bears by
this woman's gift.) (17) Solomon also repaid her with many good
things, and principally by bestowing upon her what she chose of
her own inclination, for there was nothing that she desired which
he denied her; and as he was very generous and liberal in his own
temper, so did he show the greatness of his soul in bestowing on
her what she herself desired of him. So when this queen of
Ethiopia had obtained what we have already given an account of,
and had again communicated to the king what she brought with her,
she returned to her own kingdom.




CHAPTER 7.

How Solomon Grew Rich, And Fell Desperately In Love With Women
And How God, Being Incensed At It, Raised Up Ader And Jeroboam
Against Him. Concerning The Death Of Solomon.


1. About the same time there were brought to the king from the
Aurea Chersonesus, a country so called, precious stones, and pine
trees, and these trees he made use of for supporting the temple
and the palace, as also for the materials of musical instruments,
the harps and the psalteries, that the Levites might make use of
them in their hymns to God. The wood which was brought to him at
this time was larger and finer than any that had ever been
brought before; but let no one imagine that these pine trees were
like those which are now so named, and which take that their
denomination from the merchants, who so call them, that they may
procure them to be admired by those that purchase them; for those
we speak of were to the sight like the wood of the fig tree, but
were whiter, and more shining. Now we have said thus much, that
nobody may be ignorant of the difference between these sorts of
wood, nor unacquainted with the nature of the genuine pine tree;
and we thought it both a seasonable and humane thing, when we
mentioned it, and the uses the king made of it, to explain this
difference so far as we have done.

2. Now the weight of gold that was brought him was six hundred
and sixty-six talents, not including in that sum what was brought
by the merchants, nor what the toparchs and kings of Arabia gave
him in presents. He also cast two hundred targets of gold, each
of them weighing six hundred shekels. He also made three hundred
shields, every one weighing three pounds of gold, and he had them
carried and put into that house which was called The Forest of
Lebanon. He also made cups of gold, and of [precious] stones, for
the entertainment of his guests, and had them adorned in the most
artificial manner; and he contrived that all his other furniture
of vessels should be of gold, for there was nothing then to be
sold or bought for silver; for the king had many ships which lay
upon the sea of Tarsus, these he commanded to carry out all sorts
of merchandise unto the remotest nations, by the sale of which
silver and gold were brought to the king, and a great quantity of
ivory, and Ethiopians, and apes; and they finished their voyage,
going and returning, in three years' time.

3. Accordingly there went a great fame all around the neighboring
countries, which proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of Solomon,
insomuch that all the kings every where were desirous to see him,
as not giving credit to what was reported, on account of its
being almost incredible: they also demonstrated the regard they
had for him by the presents they made him; for they sent him
vessels of gold, and silver, and purple garments, and many sorts
of spices, and horses, and chariots, and as many mules for his
carriages as they could find proper to please the king's eyes, by
their strength and beauty. This addition that he made to those
chariots and horses which he had before from those that were sent
him, augmented the number of his chariots by above four hundred,
for he had a thousand before, and augmented the number of his
horses by two thousand, for he had twenty thousand before. These
horses also were so much exercised, in order to their making a
fine appearance, and running swiftly, that no others could, upon
the comparison, appear either finer or swifter; but they were at
once the most beautiful of all others, and their swiftness was
incomparable also. Their riders also were a further ornament to
them, being, in the first place, young men in the most delightful
flower of their age, and being eminent for their largeness, and
far taller than other men. They had also very long heads of hair
hanging down, and were clothed in garments of Tyrian purple. They
had also dust of gold every day sprinkled on their hair, so that
their heads sparkled with the reflection of the sun-beams from
the gold. The king himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of
these men, who were still in armor, and had their bows fitted to
them. He had on a white garment, and used to take his progress
out of the city in the morning. There was a certain place about
fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which is called Etham,
very pleasant it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivulets of
water; (18) thither did he use to go out in the morning, sitting
on high [in his chariot.]

4. Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in all things, and was very
diligent and studious to have things done after an elegant
manner; so he did not neglect the care of the ways, but he laid a
causeway of black stone along the roads that led to Jerusalem,
which was the royal city, both to render them easy for travelers,
and to manifest the grandeur of his riches and government. He
also parted his chariots, and set them in a regular order, that a
certain number of them should be in every city, still keeping a
few about him; and those cities he called the cities of his
chariots. And the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusalem as
stones in the street; and so multiplied cedar trees in the plains
of Judea, which did not grow there before, that they were like
the multitude of common sycamore trees. He also ordained the
Egyptian merchants that brought him their merchandise to sell him
a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six hundred drachmae of
silver, and he sent them to the kings of Syria, and to those
kings that were beyond Euphrates.

5. But although Solomon was become the most glorious of kings,
and the best beloved by God, and had exceeded in wisdom and
riches those that had been rulers of the Hebrews before him, yet
did not he persevere in this happy state till he died. Nay, he
forsook the observation of the laws of his fathers, and came to
an end no way suitable to our foregoing history of him. He grew
mad in his love of women, and laid no restraint on himself in his
lusts; nor was he satisfied with the women of his country alone,
but he married many wives out of foreign nations; Sidontans, and
Tyrians, and Ammonites, and Edomites; and he transgressed the
laws of Moses, which forbade Jews to marry any but those that
were of their own people. He also began to worship their gods,
which he did in order to the gratification of his wives, and out
of his affection for them. This very thing our legislator
suspected, and so admonished us beforehand, that we should not
marry women of other countries, lest we should be entangled with
foreign customs, and apostatize from our own; lest we should
leave off to honor our own God, and should worship their gods.
But Solomon was Gllen headlong into unreasonable pleasures, and
regarded not those admonitions; for when he had married seven
hundred wives, (19) the daughters of princes and of eminent
persons, and three hundred concubines, and those besides the king
of Egypt's daughter, he soon was governed by them, till he came
to imitate their practices. He was forced to give them this
demonstration of his kindness and affection to them, to live
according to the laws of their countries. And as he grew into
years, and his reason became weaker by length of time, it was not
sufficient to recall to his mind the institutions of his own
country; so he still more and more contemned his own God, and
continued to regard the gods that his marriages had introduced
nay, before this happened, he sinned, and fell into an error
about the observation of the laws, when he made the images of
brazen oxen that supported the brazen sea, (20) and the images of
lions about his own throne; for these he made, although it was
not agreeable to piety so to do; and this he did, notwithstanding
that he had his father as a most excellent and domestic pattern
of virtue, and knew what a glorious character he had left behind
him, because of his piety towards God. Nor did he imitate David,
although God had twice appeared to him in his sleep, and exhorted
him to imitate his father. So he died ingloriously. There came
therefore a prophet to him, who was sent by God, and told him
that his wicked actions were not concealed from God; and
threatened him that he should not long rejoice in what he had
done; that, indeed, the kingdom should not be taken from him
while he was alive, because God had promised to his father David
that he would make him his successor, but that he would take care
that this should befall his son when he was dead; not that he
would withdraw all the people from him, but that he would give
ten tribes to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes to
David's grandson for his sake, because he loved God, and for the
sake of the city of Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple.

6. When Solomon heard this he was grieved, and greatly
confounded, upon this change of almost all that happiness which
had made him to be admired, into so bad a state; nor had there
much time passed after the prophet had foretold what was coming
before God raised up an enemy against him, whose name was Ader,
who took the following occasion of his enmity to him. He was a
child of the stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal; and
when Joab, the captain of David's host, laid waste the land of
Edom, and destroyed all that were men grown, and able to bear
arms, for six months' time, this Hadad fled away, and came to
Pharaoh the king of Egypt, who received him kindly, and assigned
him a house to dwell in, and a country to supply him with food;
and when he was grown up he loved him exceedingly, insomuch that
he gave him his wife's sister, whose name was Tahpenes, to wife,
by whom he had a son; who was brought up with the king's
children. When Hadad heard in Egypt that both David and Joab were
dead, he came to Pharaoh, and desired that he would permit him to
go to his own country; upon which the king asked what it was that
he wanted, and what hardship he had met with, that he was so
desirous to leave him. And when he was often troublesome to him,
and entreated him to dismiss him, he did not then do it; but at
the time when Solomon's affairs began to grow worse, on account
of his forementioned transgressions (21) and God's anger against
him for the same, Hadad, by Pharaoh's permission, came to Edom;
and when he was not able to make the people forsake Solomon, for
it was kept under by many garrisons, and an innovation was not to
be made with safety, he removed thence, and came into Syria;
there he lighted upon one Rezon, who had run away from Hadadezer,
king of Zobah, his master, and was become a robber in that
country, and joined friendship with him, who had already a band
of robbers about him. So he went up, and seized upon that part of
Syria, and was made king thereof. He also made incursions into
the land of Israel, and did it no small mischief, and spoiled it,
and that in the lifetime of Solomon. And this was the calamity
which the Hebrews suffered by Hadad.

7. There was also one of Solomon's own nation that made an
attempt against him, Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an
expectation of rising, from a prophecy that had been made to him
long before. He was left a child by his father, and brought up by
his mother; and when Solomon saw that he was of an active and
bold disposition, he made him the curator of the walls which he
built round about Jerusalem; and he took such care of those
works, that the king approved of his behavior, and gave him, as a
reward for the same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And when
about that time Jeroboam was once going out of Jerusalem, a
prophet of the city Shilo, whose name was Ahijah, met him and
saluted him; and when he had taken him a little aside to a place
out of the way, where there was not one other person present, he
rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces, and bid Jeroboam
take ten of them; and told him beforehand, that "this is the will
of God; he will part the dominion of Solomon, and give one tribe,
with that which is next it, to his son, because of the promise
made to David for his succession, and will have ten tribes to
thee, because Solomon hath sinned against him, and delivered up
himself to women, and to their gods. Seeing therefore thou
knowest the cause for which God hath changed his mind, and is
alienated from Solomon, be thou

8. So Jeroboam was elevated by these words of the prophet; and
being a young man, (22) of a warm temper, and ambitious of
greatness, he could not be quiet; and when he had so great a
charge in the government, and called to mind what had been
revealed to him by Ahijah, he endeavored to persuade the people
to forsake Solomon, to make a disturbance, and to bring the
government over to himself. But when Solomon understood his
intention and treachery, he sought to catch him and kill him; but
Jeroboam was informed of it beforehand, and fled to Shishak, the
king of Egypt, and there abode till the death of Solomon; by
which means he gained these two advantages to suffer no harm from
Solomon, and to be preserved for the kingdom. So Solomon died
when he was already an old man, having reigned eighty years, and
lived ninety-four. He was buried in Jerusalem, having been
superior to all other kings in happiness, and riches, and wisdom,
excepting that when he was growing into years he was deluded by
women, and transgressed the law; concerning which transgressions,
and the miseries which befell the Hebrews thereby, I think proper
to discourse at another opportunity.




CHAPTER 8.

How, Upon The Death Of Solomon The People Forsook His Son
Rehoboam, And Ordained Jeroboam King Over The Ten Tribes.


1. Now when Solomon was dead, and his son Rehoboam (who was born
of an Amntonite wife; whose name was Naamah) had succeeded him in
the kingdom, the rulers of the multitude sent immediately into
Egypt, and called back Jeroboam; and when he was come to them, to
the city Shethem, Rehoboam came to it also, for he had resolved
to declare himself king to the Israelites while they were there
gathered together. So the rulers of the people, as well as
Jeroboam, came to him, and besought him, and said that he ought
to relax, and to be gentler than his father, in the servitude he
had imposed on them, because they had borne a heavy yoke, and
that then they should be better affected to him, and be well
contented to serve him under his moderate government, and should
do it more out of love than fear. But Rehoboam told them they
should come to him again in three days' time, when he would give
an answer to their request. This delay gave occasion to a present
suspicion, since he had not given them a favorable answer to
their mind immediately; for they thought that he should have
given them a humane answer off-hand, especially since he was but
young. However, they thought that this consultation about it, and
that he did not presently give them a denial, afforded them some
good hope of success.

2. Rehoboam now called his father's friends, and advised with
them what sort of answer he ought to give to the multitude; upon
which they gave him the advice which became friends, and those
that knew the temper of such a multitude. They advised him to
speak in a way more popular than suited the grandeur of a king,
because he would thereby oblige them to submit to him with
goodwill, it being most agreeable to subjects that their kings
should be almost upon the level with them. But Rehoboam rejected
this so good, and in general so profitable, advice, (it was such,
at least, at that time when he was to be made king,) God himself,
I suppose, causing what was most advantageous to be condemned by
him. So he called for the young men who were brought up with him,
and told them what advice the elders had given him, and bade them
speak what they thought he ought to do. They advised him to give
the following answer to the people (for neither their youth nor
God himself suffered them to discern what was best): That his
little finger should be thicker than his father's loins; and if
they had met with hard usage from his father, they should
experience much rougher treatment from him; and if his father had
chastised them with whips, they must expect that he would do it
with scorpions. (23) The king was pleased with this advice, and
thought it agreeable to the dignity of his government to give
them such an answer. Accordingly, when the multitude was come
together to hear his answer on the third day, all the people were
in great expectation, and very intent to hear what the king would
say to them, and supposed they should hear somewhat of a kind
nature; but he passed by his friends, and answered as the young
men had given him counsel. Now this was done according to the
will of God, that what Ahijah had foretold might come to pass.

3. By these words the people were struck as it were by all iron
hammer, and were so grieved at the words, as if they had already
felt the effects of them; and they had great indignation at the
king; and all cried out aloud, and said, "We will have no longer
any relation to David or his posterity after this day." And they
said further, "We only leave to Rehoboam the temple which his
father built;" and they threatened to forsake him. Nay, they were
so bitter, and retained their wrath so long, that when he sent
Adoram, which was over the tribute, that he might pacify them,
and render them milder, and persuade them to forgive him, if he
had said any thing that was rash or grievous to them in his
youth, they would not hear it, but threw stones at him, and
killed him. When Rehoboam saw this, he thought himself aimed at
by those stones with which they had killed his servant, and
feared lest he should undergo the last of punishments in earnest;
so he got immediately into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem,
where the tribe of Judah and that of Benjamin ordained him king;
but the rest of the multitude forsook the sons of David from that
day, and appointed Jeroboam to be the ruler of their public
affairs. Upon this Rehoboam, Solomon's son, assembled a great
congregation of those two tribes that submitted to him, and was
ready to take a hundred and eighty thousand chosen men out of the
army, to make an expedition against Jeroboam and his people, that
he might force them by war to be his servants; but he was
forbidden of God by the prophet [Shemaiah] to go to war, for that
it was not just that brethren of the same contry should fight one
against another. He also said that this defection of the
multitude was according to the purpose of God. So he did not
proceed in this expedition. And now I will relate first the
actions of Jeroboam the king of Israel, after which we will
relate what are therewith connected, the actions of Rehoboam, the
king of the two tribes; by this means we shall preserve the good
order of the history entire.

4. When therefore Jeroboam had built him a palace in the city
Shechem, he dwelt there. He also built him another at Penuel, a
city so called. And now the feast of tabernacles was approaching
in a little time, Jeroboam considered, that if he should permit
the multitude to go to worship God at Jerusalem, and there to
celebrate the festival, they would probably repent of what they
had done, and be enticed by the temple, and by the worship of God
there performed, and would leave him, and return to their first
kings; and if so, he should run the risk of losing his own life;
so he invented this contrivance; He made two golden heifers, and
built two little temples for them, the one in the city Bethel,
and the other in Dan, which last was at the fountains of the
Lesser Jordan (24) and he put the heifers into both the little
temples, in the forementioned cities. And when he had called
those ten tribes together over whom he ruled, he made a speech to
the people in these words: "I suppose, my countrymen, that you
know this, that every place hath God in it; nor is there any one
determinate place in which he is, but he every where hears and
sees those that worship him; on which account I do not think it
right for you to go so long a journey to Jerusalem, which is an
enemy's city, to worship him. It was a man that built the temple:
I have also made two golden heifers, dedicated to the same God;
and the one of them I have consecrated in the city Bethel, and
the other in Dan, to the end that those of you that dwell nearest
those cities may go to them, and worship God there; and I will
ordain for you certain priests and Levites from among yourselves,
that you may have no want of the tribe of Levi, or of the sons of
Aaron; but let him that is desirous among you of being a priest,
bring to God a bullock and a ram, which they say Aaron the first
priest brought also." When Jeroboam had said this, he deluded the
people, and made them to revolt from the worship of their
forefathers, and to transgress their laws. This was the beginning
of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause why they were overcome
in war by foreigners, and so fell into captivity. But we shall
relate those things in their proper places hereafter.

5. When the feast [of tabernacles] was just approaching, Jeroboam
was desirous to celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two
tribes celebrate it in Jerusalem. Accordingly he built an altar
before the heifer, and undertook to be high priest himself. So he
went up to the altar, with his own priests about him; but when he
was going to offer the sacrifices and the burnt-offerings, in the
sight of all the people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was
sent by God, and came to him from Jerusalem, who stood in the
midst of the multitude, and in the 'hearing of' the king, and
directing his discourse to the altar, said thus: God foretells
that there shall be a certain man of the family of David, Josiah
by name, who shall slay upon thee those false priests that shall
live at that time, and upon thee shall burn the bones of those
deceivers of the people, those impostors' and wicked wretches.
However, that this people may believe that these things shall so
come to pass, I foretell a sign to them that shall also come to
pass. This altar shall be broken to pieces immediately, and all
the fat of the sacrifices that is upon it shall be poured upon
the ground." When the prophet had said this, Jeroboam fell into a
passion, and stretched out his hand, and bid them lay hold of
him; but that hand which he stretched out was enfeebled, and he
was not able to pull it in again to him, for it was become
withered, and hung down, as if it were a dead hand. The altar
also was broken to pieces, and all that was upon it was poured
out, as the prophet had foretold should come to pass. So the king
understood that he was a man of veracity, and had a Divine
foreknowledge; and entreated him to pray to God that he would
restore his right hand. Accordingly the prophet did pray to God
to grant him that request. So the king, having his hand recovered
to its natural state, rejoiced at it, and invited the prophet to
sup with him; but Jadon said that he could not endure to come
into his house, nor to taste of bread or water in this city, for
that was a thing God had forbidden him to do; as also to go back
by the same way which he came, but he said he was to return by
another way. So the king wondered at the abstinence of the man,
but was himself in fear, as suspecting a change of his affairs
for the worse, from what had been said to him.




CHAPTER 9.

How Jadon The Prophet Was Persuaded By Another Lying Prophet And
Returned [To Bethel,] And Was Afterwards Slain By A Lion. As Also
What Words The Wicked Prophet Made Use Of To Persuade The King,
And Thereby Alienated His Mind From God.


1. Now there was a certain wicked man in that city, who was a
false prophet, whom Jeroboam had in great esteem, but was
deceived by him and his flattering words. This man was bedrid, by
reason or the infirmities of old age: however, he was informed by
his sons concerning the prophet that was come from Jerusalem, and
concerning the signs done by him; and how, when Jeroboam's right
hand had been enfeebled, at the prophet's prayer he had it
revived again. Whereupon he was afraid that this stranger and
prophet should be in better esteem with the king than himself,
and obtain greater honor from him: and he gave orders to his sons
to saddle his ass presently, and make all ready that he might go
out. Accordingly they made haste to do what they were commanded,
and he got upon the ass and followed after the prophet.; and when
he had overtaken him, as he was resting himself under a very
large oak tree that was thick and shady, he at first saluted him,
but presently he complained of him, because he had not come into
his house, and partaken of his hospitality. And when the other
said that God had forbidden him to taste of any one's provision
in that city, he replied, that "for certain God had not forbidden
that I should set food before thee, for I am a prophet as thou
art, and worship God in the same manner that thou dost; and I am
now come as sent by him, in order to bring thee into my house,
and make thee my guest." Now Jadon gave credit to this lying
prophet, and returned back with him. But when they were at
dinner, and merry together, God appeared to Jadon, and said that
he should suffer punishment for transgressing his commands, - and
he told him what that punishment should be for he said that he
should meet with a lion as he was going on his way, by which lion
he should be torn in pieces, and be deprived of burial in the
sepulchers of his fathers; which things came to pass, as I
suppose, according to the will of God, that so Jeroboam might not
give heed to the words of Jadon as of one that had been convicted
of lying. However, as Jadon was again going to Jerusalem, a lion
assaulted him, and pulled him off the beast he rode on, and slew
him; yet did he not at all hurt the ass, but sat by him, and kept
him, as also the prophet's body. This continued till some
travelers that saw it came and told it in the city to the false
prophet, who sent his sons, and brought the body unto the city,
and made a funeral for him at great expense. He also charged his
sons to bury himself with him and said that all which he had
foretold against that city, and the altar, and priests, and false
prophets, would prove true; and that if he were buried with him,
he should receive no injurious treatment after his death, the
bones not being then to be distinguished asunder. But now, when
he had performed those funeral rites to the prophet, and had
given that charge to his sons, as he was a wicked and an impious
man, he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, "And wherefore is it
now that thou art disturbed at the words of this silly fellow?"
And when the king had related to him what had happened about the
altar, and about his own hand, and gave him the names of divine
man, and an excellent prophet, he endeavored by a wicked trick to
weaken that his opinion; and by using plausible words concerning
what had happened, he aimed to injure the truth that was in them;
for he attempted to persuade him that his hand was enfeebled by
the labor it had undergone in supporting the sacrifices, and that
upon its resting awhile it returned to its former nature again;
and that as to the altar, it was but new, and had borne abundance
of sacrifices, and those large ones too, and was accordingly
broken to pieces, and fallen down by the weight of what had been
laid upon it. He also informed him of the death of him that had
foretold those things, and how he perished; [whence he concluded
that] he had not any thing in him of a prophet, nor spake any
thing like one. When he had thus spoken, he persuaded the king,
and entirely alienated his mind from God, and from doing works
that were righteous and holy, and encouraged him to go on in his
impious practices (25) and accordingly he was to that degree
injurious to God, and so great a transgressor, that he sought for
nothing else every day but how he might be guilty of some new
instances of wickedness, and such as should be more detestable
than what he had been so insolent as to do before. And so much
shall at present suffice to have said concerning Jeroboam.




CHAPTER 10.

Concerning Rehoboam, And How God Inflicted Punishment Upon Him
For His Impiety By Shishak [King Of Egypt].


1. Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, who, as we said before, was
king of the two tribes, built strong and large cities, Bethlehem,
and Etare, and Tekoa, and Bethzur, and Shoco, and Adullam, and
Ipan, and Maresha, and Ziph, and Adorlam, and Lachlsh, and
Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon, and Hebron; these he built first
of all in the tribe of Judah. He also built other large cities in
the tribe of Benjamin, and walled them about, and put garrisons
in them all, and captains, and a great deal of corn, and wine,
and oil, and he furnished every one of them plentifully with
other provisions that were necessary for sustenance; moreover, he
put therein shields and spears for many ten thousand men. The
priests also that were in all Israel, and the Levites, and if
there were any of the multitude that were good and righteous men,
they gathered themselves together to him, having left their own
cities, that they might worship God in Jerusalem; for they were
not willing to be forced to worship the heifers which Jeroboam
had made; and they augmented the kingdom of Rehoboam for three
years. And after he had married a woman of his own kindred, and
had by her three children born to him, he married also another of
his own kindred, who was daughter of Absalom by Tamar, whose name
was Maachah, and by her he had a son, whom he named Abijah. He
had moreover many other children by other wives, but he loved
Maachah above them all. Now he had eighteen legitimate wives, and
thirty concubines; and he had born to him twenty-eight sons and
threescore daughters; but he appointed Abijah, whom he had by
Maachah, to be his successor in the kingdom, and intrusted him
already with the treasures and the strongest cities.

2. Now I cannot but think that the greatness of a kingdom, and
its change into prosperity, often become the occasion of mischief
and of transgression to men; for when Rehoboam saw that his
kingdom was so much increased, he went out of the right way unto
unrighteous and irreligious practices, and he despised the
worship of God, till the people themselves imitated his wicked
actions: for so it usually happens, that the manners of subjects
are corrupted at the same time with those of their governors,
which subjects then lay aside their own sober way of living, as a
reproof of their governors' intemperate courses, and follow their
wickedness as if it were virtue; for it is not possible to show
that men approve of the actions of their kings, unless they do
the same actions with them. Agreeable whereto it now happened to
the subjects of Rehoboam; for when he was grown impious, and a
transgressor himself, they endeavored not to offend him by
resolving still to be righteous. But God sent Shishak, king of
Egypt, to punish them for their unjust behavior towards him,
concerning whom Herodotus was mistaken, and applied his actions
to Sesostris; for this Shishak, (26) in the fifth year of the
reign of Rehoboam, made an expedition [into Judea] with many ten
thousand men; for he had one thousand two hundred chariots in
number that followed him, and threescore thousand horsemen, and
four hundred thousand footmen. These he brought with him, and
they were the greatest part of them Libyans and Ethiopians. Now
therefore when he fell upon the country of the Hebrews, he took
the strongest cities of Rehoboam's kingdom without fighting; and
when he had put garrisons in them, he came last of all to
Jerusalem.

3. Now when Rehoboam, and the multitude with him, were shut up in
Jerusalem by the means of the army of Shishak, and when they
besought God to give them victory and deliverance, they could not
persuade God to be on their side. But Shemaiah the prophet told
them, that God threatened to forsake them, as they had themselves
forsaken his worship. When they heard this, they were immediately
in a consternation of mind; and seeing no way of deliverance,
they all earnestly set themselves to confess that God might
justly overlook them, since they had been guilty of impiety
towards him, and had let his laws lie in confusion. So when God
saw them in that disposition, and that they acknowledge their
sins, he told the prophet that he would not destroy them, but
that he would, however, make them servants to the Egyptians, that
they may learn whether they will suffer less by serving men or
God. So when Shishak had taken the city without fighting, because
Rehoboam was afraid, and received him into it, yet did not
Shishak stand to the covenants he had made, but he spoiled the
temple, and emptied the treasures of God, and those of the king,
and carried off innumerable ten thousands of gold and silver, and
left nothing at all behind him. He also took away the bucklers of
gold, and the shields, which Solomon the king had made; nay, he
did not leave the golden quivers which David had taken from the
king of Zobah, and had dedicated to God; and when he had thus
done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now Herodotus of
Halicarnassus mentions this expedition, having only mistaken the
king's name; and [in saying that] he made war upon many other
nations also, and brought Syria of Palestine into subjection, and
took the men that were therein prisoners without fighting. Now it
is manifest that he intended to declare that our nation was
subdued by him; for he saith that he left behind him pillars in
the land of those that delivered themselves up to him without
fighting, and engraved upon them the secret parts of women. Now
our king Rehoboam delivered up our city without fighting. He says
withal (27) that the Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy
parts from the Egyptians, with this addition, that the
Phoenicians and Syrians that live in Palestine confess that they
learned it of the Egyptians. Yet it is evident that no other of
the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us alone, are
circumcised. But as to such matters, let every one speak what is
agreeable to his own opinion.

4. When Shishak was gone away, king Rehoboam made bucklers and
shields of brass, instead of those of gold, and delivered the
same number of them to the keepers of the king's palace. So,
instead of warlike expeditions, and that glory which results from
those public actions, he reigned in great quietness, though not
without fear, as being always an enemy to Jeroboam, and he died
when he had lived fifty-seven years, and reigned seventeen. He
was in his disposition a proud and a foolish man, and lost [part
of his] dominions by not hearkening to his father's friends. He
was buried in Jerusalem, in the sepulchers of the kings; and his
son Abijah succeeded him in the kingdom, and this in the
eighteenth year of Jeroboam's reign over the ten tribes; and this
was the conclusion of these affairs. It must be now our business
to relate the affairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life; for
he ceased not nor rested to be injurious to God, but every day
raised up altars upon high mountains, and went on making priests
out of the multitude.




CHAPTER 11.

Concerning The Death Of A Son Of Jeroboam. How Jeroboam Was
Beaten By Abijah Who Died A Little Afterward And Was Succeeded In
His Kingdom By Asa. And Also How, After The Death Of Jeroboam
Baasha Destroyed His Son Nadab And All The House Of Jeroboam.


1. However, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam's
wicked actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own
head, and upon the heads of all his house. And whereas a soil of
his lay sick at that time, who was called Abijah, he enjoined his
wife to lay aside her robes, and to take the garments belonging
to a private person, and to go to Ahijah the prophet, for that he
was a wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it having been he
who told me that I should be king. He also enjoined her, when she
came to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she were a
stranger, whether he should escape this distemper. So she did as
her husband bade her, and changed her habit, and came to the city
Shiloh, for there did Ahijah live. And as she was going into his
house, his eyes being then dim with age, God appeared to him, and
informed him of two things; that the wife of Jeroboam was come to
him, and what answer he should make to her inquiry. Accordingly,
as the woman was coming into the house like a private person and
a stranger, he cried out, "Come in, O thou wife of Jeroboam! Why
concealest thou thyself? Thou art not concealed from God, who
hath appeared to me, and informed me that thou wast coming, and
hath given me in command what I shall say to thee." So he said
that she should go away to her husband, and speak to him thus:
"Since I made thee a great man when thou wast little, or rather
wast nothing, and rent the kingdom from the house of David, and
gave it to thee, and thou hast been unmindful of these benefits,
hast left off my worship, hast made thee molten gods and honored
them, I will in like manner cast thee down again, and will
destroy all thy house, and make them food for the dogs and the
fowls; for a certain king is rising up, by appointment, over all
this people, who shall leave none of the family of Jeroboam
remaining. The multitude also shall themselves partake of the
same punishment, and shall be cast out of this good land, and
shall be scattered into the places beyond Euphrates, because they
have followed the wicked practices of their king, and have
worshipped the gods that he made, and forsaken my sacrifices. But
do thou, O woman, make haste back to thy husband, and tell him
this message; but thou shalt then find thy son dead, for as thou
enterest the city he shall depart this life; yet shall he be
buried with the lamentation of all the multitude, and honored
with a general mourning, for he was the only person of goodness
of Jeroboam's family." When the prophet had foretold these
events, the woman went hastily away with a disordered mind, and
greatly grieved at the death of the forenamed child. So she was
in lamentation as she went along the road, and mourned for the
death of her son, that was just at hand. She was indeed in a
miserable condition at the unavoidable misery of his death, and
went apace, but in circumstances very unfortunate, because of her
son: for the greater haste she made, she would the sooner see her
son dead, yet was she forced to make such haste on account of her
husband. Accordingly, when she was come back, she found that the
child had given up the ghost, as the prophet had said; and she
related all the circumstances to the king.

2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these things to heart, but he
brought together a very numerous army, and made a warlike
expedition against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, who had succeeded
his father in the kingdom of the two tribes; for he despised him
because of his age. But when he heard of the expedition of
Jeroboam, he was not affrighted at it, but proved of a courageous
temper of mind, superior both to his youth and to the hopes of
his enemy; so he chose him an army out of the two tribes, and met
Jeroboam at a place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched his camp
near the other, and prepared everything necessary for the fight.
His army consisted of four hundred thousand, but the army of
Jeroboam was double to it. Now as the armies stood in array,
ready for action and dangers, and were just going to fight,
Abijah stood upon an elevated place, and beckoning with his hand,
he desired the multitude and Jeroboam himself to hear first with
silence what he had to say. And when silence was made, he began
to speak, and told them, - "God had consented that David and his
posterity should be their rulers for all time to come, and this
you yourselves are not unacquainted with; but I cannot but wonder
how you should forsake my father, and join yourselves to his
servant Jeroboam, and are now here with him to fight against
those who, by God's own determination, are to reign, and to
deprive them of that dominion which they have still retained; for
as to the greater part of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession
of it. However, I do not suppose he will enjoy it any longer; but
when he hath suffered that punishment which God thinks due to him
for what is past, he will leave off the transgressions he hath
been guilty of, and the injuries he hath offered to him, and
which he hath still continued to offer and hath persuaded you to
do the same: yet when you were not any further unjustly treated
by my father, than that he did not speak to you so as to please
you, and this only in compliance with the advice of wicked men,
you in anger forsook him, as you pretended, but, in reality, you
withdrew yourselves from God, and from his laws, although it had
been right for you to have forgiven a man that was young in age,
and not used to govern people, not only some disagreeable words,
but if his youth and unskilfulness in affairs had led him into
some unfortunate actions, and that for the sake of his father
Solomon, and the benefits you received from him; for men ought to
excuse the sins of posterity on account of the benefactions of
parent; but you considered nothing of all this then, neither do
you consider it now, but come with so great an army against us.
And what is it you depend upon for victory? Is it upon these
golden heifers, and the altars that you have on high places,
which are demonstrations of your impiety, and not of religious
worship? Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army which
gives you such good hopes? Yet certainly there is no strength at
all in an army of many ten thousands, when the war is unjust; for
we ought to place our surest hopes of success against our enemies
in righteousness alone, and in piety towards God; which hope we
justly have, since we have kept the laws from the beginning, and
have worshipped our own God, who was not made by hands out of
corruptible matter; nor was he formed by a wicked king, in order
to deceive the multitude; but who is his own workmanship, (28)
and the beginning and end of all things. I therefore give you
counsel even now to repent, and to take better advice, and to
leave off the prosecution of the war; to call to mind the laws of
your country, and to reflect what it hath been that hath advanced
you to so happy a state as you are now in."

3. This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But
while he was still speaking Jeroboam sent some of his soldiers
privately to encompass Abijab round about, on certain parts of
the camp that were not taken notice of; and when he was thus
within the compass of the enemy, his army was affrighted, and
their courage failed them; but Abijah encouraged them, and
exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not
encompassed by the enemy. So they all at once implored the Divine
assistance, while the priests sounded with the trumpet, and they
made a shout, and fell upon their enemies, and God brake the
courage and cast down the force of their enemies, and made
Ahijah's army superior to them; for God vouchsafed to grant them
a wonderful and very famous victory; and such a slaughter was now
made of Jeroboam's army (29) as is never recorded to have
happened in any other war, whether it were of the Greeks or of
the Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five hundred
thousand of their enemies, and they took their strongest cities
by force, and spoiled them; and besides those, they did the same
to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and her towns. And after
this defeat Jeroboam never recovered himself during the life of
Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he reigned but three
years, and was buried in Jerusalem in the sepulchers of his
forefathers. He left behind him twenty-two sons, and sixteen
daughters; and he had also those children by fourteen wives; and
Asa his son succeeded in the kingdom; and the young man's mother
was Michaiah. Under his reign the country of the Israelites
enjoyed peace for ten years.

4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, the son of
Solomon, as his history hath come down to us. But Jeroboam, the
king of the ten tribes, died when he had governed them two and
twenty years; whose son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year
of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam's son governed two years, and
resembled his father in impiety and wickedness. In these two
years he made an expedition against Gibbethon, a city of the
Philistines, and continued the siege in order to take it; but he
was conspired against while he was there by a friend of his,
whose name was Baasha, the son of Ahijah, and was slain; which
Baasha took the kingdom after the other's death, and destroyed
the whole house of Jeroboam. It also came to pass, according as
God had foretold, that some of Jeroboam's kindred that died in
the city were torn to pieces and devoured by dogs, and that
others of them that died in the fields were torn and devoured by
the fowls. So the house of Jeroboam suffered the just punishment
of his impiety, and of his wicked actions.




CHAPTER 12.

How Zerah, King Of The Ethiopians, Was Beaten By Asa; And How
Asa, Upon Baasha's Making War Against Him, Invited The King Of
The Damascens To Assist Him; And How, On The Destruction Of The
House Of Baasha Zimri Got The Kingdom As Did His Son Ahab After
Him.


1. Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was of an excellent character,
and had a regard to God, and neither did nor designed any thing
but what had relation to the observation of the laws. He made a
reformation of his kingdom, and cut off whatsoever was wicked
therein, and purified it from every impurity. Now he had an army
of chosen men that were armed with targets and spears; out of the
tribe of Judah three hundred thousand; and out of the tribe of
Benjamin, that bore shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty
thousand. But when he had already reigned ten years, Zerah, king
of Ethiopia, (30) made an expedition against him, with a great
army, of nine hundred thousand footmen, and one hundred thousand
horsemen, and three hundred chariots, and came as far as
Mareshah, a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah. Now when
Zerah had passed so far with his own army, Asa met him, and put
his army in array over against him, in a valley called Zephathah,
not far from the city; and when he saw the multitude of the
Ethiopians, he cried out, and besought God to give him the
victory, and that he might kill many ten thousands of the enemy:
"For," said he, (31) "I depend on nothing else but that
assistance which I expect from thee, which is able to make the
fewer superior to the more numerous, and the weaker to the
stronger; and thence it is alone that I venture to meet Zerah,
and fight him."

2. While Asa was saying this, God gave him a signal of victory,
and joining battle cheerfully on account of what God had foretold
about it, he slew a great many of the Ethiopians; and when he had
put them to flight, he pursued them to the country of Gerar; and
when they left off killing their enemies, they betook themselves
to spoiling them, (for the city Gerar was already taken,) and to
spoiling their camp, so that they carried off much gold, and much
silver, and a great deal of [other] prey, and camels, and great
cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accordingly, when Asa and his army
had obtained such a victory, and such wealth from God, they
returned to Jerusalem. Now as they were coming, a prophet, whose
name was Azariah, met them on the road, and bade them stop their
journey a little; and began to say to them thus: That the reason
why they had obtained this victory from God was this, that they
had showed themselves righteous and religious men, and had done
every thing according to the will of God; that therefore, he
said, if they persevered therein, God would grant that they
should always overcome their enemies, and live happily; but that
if they left off his worship, all things shall fall out on the
contrary; and a time should come, wherein no true prophet shall
be left in your whole multitude, nor a priest who shall deliver
you a true answer from the oracle; but your cities shall be
overthrown, and your nation scattered over the whole earth, and
live the life of strangers and wanderers. So he advised them,
while they had time, to be good, and not to deprive themselves of
the favor of God. When the king and the people heard this, they
rejoiced; and all in common, and every one in particular, took
great care to behave themselves righteously. The king also sent
some to take care that those in the country should observe the
laws also.

3. And this was the state of Asa, king of the two tribes. I now
return to Baasha, the king of the multitude of the Israelites,
who slew Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and retained the government.
He dwelt in the city Tirzah, having made that his habitation, and
reigned twenty-four years. He became more wicked and impious than
Jeroboam or his son. He did a great deal of mischief to the
multitude, and was injurious to God, who sent the prophet Jehu,
and told him beforehand that his whole family should be
destroyed, and that he would bring the same miseries on his house
which had brought that of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had
been made king by him, he had not requited his kindness, by
governing the multitude righteously and religiously; which
things, in the first place, tended to their own happiness, and,
in the next place, were pleasing to God: that he had imitated
this very wicked king Jeroboam; and although that man's soul had
perished, yet did he express to the life his wickedness; and he
said that he should therefore justly experience the like calamity
with him, since he had been guilty of the like wickedness. But
Baasha, though he heard beforehand what miseries would befall him
and his whole family for their insolent behavior, yet did not he
leave off his wicked practices for the time to come, nor did he
care to appear other than worse and worse till he died; nor did
he then repent of his past actions, nor endeavor to obtain pardon
of God for them, but did as those do who have rewards proposed to
them, when they have once in earnest set about their work, they
do not leave off their labors; for thus did Baasha, when the
prophet foretold to him what would come to pass, grow worse, as
if what were threatened, the perdition of his family, and the
destruction of his house, (which are really among the greatest of
evils,) were good things; and, as if he were a combatant for
wickedness, he every day took more and more pains for it: and at
last he took his army and assaulted a certain considerable city
called Ramah, which was forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem;
and when he had taken it, he fortified it, having determined
beforehand to leave a garrison in it, that they might thence make
excursions, and do mischief to the kingdom of Asa.

4. Whereupon Asa was afraid of the attempts the enemy might make
upon him; and considering with himself how many mischiefs this
army that was left in Ramah might do to the country over which he
reigned, he sent ambassadors to the king of the Damascenes, with
gold and silver, desiring his assistance, and putting him in mind
that we have had a friendship together from the times of our
forefathers. So he gladly received that sum of money, and made a
league with him, and broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and
sent the commanders of his own forces unto the cities that were
under Baasha's dominion, and ordered them to do them mischief. So
they went and burnt some of them, and spoiled others; Ijon, and
Dan, and Abelmain (32) and many others. Now when the king of
Israel heard this, he left off building and fortifying Ramah, and
returned presently to assist his own people under the distresses
they were in; but Asa made use of the materials that were
prepared for building that city, for building in the same place
two strong cities, the one of which was called Geba, and the
other Mizpah; so that after this Baasha had no leisure to make
expeditions against Asa, for he was prevented by death, and was
buried in the city Tirzah; and Elah his son took the kingdom,
who, when he had reigned two years, died, being treacherously
slain by Zimri, the captain of half his army; for when he was at
Arza, his steward's house, he persuaded some of the horsemen that
were under him to assault Elah, and by that means he slew him
when he was without his armed men and his captains, for they were
all busied in the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines.

5. When Zimri, the captain of the army, had killed Elah, he took
the kingdom himself, and, according to Jehu's prophecy, slew all
the house of Baasha; for it came to pass that Baasha's house
utterly perished, on account of his impiety, in the same manner
as we have already described the destruction of the house of
Jeroboam. But the army that was besieging. Gibbethon, when they
heard what had befallen the king, and that when Zimri had killed
him, he had gained the kingdom, they made Omri their general
king, who drew off his army from Gibbethon, and came to Tirzah,
where the royal palace was, and assaulted the city, and took it
by force. But when Zimri saw that the city had none to defend it,
he fled into the inmost part of the palace, and set it on fire,
and burnt himself with it, when he had reigned only seven days.
Upon which the people of Israel were presently divided, and part
of them would have Tibni to be king, and part Omri; but when
those that were for Omri's ruling had beaten Tibni, Omri reigned
over all the multitude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of the
reign of Asa that Omri reigned for twelve years; six of these
years he reigned in the city Tirzah, and the rest in the city
called Semareon, but named by the Greeks Samaria; but he himself
called it Semareon, from Semer, who sold him the mountain whereon
he built it. Now Omri was no way different from those kings that
reigned before him, but that he grew worse than they, for they
all sought how they might turn the people away from God by their
daily wicked practices; and oil that account it was that God made
one of them to be slain by another, and that no one person of
their families should remain. This Omri also died in Samaria and
Ahab his son succeeded him.

6. Now by these events we may learn what concern God hath for the
affairs of mankind, and how he loves good men, and hates the
wicked, and destroys them root and branch; for many of these
kings of Israel, they and their families, were miserably
destroyed, and taken away one by another, in a short time, for
their transgression and wickedness; but Asa, who was king of
Jerusalem, and of the two tribes, attained, by God's blessing, a
long and a blessed old age, for his piety and righteousness, and
died happily, when he had reigned forty and one years; and when
he was dead, his son Jehoshaphat succeeded him in the government.
He was born of Asa's wife Azubah. And all men allowed that he
followed the works of David his forefather, and this both in
courage and piety; but we are not obliged now to speak any more
of the affairs of this king.




CHAPTER 13.

How Ahab When He Had Taken Jezebel To Wife Became More Wicked
Than All The Kings That Had Been Before Him; Of The Actions Of
The Prophet Elijah, And What Befell Naboth.


1. Now Ahab the king of Israel dwelt in Samaria, and held the
government for twenty-two years; and made no alteration in the
conduct of the kings that were his predecessors, but only in such
things as were of his own invention for the worse, and in his
most gross wickedness. He imitated them in their wicked courses,
and in their injurious behavior towards God, and more especially
he imitated the transgression of Jeroboam; for he worshipped the
heifers that he had made; and he contrived other absurd objects
of worship besides those heifers: he also took to wife the
daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians and Sidonians, whose
name was Jezebel, of whom he learned to worship her own gods.
This woman was active and bold, and fell into so great a degree
of impurity and madness, that she built a temple to the god of
the Tyrians, Which they call Belus, and planted a grove of all
sorts of trees; she also appointed priests and false prophets to
this god. The king also himself had many such about him, and so
exceeded in madness and wickedness all [the kings] that went
before him.

2. There was now a prophet of God Almighty, of Thesbon, a country
in Gilead, that came to Ahab, and said to him, that God foretold
he would not send rain nor dew in those years upon the country
but when he should appear. And when he had confirmed this by an
oath, he departed into the southern parts, and made his abode by
a brook, out of which he had water to drink; for as for his food,
ravens brought it to him every day: but when that river was dried
up for want of rain, he came to Zarephath, a city not far from
Sidon and Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at the command
of God, for [God told him] that he should there find a woman who
was a widow that should give him sustenance. So when he was not
far off the city, he saw a woman that labored with her own hands,
gathering of sticks: so God informed him that this was the woman
who was to give him sustenance. So he came and saluted her, and
desired her to bring him some water to drink; but as she was
going so to do, he called to her, and would have her to bring him
a loaf of bread also; whereupon she affirmed upon oath that she
had at home nothing more than one handful of meal, and a little
oil, and that she was going to gather some sticks, that she might
knead it, and make bread for herself and her son; after which,
she said, they must perish, and be consumed by the famine, for
they had nothing for themselves any longer. Hereupon he said, "Go
on with good courage, and hope for better things; and first of
all make me a little cake, and bring it to me, for I foretell to
thee that this vessel of meal and this cruse of oil shall not
fail until God send rain." When the prophet had said this, she
came to him, and made him the before-named cake; of which she had
part for herself, and gave the rest to her son, and to the
prophet also; nor did any thing of this fall until the drought
ceased. Now Menander mentions this drought in his account of the
acts of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians; where he says thus: "Under
him there was a want of rain from the month Hyperberetmus till
the month Hyperberetmus of the year following; but when he made
supplications, there came great thunders. This Ethbaal built the
city Botrys in Phoenicia, and the city Auza in Libya." By these
words he designed the want of rain that was in the days of Ahab,
for at that time it was that Ethbaal also reigned over the
Tyrians, as Menander informs us.

3. Now this woman, of whom we spake before, that sustained the
prophet, when her son was fallen into a distemper till he gave up
the ghost, and appeared to be dead, came to the prophet weeping,
and beating her breasts with her hands, and sending out such
expressions as her passions dictated to her, and complained to
him that he had come to her to reproach her for her sins, and
that on this account it was that her son was dead. But he bid her
be of good cheer, and deliver her son to him, for that he would
deliver him again to her alive. So when she had delivered her son
up to him, he carried him into an upper room, where he himself
lodged, and laid him down upon the bed, and cried unto God, and
said, that God had not done well, in rewarding the woman who had
entertained him and sustained him, by taking away her son; and he
prayed that he would send again the soul of the child into him,
and bring him to life again. Accordingly God took pity on the
mother, and was willing to gratify the prophet, that he might not
seem to have come to her to do her a mischief, and the child,
beyond all expectation, came to life again. So the mother
returned the prophet thanks, and said she was then clearly
satisfied that God did converse with him.

4. After a little while Elijah came to king Ahab, according to
God's will, to inform him that rain was coming. Now the famine
had seized upon the whole country, and there was a great want of
what was necessary for sustenance, insomuch that it was after the
recovery of the widow's son of Sarepta, God sent not only men
that wanted it, but the earth itself also, which did not produce
enough for the horse and the other beasts of what was useful for
them to feed on, by reason of the drought. So the king called for
Obadiah, who was steward over his cattle, and said to him, that
he would have him go to the fountains of water, and to the
brooks, that if any herbs could be found for them, they might mow
it down, and reserve it for the beasts. And when he had sent
persons all over the habitable earth (33) to discover the prophet
Elijah, and they could not find him, he bade Obadiah accompany
him. So it was resolved they should make a progress, and divide
the ways between them; and Obadiah took one road, and the king
another. Now it happened that the same time when queen Jezebel
slew the prophets, that this Obadiah had hidden a hundred
prophets, and had fed them with nothing but bread and water. But
when Obadiah was alone, and absent from the king, the prophet
Elijah met him; and Obadiah asked him who he was; and when he had
learned it from him, he worshipped him. Elijah then bid him go to
the king, and tell him that I am here ready to wait on him. But
Obadiah replied, "What evil have I done to thee, that thou
sendest me to one who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over
all the earth for thee? Or was he so ignorant as not to know that
the king had left no place untouched unto which he had not sent
persons to bring him back, in order, if they could take him, to
have him put to death?" For he told him he was afraid lest God
should appear to him again, and he should go away into another
place; and that when the king should send him for Elijah, and he
should miss of him, and not be able to find him any where upon
earth, he should be put to death. He desired him therefore to
take care of his preservation; and told him how diligently he had
provided for those of his own profession, and had saved a hundred
prophets, when Jezebel slew the rest of them, and had kept them
concealed, and that they had been sustained by him. But Elijah
bade him fear nothing, but go to the king; and he assured him
upon oath that he would certainly show himself to Ahab that very
day.

5. So when Obadiah had informed the king that Elijah was there,
Ahab met him, and asked him, in anger, if he were the man that
afflicted the people of the Hebrews, and was the occasion of the
drought they lay under? But Elijah, without any flattery, said
that he was himself the man, he and his house, which brought such
sad afflictions upon them, and that by introducing strange gods
into their country, and worshipping them, and by leaving their
own, who was the only true God, and having no manner of regard to
him. However, he bade him go his way, and gather together all the
people to him to Mount Carmel, with his own prophets, and those
of his wife, telling him how many there were of them, as also the
prophets of the groves, about four hundred in number. And as all
the men whom Ahab sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain,
the prophet Elijah stood in the midst of them, and said, "How
long will you live thus in uncertainty of mind and opinion?" He
also exhorted them, that in case they esteemed their own country
God to be the true and the only God, they would follow him and
his commandments; but in case they esteemed him to be nothing,
but had an opinion of the strange gods, and that they ought to
worship them, his counsel was, that they should follow them. And
when the multitude made no answer to what he said, Elijah desired
that, for a trial of the power of the strange gods, and of their
own God, he, who was his only prophet, while they had four
hundred, might take a heifer and kill it as a sacrifice, and lay
it upon pieces of wood, and not kindle any fire, and that they
should do the same things, and call upon their own gods to set
the wood on fire; for if that were done, they would thence learn
the nature of the true God. This proposal pleased the people. So
Elijah bade the prophets to choose out a heifer first, and kill
it, and to call on their gods. But when there appeared no effect
of the prayer or invocation of the prophets upon their sacrifice,
Elijah derided them, and bade them call upon their gods with a
loud voice, for they might either be on a journey, or asleep; and
when these prophets had done so from morning till noon, and cut
themselves with swords and lances, (34) according to the customs
of their country, and he was about to offer his sacrifice, he
bade [the prophets] go away, but bade [the people] come near and
observe what he did, lest he should privately hide fire among the
pieces of wood. So, upon the approach of the multitude, he took
twelve stones, one for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews,
and built an altar with them, and dug a very deep trench; and
when he had laid the pieces of wood upon the altar, and upon them
had laid the pieces of the sacrifices, he ordered them to fill
four barrels with the water of the fountain, and to pour it upon
the altar, till it ran over it, and till the trench was filled
with the water poured into it. When he had done this, he began to
pray to God, and to invocate him to make manifest his power to a
people that had already been in an error a long time; upon which
words a fire came on a sudden from heaven in the sight of the
multitude, and fell upon the altar, and consumed the sacrifice,
till the very water was set on fire, and the place was become
dry.

6. Now when the Israelites saw this, they fell down upon the
ground, and worshipped one God, and called him The great and the
only true God; but they called the others mere names, framed by
the evil and vile opinions of men. So they caught their prophets,
and, at the command of Elijah, slew them. Elijah also said to the
king, that he should go to dinner without any further concern,
for that in a little time he would see God send them rain.
Accordingly Ahab went his way. But Elijah went up to the highest
top of Mount Carmel, and sat down upon the ground, and leaned his
head upon his knees, and bade his servant go up to a certain
elevated place, and look towards the sea, and when he should see
a cloud rising any where, he should give him notice of it, for
till that time the air had been clear. When the Servant had gone
up, and had said many times that he saw nothing, at the seventh
time of his going up, he said that he saw a small black thing in
the sky, not larger than a man's foot. When Elijah heard that, he
sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to the city before the
rain came down. So he came to the city Jezreel; and in a little
time the air was all obscured, and covered with clouds, and a
vehement storm of wind came upon the earth, and with it a great
deal of rain; and the prophet was under a Divine fury, and ran
along with the king's chariot unto Jezreel a city of Izar (35)
[Issaachar].

7. When Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, understood what signs Elijah
had wrought, and how he had slain her prophets, she was angry,
and sent messengers to him, and by them threatened to kill him,
as he had destroyed her prophets. At this Elijah was affrighted,
and fled to the city called Beersheba, which is situate at the
utmost limits of the country belonging to the tribe of Judah,
towards the land of Edom; and there he left his servant, and went
away into the desert. He prayed also that he might die, for that
he was not better than his fathers, nor need he be very desirous
to live, when they were dead; and he lay and slept under a
certain tree; and when somebody awakened him, and he was risen
up, he found food set by him and water: so when he had eaten, and
recovered his strength by that his food, he came to that mountain
which is called Sinai, where it is related that Moses received
his laws from God; and finding there a certain hollow cave, he
entered into it, and continued to make his abode in it. But when
a certain voice came to him, but from whence he knew not, and
asked him, why he was come thither, and had left the city? he
said, that because he had slain the prophets of the foreign gods,
and had persuaded the people that he alone whom they had
worshipped from the beginning was God, he was sought for by the
king's wife to be punished for so doing. And when he had heard
another voice, telling him that he should come out the next day
into the open air, and should thereby know what he was to do, he
came out of the cave the next day accordingly, When he both heard
an earthquake, and saw the bright splendor of a fire; and after a
silence made, a Divine voice exhorted him not to be disturbed
with the circumstances he was in, for that none of his enemies
should have power over him. The voice also commanded him to
return home, and to ordain Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be king
over their own multitude; and Hazael, of Damascus, to be over the
Syrians; and Elisha, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in his
stead; and that of the impious multitude, some should be slain by
Hazael, and others by Jehu. So Elijah, upon hearing this charge,
returned into the land of the Hebrews. And when he found Elisha,
the son of Shaphat, ploughing, and certain others with him,
driving twelve yoke of oxen, he came to him, and cast his own
garment upon him; upon which Elisha began to prophesy presently,
and leaving his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when he desired
leave to salute his parents, Elijah gave him leave so to do; and
when he had taken his leave of them, he followed him, and became
the disciple and the servant of Elijah all the days of his life.
And thus have I despatched the affairs in which this prophet was
concerned.

8. Now there was one Naboth, of the city Izar, [Jezreel,] who had
a field adjoining to that of the king: the king would have
persuaded him to sell him that his field, which lay so near to
his own lands, at what price he pleased, that he might join them
together, and make them one farm; and if he would not accept of
money for it, he gave him leave to choose any of his other fields
in its stead. But Naboth said he would not do so, but would keep
the possession of that land of his own, which he had by
inheritance from his father. Upon this the king was grieved, as
if he had received an injury, when he could not get another man's
possession, and he would neither wash himself, nor take any food:
and when Jezebel asked him what it was that troubled him, and why
he would neither wash himself, nor eat either dinner or supper,
he related to her the perverseness of Naboth, and how, when he
had made use of gentle words to him, and such as were beneath the
royal authority, he had been affronted, and had not obtained what
he desired. However, she persuaded him not to be cast down at
this accident, but to leave off his grief, and return to the
usual care of his body, for that she would take care to have
Naboth punished; and she immediately sent letters to the rulers
of the Israelites [Jezreelites] in Ahab's name, and commanded
them to fast and to assemble a congregation, and to set Naboth at
the head of them, because he was of an illustrious family, and to
have three bold men ready to bear witness that he had blasphemed
God and the king, and then to stone him, and slay him in that
manner. Accordingly, when Naboth had been thus testified against,
as the queen had written to them, that he had blasphemed against
God and Ahab the king, she desired him to take possession of
Naboth's vineyard on free cost. So Ahab was glad at what had been
done, and rose up immediately from the bed whereon he lay to go
to see Naboth's vineyard; but God had great indignation at it,
and sent Elijah the prophet to the field of Naboth, to speak to
Ahab, and to say to him, that he had slain the true owner of that
field unjustly. And as soon as he came to him, and the king had
said that he might do with him what he pleased, (for he thought
it a reproach to him to be thus caught in his sin,) Elijah said,
that in that very place in which the dead body of Naboth was
eaten by dogs both his own blood and that of his wife's should be
shed, and that all his family should perish, because he had been
so insolently wicked, and had slain a citizen unjustly, and
contrary to the laws of his country. Hereupon Ahab began to be
sorry for the things he had done, and to repent of them; and he
put on sackcloth, and went barefoot (36) and would not touch any
food; he also confessed his sins, and endeavored thus to appease
God. But God said to the prophet, that while Ahab was living he
would put off the punishment of his family, because he repented
of those insolent crimes he had been guilty of, but that still he
would fulfill his threatening under Ahab's son; which message the
prophet delivered to the king.




CHAPTER 14.

How Hadad King Of Damascus And Of Syria, Made Two Expeditions
Against Ahab And Was Beaten.


1. When the affairs of Ahab were thus, at that very time the son
of Hadad, [Benhadad,] who was king of the Syrians and of
Damascus, got together an army out of all his country, and
procured thirty-two kings beyond Euphrates to be his auxiliaries:
so he made an expedition against Ahab; but because Ahab's army
was not like that of Benhadad, he did not set it in array to
fight him, but having shut up every thing that was in the country
in the strongest cities he had, he abode in Samaria himself, for
the walls about it were very strong, and it appeared to be not
easily to be taken in other respects also. So the king of Syria
took his army with him, and came to Samaria, and placed his army
round about the city, and besieged it. He also sent a herald to
Ahab, and desired he would admit the ambassadors he would send
him, by whom he would let him know his pleasure. So, upon the
king of Israel's permission for him to send, those ambassador's
came, and by their king's command spake thus: That Ahab's riches,
and his children, and his wives were Benhadad's, and if he would
make an agreement, and give him leave to take as much of what he
had as he pleased, he would withdraw his army, and leave off the
siege. Upon this Ahab bade the ambassadors to go back, and tell
their king, that both he himself and all that he hath are his
possessions. And when these ambassadors had told this to
Berthadad, he sent to him again, and desired, since he confessed
that all he had was his, that he would admit those servants of
his which he should send the next day; and he commanded him to
deliver to those whom he should send whatsoever, upon their
searching his palace, and the houses of his friends and kindred,
they should find to be excellent in its kind, but that what did
not please them they should leave to him. At this second
embassage of the king of Syria, Ahab was surprised, and gathered
together the multitude to a congregation, and told them that, for
himself, he was ready, for their safety and peace, to give up his
own wives and children to the enemy, and to yield to him all his
own possessions, for that was what the Syrian king required at
his first embassage; but that now he desires to send his servants
to search all their houses, and in them to leave nothing that is
excellent in its kind, seeking an occasion of fighting against
him, "as knowing that I would not spare what is mine own for your
sakes, but taking a handle from the disagreeable terms he offers
concerning you to bring a war upon us; however, I will do what
you shall resolve is fit to be done." But the multitude advised
him to hearken to none of his proposals, but to despise him, and
be in readiness to fight him. Accordingly, when he had given the
ambassadors this answer to be reported, that he still continued
in the mind to comply with what terms he at first desired, for
the safety of the citizens; but as for his second desires, he
cannot submit to them, - he dismissed them.

2. Now when Benhadad heard this, he had indignation, and sent
ambassadors to Ahab the third time, and threatened that his army
would raise a bank higher than those walls, in confidence of
whose strength he despised him, and that by only each man of his
army taking a handful of earth; hereby making a show of the great
number of his army, and aiming to affright him. Ahab answered,
that he ought not to vaunt himself when he had only put on his
armor, but when he should have conquered his enemies in the
battle. So the ambassadors came back, and found the king at
supper with his thirty-two kings, and informed him of Ahab's
answer; who then immediately gave order for proceeding thus: To
make lines round the city, and raise a bulwark, and to prosecute
the siege all manner of ways. Now, as this was doing, Ahab was in
a great agony, and all his people with him; but he took courage,
and was freed from his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to
him, and saying to him, that God had promised to subdue so many
ten thousands of his enemies under him. And when he inquired by
whose means the victory was to be obtained, he said," By the sons
of the princes; but under thy conduct as their leader, by reason
of their unskilfulness [in war]." Upon which he called for the
sons of the princes, and found them to be two hundred and
thirty-two persons. So when he was informed that the king of
Syria had betaken himself to feasting and repose, he opened the
gates, and sent out the princes' sons. Now when the sentinels
told Benhadad of it, he sent some to meet them, and commanded
them, that if these men were come out for fighting, they should
bind them, and bring them to him; and that if they came out
peaceably, they should do the same. Now Ahab had another army
ready within the walls, but the sons of the princes fell upon the
out-guard, and slew many of them, and pursued the rest of them to
the camp; and when the king of Israel saw that these had the
upper hand, he sent out all the rest of his army, which, falling
suddenly upon the Syrians, beat them, for they did not think they
would have come out; on which account it was that they assaulted
them when they were naked (37) and drunk, insomuch that they left
all their armor behind them when they fled out of the camp, and
the king himself escaped with difficulty, by fleeing away on
horseback. But Ahab went a great way in pursuit of the Syrians;
and when he had spoiled their camp, which contained a great deal
of wealth, and moreover a large quantity of gold and silver, he
took Benhadad's chariots and horses, and returned to the city;
but as the prophet told him he ought to have his army ready,
because the Syrian king would make another expedition against him
the next year, Ahab was busy in making provision for it
accordingly.

3. Now Benhadad, when he had saved himself, and as much of his
army as he could, out of the battle, he consulted with his
friends how he might make another expedition against the
Israelites. Now those friends advised him not to fight with them
on the hills, because their God was potent in such places, and
thence it had come to pass that they had very lately been beaten;
but they said, that if they joined battle with them in the plain,
they should beat them. They also gave him this further advice, to
send home those kings whom he had brought as his auxiliaries, but
to retain their army, and to set captains over it instead of the
kings, and to raise an army out of their country, and let them be
in the place of the former who perished in the battle, together
with horses and chariots. So he judged their counsel to be good,
and acted according to it in the management of the army.

4. At the beginning of the spring, Benhadad took his army with
him, and led it against the Hebrews; and when he was come to a
certain city which was called Aphek, he pitched his camp in the
great plain. Ahab also went to meet him with his army, and
pitched his camp over against him, although his army was a very
small one, if it were compared with the enemy's; but the prophet
came again to him, and told him, that God would give him the
victory, that he might demonstrate his own power to be, not only
on the mountains, but on the plains also; which it seems was
contrary to the opinion of the Syrians. So they lay quiet in
their camp seven days; but on the last of those days, when the
enemies came out of their camp, and put themselves in array in
order to fight, Ahab also brought out his own army; and when the
battle was joined, and they fought valiantly, he put the enemy to
flight, and pursued them, and pressed upon them, and slew them;
nay, they were destroyed by their own chariots, and by one
another; nor could any more than a few of them escape to their
own city Aphek, who were also killed by the walls falling upon
them, being in number twenty-seven thousand. (38) Now there were
slain in this battle a hundred thousand more; but Benhadad, the
king of the Syrians, fled away, with certain others of his most
faithful servants, and hid himself in a cellar under ground; and
when these told him that the kings of Israel were humane and
merciful men, and that they might make use of the usual manner of
supplication, and obtain deliverance from Ahab, in case he would
give them leave to go to him, he gave them leave accordingly. So
they came to Ahab, clothed in sackcloth, with ropes about their
heads, (for this was the ancient manner of supplication among the
Syrians,) (39) and said, that Benhadad desired he would save him,
and that he would ever be a servant to him for that favor. Ahab
replied he was glad that he was alive, and not hurt in the
battle; and he further promised him the same honor and kindness
that a man would show to his brother. So they received assurances
upon oath from him, that when he came to him he should receive no
harm from him, and then went and brought him out of the cellar
wherein he was hid, and brought him to Ahab as he sat in his
chariot. So Benhadad worshipped him; and Ahab gave him his hand,
and made him come up to him into his chariot, and kissed him, and
bid him be of good cheer, and not to expect that any mischief
should be done to him. So Berthadad returned him thanks, and
professed that he would remember his kindness to him all the days
of his life; and promised he would restore those cities of the
Israelites which the former kings had taken from them, and grant
that he should have leave to come to Damascus, as his forefathers
had to come to Samaria. So they confirmed their covenant by
oaths, and Ahab made him many presents, and sent him back to his
own kingdom. And this was the conclusion of the war that Benhadad
made against Ahab and the Israelites.

5. But a certain prophet, whose name was Micaiah, (40) came to
one of the Israelites, and bid him smite him on the head, for by
so doing he would please God; but when he would not do so, he
foretold to him, that since he disobeyed the commands of God, he
should meet with a lion, and be destroyed by him. When that sad
accident had befallen the man, the prophet came again to another,
and gave him the same injunction; so he smote him, and wounded
his skull; upon which he bound up his head, and came to the king,
and told him that he had been a soldier of his, and had the
custody of one of the prisoners committed to him by an officer,
and that the prisoner being run away, he was in danger of losing
his own life by the means of that officer, who had threatened
him, that if the prisoner escaped he would kill him. And when
Ahab had said that he would justly die, he took off the binding
about his head, and was known by the king to be Micaiah the
prophet, who made use of this artifice as a prelude to his
following words; for he said that God would punish him who had
suffered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him, to escape
punishment; and that he would so bring it about, that he should
die by the other's means (41) and his people by the other's army.
Upon which Ahab was very angry at the prophet, and gave
commandment that he should be put in prison, and there kept; but
for himself, he was in confusion at the words of Micaiah, and
returned to his own house.




CHAPTER 15.

Concerning Jehoshaphat The King Of Jerusalem And How Ahab Made An
Expedition Against The Syrians And Was Assisted Therein By
Jehoshaphat, But Was Himself Overcome In Battle And Perished
Therein.


1. And these were the circumstances in which Ahab was. But I now
return to Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem, who, when he had
augmented his kingdom, had set garrisons in the cities of the
countries belonging to his subjects, and had put such garrisons
no less into those cities which were taken out of the tribe of
Ephraim by his grandfather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned over the
ten tribes [than he did into the other]. But then he had God
favorable and assisting to him, as being both righteous and
religious, and seeking to do somewhat every day that should be
agreeable and acceptable to God. The kings also that were round
about him honored him with the presents they made him, till the
riches that he had acquired were immensely great, and the glory
he had gained was of a most exalted nature.

2. Now, in the third year of this reign, he called together the
rulers of the country, and the priests, and commanded them to go
round the land, and teach all the people that were under him,
city by city, the laws of Moses, and to keep them, and to be
diligent in the worship of God. With this the whole multitude was
so pleased, that they were not so eagerly set upon or affected
with any thing so much as the observation of the laws. The
neighboring nations also continued to love Jehoshaphat, and to be
at peace with him. The Philistines paid their appointed tribute,
and the Arabians supplied him every year with three hundred and
sixty lambs, and as many kids of the goats. He also fortified the
great cities, which were many in number, and of great
consequence. He prepared also a mighty army of soldiers and
weapons against their enemies. Now the army of men that wore
their armor, was three hundred thousand of the tribe of Judah, of
whom Adnah was the chief; but John was chief of two hundred
thousand. The same man was chief of the tribe of Benjamin, and
had two hundred thousand archers under him. There was another
chief, whose name was Jehozabad, who had a hundred and fourscore
thousand armed men. This multitude was distributed to be ready
for the king's service, besides those whom he sent to the best
fortified cities.

3. Jehoshaphat took for his son Jehoram to wife the daughter of
Ahab, the king of the ten tribes, whose name was Athaliah. And
when, after some time, he went to Samaria, Ahab received him
courteously, and treated the army that followed him in a splendid
manner, with great plenty of corn and wine, and of slain beasts;
and desired that he would join with him in his war against the
king of Syria, that he might recover from him the city Ramoth, in
Gilead; for though it had belonged to his father, yet had the
king of Syria's father taken it away from him; and upon
Jehoshaphat's promise to afford him his assistance, (for indeed
his army was not inferior to the other,) and his sending for his
army from Jerusalem to Samaria, the two kings went out of the
city, and each of them sat on his own throne, and each gave their
orders to their several armies. Now Jehoshaphat bid them call
some of the prophets, if there were any there, and inquire of
them concerning this expedition against the king of Syria,
whether they would give them counsel to make that expedition at
this time, for there was peace at that time between Ahab and the
king of Syria, which had lasted three years, from the time he had
taken him captive till that day.

4. So Ahab called his own prophets, being in number about four
hundred, and bid them inquire of God whether he would grant him
the victory, if he made an expedition against Benhadad, and
enable him to overthrow that city, for whose sake it was that he
was going to war. Now these prophets gave their counsel for
making this expedition, and said that he would beat the king of
Syria, and, as formerly, would reduce him under his power. But
Jehoshaphat, understanding by their words that they were false
prophets, asked Ahab whether there were not some other prophet,
and he belonging to the true God, that we may have surer
information concerning futurities. Hereupon Ahab said there was
indeed such a one, but that he hated him, as having prophesied
evil to him, and having foretold that he should be overcome and
slain by the king of Syria, and that for this cause he had him
now in prison, and that his name was Micaiah, the son of Imlah.
But upon Jehoshaphat's desire that he might be produced, Ahab
sent a eunuch, who brought Micaiah to him. Now the eunuch had
informed him by the way, that all the other prophets had foretold
that the king should gain the victory; but he said, that it was
not lawful for him to lie against God, but that he must speak
what he should say to him about the king, whatsoever it were.
When he came to Ahab, and he had adjured him upon oath to speak
the truth to him, he said that God had shown to him the
Israelites running away, and pursued by the Syrians, and
dispersed upon the mountains by them, as flocks of sheep are
dispersed when their shepherd is slain. He said further, that God
signified to him, that those Israelites should return in peace
to their own home, and that he only should fall in the battle.
When Micalab had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehoshaphat, "I told
thee a little while ago the disposition of the man with regard to
me, and that he uses to prophesy evil to me." Upon which Micaiah
replied, that he ought to hear all, whatsoever it be, that God
foretells; and that in particular, they were false prophets that
encouraged him to make this war in hope of victory, whereas he
must fight and be killed. Whereupon the king was in suspense with
himself: but Zedekiah, one of those false prophets, came near,
and exhorted him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did not at all
speak truth; as a demonstration of which he instanced in what
Elijah had said, who was a better prophet in foretelling
futurities than Micaiah (42) for he foretold that the dogs should
lick his blood in the city of Jezreel, in the field of Naboth, as
they licked the blood of Naboth, who by his means was there
stoned to death by the multitude; that therefore it was plain
that this Micalab was a liar, as contradicting a greater prophet
than himself, and saying that he should be slain at three days'
journey distance: "and [said he] you shall soon know whether he
be a true prophet, and hath the power of the Divine Spirit; for I
will smite him, and let him then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused
the hand of Jeroboam the king to wither when he would have caught
him; for I suppose thou hast certainly heard of that accident."
So when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm happened to him, Ahab
took courage, and readily led his army against the king of Syria;
for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for him, and made him
believe that the false prophets spake truer than the true one,
that it might take an occasion of bringing him to his end.
However, Zedekiah made horns of iron, and said to Ahab, that God
made those horns signals, that by them he should overthrow all
Syria. But Micaiah replied, that Zedekiah, in a few days, should
go from one secret chamber to another to hide himself, that he
might escape the punishment of his lying. Then did the king give
orders that they should take Micaiah away, and guard him to Amon,
the governor of the city, and to give him nothing but bread and
water.

5. Then did Ahab, and Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem, take
their forces, and marched to Ramoth a city of Gilead; and when
the king of Syria heard of this expedition, he brought out his
army to oppose them, and pitched his camp not far from Ramoth.
Now Ahalx and Jehoshaphat had agreed that Ahab should lay aside
his royal robes, but that the king of Jerusalem should put on his
[Ahab's] proper habit, and stand before the army, in order to
disprove, by this artifice, what Micaiah had foretold. (43) But
Ahab's fate found him out without his robes; for Benhadad, the
king of Assyria, had charged his army, by the means of their
commanders, to kill nobody else but only the king of Israel. So
when the Syrians, upon their joining battle with the Israelites,
saw Jehoshaphat stand before the army, and conjectured that he
was Ahab, they fell violently upon him, and encompassed him
round; but when they were near, and knew that it was not he, they
all returned back; and while the fight lasted from the morning
till late in the evening, and the Syrians were conquerors, they
killed nobody, as their king had commanded them. And when they
sought to kill Ahab alone, but could not find him, there was a
young nobleman belonging to king Benhadad, whose name was Naaman;
he drew his bow against the enemy, and wounded the king through
his breastplate, in his lungs. Upon this Ahab resolved not to
make his mischance known to his army, lest they should run away;
but he bid the driver of his chariot to turn it back, and carry
him out of the battle, because he was sorely and mortally
wounded. However, he sat in his chariot and endured the pain till
sunset, and then he fainted away and died.

6. And now the Syrian army, upon the coming on of the night,
retired to their camp; and when the herald belonging to the camp
gave notice that Ahab was dead, they returned home; and they took
the dead body of Ahab to Samaria, and buried it there; but when
they had washed his chariot in the fountain of Jezreel, which was
bloody with the dead body of the king, they acknowledged that the
prophecy of Elijah was true, for the dogs licked his blood, and
the harlots continued afterwards to wash themselves in that
fountain; but still he died at Ramoth, as Micaiah had foretold.
And as what things were foretold should happen to Ahab by the two
prophets came to pass, we ought thence to have high notions of
God, and every where to honor and worship him, and never to
suppose that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy of belief
before what is true, and to esteem nothing more advantageous than
the gift of prophecy (44) and that foreknowledge of future events
which is derived from it, since God shows men thereby what we
ought to avoid. We may also guess, from what happened to this
king, and have reason to consider the power of fate; that there
is no way of avoiding it, even when we know it. It creeps upon
human souls, and flatters them with pleasing hopes, till it leads
them about to the place where it will be too hard for them.
Accordingly Ahab appears to have been deceived thereby, till he
disbelieved those that foretold his defeat; but, by giving credit
to such as foretold what was grateful to him, was slain; and his
son Ahaziah succeeded him.




BOOK IX.

Containing The Interval Of One Hundred And Fifty-Seven Years.

From The Death Of Ahab To The Captivity Of The Ten Tribes.

CHAPTER 1.

Concerning Jehoshaphat Again; How He Constituted Judges And, By
God's Assistance Overcame His Enemies.


1. When Jehoshaphat the king was come to Jerusalem, from the
assistance he had afforded Ahab, the king of Israel, when he
fought with Benhadad, king of Syria, the prophet Jehu met him,
and accused him for assisting Ahab, a man both impious and
wicked; and said to him, that God was displeased with him for so
doing, but that he delivered him from the enemy, notwithstanding
he had sinned, because of his own proper disposition, which was
good. Whereupon the king betook himself to thanksgivings and
sacrifices to God; after which he presently went over all that
country which he ruled round about, and taught the people, as
well the laws which God gave them by Moses, as that religious
worship that was due to him. He also constituted judges in every
one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them to have regard
to nothing so much in judging the multitude as to do justice, and
not to be moved by bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for
either their riches or their high birth, but to distribute
justice equally to all, as knowing that God is conscious of every
secret action of theirs. When he had himself instructed them
thus, and gone over every city of the two tribes, he returned to
Jerusalem. He there also constituted judges out of the priests
and the Levites, and principal persons of the multitude, and
admonished them to pass all their sentences with care and justice
(1) And that if any of the people of his country had differences
of great consequence, they should send them out of the other
cities to these judges, who would be obliged to give righteous
sentences concerning such causes; and this with the greater care,
because it is proper that the sentences which are given in that
city wherein the temple of God is, and wherein the king dwells,
be given with great care and the utmost justice. Now he set over
them Amariah the priest, and Zebadiah, [both] of the tribe of
Judah; and after this manner it was that the king ordered these
affairs.

2. About the same time the Moabites and Ammonites made an
expedition against Jehoshaphat, and took with them a great body
of Arabians, and pitched their camp at Engedi, a city that is
situate at the lake Asphaltiris, and distant three hundred
furlongs from Jerusalem. In that place grows the best kind of
palm trees, and the opobalsamum. (2) Now Jehoshaphat heard that
the enemies had passed over the lake, and had made an irruption
into that country which belonged to his kingdom; at which news he
was aftrighted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a
congregation in the temple, and standing over against the temple
itself, he called upon God to afford him power and strength, so
as to inflict punishment on those that made this expedition
against them (for that those who built this his temple had
prayed, that he would protect that city, and take vengeance on
those that were so bold as to come against it); for they are come
to take from us that land which thou hast given us for a
possession. When he had prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the
whole multitude, together with their wives and children, made
their supplications also: upon which a certain prophet, Jahaziel
by name, came into the midst of the assembly, and cried out, and
spake both to the multitude and to the king, that God heard their
prayers, and promised to fight against their enemies. He also
gave order that the king should draw his forces out the next day,
for that he should find them between Jerusalem and the ascent of
Engedi, at a place called The Eminence, and that he should not
fight against them, but only stand still, and see how God would
fight against them. When the prophet had said this, both the king
and the multitude fell upon their faces, and gave thanks to God,
and worshipped him; and the Levites continued singing hymns to
God with their instruments of music.

3. As soon as it was day, and the king was come into that
wilderness which is under the city of Tekoa, he said to the
multitude, "that they ought to give credit to what the prophet
had said, and not to set themselves in array for fighting; but to
set the priests with their trumpets, and the Levites with the
singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having already
delivered our country from our enemies." This opinion of the king
pleased [the people], and they did what he advised them to do. So
God caused a terror and a commotion to arise among the Ammonites,
who thought one another to be enemies, and slew one another,
insomuch that not one man out of so great an army escaped; and
when Jehoshaphat looked upon that valley wherein their enemies
had been encamped, and saw it full of dead men, he rejoiced at so
surprising an event, as was this assistance of God, while he
himself by his own power, and without their labor, had given them
the victory. He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the
enemy's camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and indeed so they
did for three days together, till they were weary, so great was
the number of the slain; and on the fourth day, all the people
were gathered together unto a certain hollow place or valley, and
blessed God for his power and assistance, from which the place
had this name given it, the Valley of [Berachah, or] Blessing.

4. And when the king had brought his army back to Jerusalem, he
betook himself to celebrate festivals, and offer sacrifices, and
this for many days. And indeed, after this destruction of their
enemies, and when it came to the ears of the foreign nations,
they were all greatly aftrighted, as supposing that God would
openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat from that time
lived in great glory and splendor, on account of his
righteousness and his piety towards God. He was also in
friendship with Ahab's son, who was king of Israel; and he joined
with him in the building of ships that were to sail to Pontus,
and the traffic cities of Thrace (3) but he failed of his gains,
for the ships were destroyed by being so great [and unwieldy]; on
which account he was no longer concerned about shipping. And this
is the history of Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem.




CHAPTER 2.

Concerning Ahaziah; The King Of Israel; And Again Concerning The
Prophet Elijah.


1. And now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned over Israel, and
made his abode in Samaria. He was a wicked man, and in all
respects like to both his parents and to Jeroboam, who first of
all transgressed, and began to deceive the people. In the second
year of his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his obedience,
and left off paying those tributes which he before paid to his
father Ahab. Now it happened that Ahaziah, as he was coming down
from the top of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness
sent to the Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for that was this
god's name, to inquire about his recovery (4) but the God of the
Hebrews appeared to Elijah the prophet, and commanded him to go
and meet the messengers that were sent, and to ask them, whether
the people of Israel had pot a God of their own, that the king
sent to a foreign god to inquire about his recovery? and to bid
them return and tell the king that he would not escape this
disease. And when Elijah had performed what God had commanded
him, and the messengers had heard what he said, they returned to
the king immediately; and when the king wondered how they could
return so soon, and asked them the reason of it, they said that a
certain man met them, and forbade them to go on any farther; but
to return and tell thee, from the command of the God of Israel,
that this disease will have a bad end. And when the king bid them
describe the man that said this to them, they replied that he was
a hairy man, and was girt about with a girdle of leather. So the
king understood by this that the man who was described by the
messengers was Elijah; whereupon he sent a captain to him, with
fifty soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah to him; and
when the captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the top
of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and to come to the
king, for so had he enjoined; but that in case he refused, they
would carry him by force. Elijah said to him, "That you may have
a trial whether I be a true prophet, I will pray that fire may
fall from heaven, and destroy both the soldiers and yourself."
(5) So he prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from heaven], and
destroyed the captain, and those that were with him. And when the
king was informed of the destruction of these men, he was very
angry, and sent another captain with the like number of armed men
that were sent before. And when this captain also threatened the
prophet, that unless he came down of his own accord, he would
take him and carry him away, upon his prayer against him, the
fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well the other. And when,
upon inquiry, the king was informed of what happened to him, he
sent out a third captain. But when this captain, who was a wise
man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place where Elijah
happened to be, and spake civilly to him; and said that he knew
that it was without his own consent, and only in submission to
the king's command that he came to him; and that those that came
before did not come willingly, but on the same account; - he
therefore desired him to have pity on those armed men that were
with him, and that he would come down and follow him to the king.
So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous behavior,
and came down and followed him. And when he came to the king, he
prophesied to him and told him that God said, "Since thou hast
despised him as not being God, and so unable to foretell the
truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of Ekron to
inquire of him what will be the end of this thy distemper, know
this, that thou shalt die."

2. Accordingly the king in a very little time died, as Elijah had
foretold; but Jehoram his brother succeeded him in the kingdom,
for he died without children: but for this Jehoram, he was like
his father Ahab in wickedness, and reigned twelve years,
indulging himself in all sorts of wickedness and impiety towards
God, for, leaving off his worship, he worshipped foreign gods;
but in other respects he was an active man. Now at this time it
was that Elijah disappeared from among men, and no one knows of
his death to this very day; but he left behind him his disciple
Elisha, as we have formerly declared. And indeed, as to Elijah,
and as to Enoch, who was before the deluge, it is written in the
sacred books that they disappeared, but so that nobody knew that
they died.




CHAPTER 3.

How Joram And Jehoshaphat Made An Expedition Against The
Moabites; As Also Concerning The Wonders Of Elisha; And The Death
Of Jehoshaphat.


1. When Joram had taken upon him the kingdom, he determined to
make an expedition against the king of Moab, whose name was
Mesha; for, as we told you before, he was departed from his
obedience to his brother [Ahaziah], while he paid to his father
Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with their fleeces of wool. When
therefore he had gathered his own army together, he sent also to
Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since he had from the
beginning been a friend to his father, he would assist him in the
war that he was entering into against the Moabites, who had
departed from their obedience, who not only himself promised to
assist him, but would also oblige the king of Edom, who was under
his authority, to make the same expedition also. When Joram had
received these assurances of assistance from Jehoshaphat, he took
his army with him, and came to Jerusalem; and when he had been
sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was resolved
upon by them to take their march against their enemies through
the wilderness of Edom. And when they had taken a compass of
seven days' journey, they were in distress for want of water for
the cattle, and for the army, from the mistake of their roads by
the guides that conducted them, insomuch that they were all in an
agony, especially Joram; and cried to God, by reason of their
sorrow, and [desired to know] what wickedness had been committed
by them that induced him to deliver three kings together, without
fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a
righteous man, encouraged him, and bade him send to the camp, and
know whether any prophet of God was come along with them, that we
might by him learn from God what we should do. And when one of
the servants of Joram said that he had seen there Elisha, the son
of Shaphat, the disciple of Elijah, the three kings went to him,
at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; and when they were come at the
prophet's tent, which tent was pitched out of the camp, they
asked him what would become of the army? and Joram was
particularly very pressing with him about it. And when he replied
to him, that he should not trouble him, but go to his father's
and mother's prophets, for they [to be sure] were true prophets,
he still desired him to prophesy, and to save them. So he swore
by God that he would not answer him, unless it were on account of
Jehoshaphat, who was a holy and righteous man; and when, at his
desire, they brought him a man that could play on the psaltery,
the Divine Spirit came upon him as the music played, and he
commanded them to dig many trenches in the valley; for, said he,
"though there appear neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain,
ye shall see this river full of water, till the army and the
cattle be saved for you by drinking of it. Nor will this be all
the favor that you shall receive from God, but you shall also
overcome your enemies, and take the best and strongest cities of
the Moabites, and you shall cut down their fruit trees, (6) and
lay waste their country, and stop up their fountains and rivers."

2. When the prophet had said this, the next day, before the
sun-rising, a great torrent ran strongly; for God had caused it
to rain very plentifully at the distance of three days' journey
into Edom, so that the army and the cattle found water to drink
in abundance. But when the Moabites heard that the three kings
were coming upon them, and made their approach through the
wilderness, the king of Moab gathered his army together
presently, and commanded them to pitch their camp upon the
mountains, that when the enemies should attempt to enter their
country, they might not be concealed from them. But when at the
rising of the sun they saw the water in the torrent, for it was
not far from the land of Moab, and that it was of the color of
blood, for at such a time the water especially looks red, by the
shining of the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of the
state of their enemies, as if they had slain one another for
thirst; and that the river ran with their blood. However,
supposing that this was the case, they desired their king would
send them out to spoil their enemies; whereupon they all went in
haste, as to an advantage already gained, and came to the enemy's
camp, as supposing them destroyed already. But their hope
deceived them; for as their enemies stood round about them, some
of them were cut to pieces, and others of them were dispersed,
and fled to their own country. And when the kings fell into the
land of Moab, they overthrew the cities that were in it, and
spoiled their fields, and marred them, filling them with stones
out of the brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and
stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew their walls to
their foundations. But the king of Moab, when he was pursued,
endured a siege; and seeing his city in danger of being
overthrown by force, made a sally, and went out with seven
hundred men, in order to break through the enemy's camp with his
horsemen, on that side where the watch seemed to be kept most
negligently; and when, upon trial, he could not get away, for he
lighted upon a place that was carefully watched, he returned into
the city, and did a thing that showed despair and the utmost
distress; for he took his eldest son, who was to reign after him,
and lifting him up upon the wall, that he might be visible to all
the enemies, he offered him as a whole burnt-offering to God,
whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the distress that was
the occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of humanity and
pity, that they raised the siege, and every one returned to his
own house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and continued in
peace there, and outlived this expedition but a little time, and
then died, having lived in all sixty years, and of them reigned
twenty-five. He was buried in a magnificent manner in Jerusalem,
for he had imitated the actions of David.




CHAPTER 4.

Jehoram Succeeds Jehoshaphat; How Joram, His Namesake, King Of
Israel, Fought With The Syrians; And What Wonders Were Done By The
Prophet Elisha.


1. Jehoshapat had a good number of children; but he appointed his
eldest son Jehoram to be his successor, who had the same name
with his mother's brother, that was king of Israel, and the son
of Ahab. Now when the king of Israel was come out of the land of
Moab to Samaria, he had with him Elisha the prophet, whose acts I
have a mind to go over particularly, for they were illustrious,
and worthy to be related, as we have them set down in the sacred
books.

2. For they say that the widow of Obadiah (7) Ahab's steward,
came to him, and said, that he was not ignorant how her husband
had preserved the prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the
wife of Ahab; for she said that he hid a hundred of them, and had
borrowed money for their maintenance, and that, after her
husband's death, she and her children were carried away to be
made slaves by the creditors; and she desired of him to have
mercy upon her on account of what her husband did, and afford her
some assistance. And when he asked her what she had in the house,
she said, "Nothing but a very small quantity of oil in a cruse."
So the prophet bid her go away, and borrow a great many empty
vessels of her neighbors, and when she had shut her chamber door,
to pour the oil into them all; for that God would fill them full.
And when the woman had done what she was commanded to do, and
bade her children bring every one of the vessels, and all were
filled, and not one left empty, she came to the prophet, and told
him that they were all full; upon which he advised her to go
away, and sell the oil, and pay the creditors what was owing
them, for that there would be some surplus of the price of the
oil, which she might make use of for the maintenance of her
children. And thus did Elisha discharge the woman's debts, and
free her from the vexation of her creditors.

3. Elisha also sent a hasty message to Joram, (8) and exhorted
him to take care of that place, for that therein were some
Syrians lying in ambush to kill him. So the king did as the
prophet exhorted him, and avoided his going a hunting. And when
Benhadad missed of the success of his lying in ambush, he was
wroth with his own servants, as if they had betrayed his
ambushment to Joram; and he sent for them, and said they were the
betrayers of his secret counsels; and he threatened that he would
put them to death, since such their practice was evident, because
he had intrusted this secret to none but them, and yet it was
made known to his enemy. And one that was present said that he
should not mistake himself, nor suspect that they had discovered
to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but that he ought to
know that it was Elisha the prophet who discovered all to him,
and laid open all his counsels. So he gave order that they should
send some to learn in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly those
that were sent brought word that he was in Dothan; wherefore
Benhadad sent to that city a great army, with horses and
chariots, to take Elisha: so they encompassed the city round
about by night, and kept him therein confined; but when the
prophet's servant in the morning perceived this, and that his
enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running, and crying out
after a disordered manner to him, and told him of it; but he
encouraged him, and bid him not be afraid, and to despise the
enemy, and trust in the assistance of God, and was himself
without fear; and he besought God to make manifest to his servant
his power and presence, so far as was possible, in order to the
inspiring him with hope and courage. Accordingly God heard the
prayer of the prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of
chariots and horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside his
fear, and his courage revived at the sight of what he supposed
was come to their assistance. After this Elisha did further
entreat God, that he would dim the eyes of their enemies, and
cast a mist before them, whereby they might not discern him. When
this was done, he went into the midst of his enemies, and asked
them who it was that they came to seek; and when they replied,
"The prophet Elisha," he promised he would deliver him to them,
if they would follow him to the city where he was. So these men
were so darkened by God in their sight and in their mind, that
they followed him very diligently; and when Elisha had brought
them to Samaria, he ordered Joram the king to shut the gates, and
to place his own army round about them; and prayed to God to
clear the eyes of these their enemies, and take the mist from
before them. Accordingly, when they were freed from the obscurity
they had been in, they saw themselves in the midst of their
enemies; and as the Syrians were strangely amazed and distressed,
as was but reasonable, at an action so Divine and surprising, and
as king Joram asked the prophet if he would give him leave to
shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to do; and said, that "it is
just to kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men
had done the country no harm, but, without knowing it, were come
thither by the Divine Power:" - so that his counsel was to treat
them in a hospitable manner at his table, and then send them away
without hurting them. (9) Wherefore Joram obeyed the prophet; and
when he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid and magnificent
manner, he let them go to Benhadad their king.

4. Now when these men were come back, and had showed Benhadad how
strange an accident had befallen them, and what an appearance and
power they had experienced of the God of Israel, he wondered at
it, as also at that prophet with whom God was so evidently
present; so he determined to make no more secret attempts upon
the king of Israel, out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make
open war with them, as supposing he could be too hard for his
enemies by the multitude of his army and power. So he made an
expedition with a great army against Joram, who, not thinking
himself a match for him, shut himself up in Samaria, and depended
on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad supposed he should
take the city, if not by his engines of war, yet that he should
overcome the Samaritans by famine, and the want of necessaries,
and brought his army upon them, and besieged the city; and the
plenty of necessaries was brought so low with Joram, that from
the extremity of want an ass's head was sold in Samaria for
fourscore pieces of silver, and the Hebrews bought a sextary of
dore's dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver. Now
Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the city to the
enemy, by reason of the famine, and went every day round the
walls and the guards to see whether any such were concealed among
them; and by being thus seen, and taking such care, he deprived
them of the opportunity of contriving any such thing; and if they
had a mind to do it, he, by this means, prevented them: but upon
a certain woman's crying out, "Have pity on me, my lord," while
he thought that she was about to ask for somewhat to eat, he
imprecated God's curse upon her, and said he had neither
thrashing-floor nor wine-press, whence he might give her any
thing at her petition. Upon which she said she did not desire his
aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about food, but desired
that he would do her justice as to another woman. And when he
bade her say on, and let him know what she desired, she said she
had made an agreement with the other woman who was her neighbor
and her friend, that because the famine and want was intolerable,
they should kill their children, each of them having a son of
their own, and we will live upon them ourselves for two days, the
one day upon one son, and the other day upon the other; and,"
said she, I have killed my son the first day, and we lived upon
my son yesterday; but this other woman will not do the same
thing, but hath broken her agreement, and hath hid her son." This
story mightily grieved Joram when he heard it; so he rent his
garment, and cried out with a loud voice, and conceived great
wrath against Elisha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have
him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide them some
exit and way of escape out of the miseries with which they were
surrounded; and sent one away immediately to cut off his head,
who made haste to kill the prophet. But Elisha was not
unacquainted with the wrath of the king against him; for as he
sat in his house by himself, with none but his disciples about
him, he told them that Joram, (10) who was the son of a murderer,
had sent one to take away his head; "but," said he, "when he that
is commanded to do this comes, take care that you do not let him
come in, but press the door against him, and hold him fast there,
for the king himself will follow him, and come to me, having
altered his mind." Accordingly, they did as they were bidden,
when he that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came. But Joram
repented of his wrath against the prophet; and for fear he that
was commanded to kill him should have done it before he came, he
made haste to hinder his slaughter, and to save the prophet: and
when he came to him, he accused him that he did not pray to God
for their deliverance from the miseries they now lay under, but
saw them so sadly destroyed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised,
that the very next day, at the very same hour in which the king
came to him, they should have great plenty of food, and that two
seahs of barley should be sold in the market for a shekel, and a
seah of fine flour should be sold for a shekel. This prediction
made Joram, and those that were present, very joyful, for they
did not scruple believing what the prophet said, on account of
the experience they had of the truth of his former predictions;
and the expectation of plenty made the want they were in that
day, with the uneasiness that accompanied it, appear a light
thing to them: but the captain of the third band, who was a
friend of the king, and on whose hand the king leaned, said,
"Thou talkest of incredible things, O prophet! for as it is
impossible for God to pour down torrents of barley, or fine
flour, out of heaven, so is it impossible that what thou sayest
should come to pass." To which the prophet made this reply," Thou
shalt see these things come to pass, but thou shalt not be in the
least a partaker of them."

5. Now what Elisha had thus foretold came to pass in the manner
following: There was a law at Samaria (11) that those that had
the leprosy, and whose bodies were not cleansed from it, should
abide without the city: and there were four men that on this
account abode before the gates, while nobody gave them any food,
by reason of the extremity of the famine; and as they were
prohibited from entering into the city by the law, and they
considered that if they were permitted to enter, they should
miserably perish by the famine; as also, that if they staid where
they were, they should suffer in the same manner, - they resolved
to deliver themselves up to the enemy, that in case they should
spare them, they should live; but if they should be killed, that
would be an easy death. So when they had confirmed this their
resolution, they came by night to the enemy's camp. Now God had
begun to affright and disturb the Syrians, and to bring the noise
of chariots and armor to their ears, as though an army were
coming upon them, and had made them suspect that it was coming
nearer and nearer to them In short, they were in such a dread of
this army, that they left their tents, and ran together to
Benhadad, and said that Joram the king of Israel had hired for
auxiliaries both the king of Egypt and the king of the Islands,
and led them against them for they heard the noise of them as
they were coming. And Benhadad believed what they said (for there
came the same noise to his ears as well as it did to theirs); so
they fell into a mighty disorder and tumult, and left their
horses and beasts in their camp, with immense riches also, and
betook themselves to flight. And those lepers who had departed
from Samaria, and were gone to the camp of the Syrians, of whom
we made mention a little before, when they were in the camp, saw
nothing but great quietness and silence: accordingly they entered
into it, and went hastily into one of their tents; and when they
saw nobody there, they eat and drank, and carried garments, and a
great quantity of gold, and hid it out of the camp; after which
they went into another tent, and carried off what was in it, as
they did at the former, and this did they for several times,
without the least interruption from any body. So they gathered
thereby that the enemies were departed; whereupon they reproached
themselves that they did not inform Joram and the citizens of it.
So they came to the walls of Samaria, and called aloud to the
watchmen, and told them in what state the enemies were, as did
these tell the king's guards, by whose means Joram came to know
of it; who then sent for his friends, and the captains of his
host, and said to them, that he suspected that this departure of
the king of Syria was by way of ambush and treachery, and that
out of despair of ruining you by famine, when you imagine them to
be fled away, you may come out of the city to spoil their camp,
and he may then fall upon you on a sudden, and may both kill you,
and take the city without fighting; whence it is that I exhort
you to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go out of it,
or proudly to despise your enemies, as though they were really
gone away." And when a certain person said that he did very well
and wisely to admit such a suspicion, but that he still advised
him to send a couple of horsemen to search all the country as far
as Jordan, that "if they were seized by an ambush of the enemy,
they might be a security to your army, that they may not go out
as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo the like misfortune;
and," said he, "those horsemen may be numbered among those that
have died by the famine, supposing they be caught and destroyed
by the enemy." So the king was pleased with this opinion, and
sent such as might search out the truth, who performed their
journey over a road that was without any enemies, but found it
full of provisions, and of weapons, that they had therefore
thrown away, and left behind them, in order to their being light
and expeditious in their flight. When the king heard this, he
sent out the multitude to take the spoils of the camp; which
gains of theirs were not of things of small value, but they took
a great quantity of gold, and a great quantity of silver, and
flocks of all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves of
[so many] ten thousand measures of wheat and barley, as they
never in the least dreamed of; and were not only freed from their
former miseries, but had such plenty, that two seahs of barley
were bought for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour for a shekel,
according to the prophecy of Elisha. Now a seah is equal to an
Italian modius and a half. The captain of the third band was the
only man that received no benefit by this plenty; for as he was
appointed by the king to oversee the gate, that lm might prevent
the too great crowd of the multitude, and they might not endanger
one another to perish, by treading on one another in the press,
he suffered himself in that very way, and died in that very
manner, as Elisha had foretold such his death, when he alone of
them all disbelieved what he said concerning that plenty of
provisions which they should soon have.

6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria, had escaped to
Damascus, and understood that it was God himself that cast all
his army into this fear and disorder, and that it did not arise
from the invasion of enemies, he was mightily cast down at his
having God so greatly for his enemy, and fell into a distemper.
Now it happened that Elisha the prophet, at that time, was gone
out of his own country to Damascus, of which Berthadad was
informed: he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants,
to meet him, and to carry him presents, and bade him inquire of
him about his distemper, and whether he should escape the danger
that it threatened. So Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels,
that carried the best and most precious fruits that the country
of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the king's palace
supplied. He saluted him kindly, and said that he was sent to him
by king Berthadad, and brought presents with him, in order to
inquire concerning his distemper, whether he should recover from
it or not. Whereupon the prophet bid him tell the king no
melancholy news; but still he said he would die. So the king's
servant was troubled to hear it; and Elisha wept also, and his
tears ran down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries his
people would undergo after the death of Berthadad. And when
Hazael asked him what was the occasion of this confusion he was
in, he said that he wept out of his commiseration for the
multitude of the Israelites, and what terrible miseries they will
suffer by thee; "for thou wilt slay the strongest of them, and
wilt burn their strongest cities, and wilt destroy their
children, and dash them against the stones, and wilt rip up their
women with child." And when Hazael said, "How can it be that I
should have power enough to do such things?" the prophet
replied, that God had informed him that he should be king of
Syria. So when Hazael was come to Benhadad, he told him good news
concerning his distemper (12) but on the next day he spread a wet
cloth, in the nature of a net, over him, and strangled him, and
took his dominion. He was an active man, and had the good-will of
the Syrians, and of the people of Damascus, to a great degree; by
whom both Benhadad himself, and Hazael, who ruled after him, are
honored to this day as gods, by reason of their benefactions, and
their building them temples by which they adorned the city of the
Damascenes. They also every day do with great pomp pay their
worship to these kings, (13) and value themselves upon their
antiquity; nor do they know that these kings are much later than
they imagine, and that they are not yet eleven hundred years old.
Now when Joram, the king of Israel, heard that Berthadad was
dead, he recovered out of the terror and dread he had been in on
his account, and was very glad to live in peace.




CHAPTER 5.

Concerning The Wickedness Of Jehoram King O Jerusalem; His Defeat
And Death.


1. Now Jehoram the king of Jerusalem, for we have said before
that he had the same name with the king of Israel, as soon as he
had taken the government upon him, betook himself to the
slaughter of his brethren, and his father's friends, who were
governors under him, and thence made a beginning and a
demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he at all better than
those kings of Israel who at first transgressed against the laws
of their country, and of the Hebrews, and against God's worship.
And it was Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, whom he had married,
who taught him to be a bad man in other respects, and also to
worship foreign gods. Now God would not quite root out this
family, because of the promise he had made to David. However,
Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of new sorts of
customs to the propagation of impiety, and to the ruin of the
customs of his own country. And when the Edomites about that time
had revolted from him, and slain their former king, who was in
subjection to his father, and had set up one of their own
choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land of Edom, with the horsemen
that were about him, and the chariots, by night, and destroyed
those that lay near to his own kingdom, but did not proceed
further. However, this expedition did him no service, for they
all revolted from him, with those that dwelt in the country of
Libnah. He was indeed so mad as to compel the people to go up to
the high places of the mountains, and worship foreign gods.

2. As he was doing this, and had entirely cast his own country
laws out of his mind, there was brought him an epistle from
Elijah the prophet (14) which declared that God would execute
great judgments upon him, because he had not imitated his own
fathers, but had followed the wicked courses of the kings of
Israel; and had compelled the tribe of Judah, and the citizens of
Jerusalem, to leave the holy worship of their own God, and to
worship idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do, and
because he had slain his brethren, and the men that were good and
righteous. And the prophet gave him notice in this epistle what
punishment he should undergo for these crimes, namely, the
destruction of his people, with the corruption of the king's own
wives and children; and that he should himself die of a distemper
in his bowels, with long torments, those his bowels falling out
by the violence of the inward rottenness of the parts, insomuch
that, though he see his own misery, he shall not be able at all
to help himself, but shall die in that manner. This it was which
Elijah denounced to him in that epistle.

3. It was not long after this that an army of those Arabians that
lived near to Ethiopia, and of the Philistines, fell upon the
kingdom of Jehoram, and spoiled the country and the king's house.
Moreover, they slew his sons and his wives: one only of his sons
was left him, who escaped the enemy; his name was Ahaziah; after
which calamity, he himself fell into that disease which was
foretold by the prophet, and lasted a great while, (for God
inflicted this punishment upon him in his belly, out of his wrath
against him,) and so he died miserably, and saw his own bowels
fall out. The people also abused his dead body; I suppose it was
because they thought that such his death came upon him by the
wrath of God, and that therefore he was not worthy to partake of
such a funeral as became kings. Accordingly, they neither buried
him in the sepulchers of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him any
honors, but buried him like a private man, and this when he had
lived forty years, and reigned eight. And the people of Jerusalem
delivered the government to his son Ahaziah.




CHAPTER 6.

How Jehu Was Anointed King, And Slew Both Joram And Ahaziah; As
Also What He Did For The Punishment Of The Wicked.


1. Now Joram, the king of Israel, after the death of Benhadad,
hoped that he might now take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the
Syrians. Accordingly he made an expedition against it, with a
great army; but as he was besieging it, an arrow was shot at him
by one of the Syrians, but the wound was not mortal. So he
returned to have his wound healed in Jezreel, but left his whole
army in Ramorb, and Jehu, the son of Nimshi, for their general;
for he had already taken the city by force; and he proposed,
after he was healed,: to make war with the Syrians; but Elisha
the prophet sent one of his disciples to Ramoth, and gave him
holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell him that God had chosen him
to be their king. He also sent him to say other things to him,
and bid him to take his journey as if he fled, that when he came
away he might escape the knowledge of all men. So when he was
come to the city, he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the
captains of the army, as Elisha had foretold he should find him.
So he came up to him, and said that he desired to speak with him
about certain matters; and when he was arisen, and had followed
him into an inward chamber, the young man took the oil, and
poured it on his head, and said that God ordained him to be king,
in order to his destroying the house of Ahab, and that he might
revenge the blood of the prophets that were unjustly slain by
Jezebel, that so their house might utterly perish, as those of
Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and of Baasha, had perished for their
wickedness, and no seed might remain of Ahab's family. So when he
had said this, he went away hastily out of the chamber, and
endeavored not to be seen by any of the army.

2. But Jehu came out, and went to the place where he before sat
with the captains; and when they asked him, and desired him to
tell them, wherefore it was that this young man came to him, and
added withal that he was mad, he replied, - "You guess right, for
the words he spake were the words of a madman;" and when they
were eager about the matter, and desired he would tell them, he
answered, that God had said he had chosen him to be king over the
multitude. When he had said this, every one of them put off his
garment, (15) and strewed it under him, and blew with trumpets,
and gave notice that Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the
army together, he was preparing to set out immediately against
Joram, at the city Jezreel, in which city, as we said before, he
was healing of the wound which he had received in the siege of
Ramoth. It happened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was now
come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as we have said
already, to see how he did after his wound, and this upon account
of their kindred; but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram,
and those with him, on the sudden, he desired that none of the
soldiers might run away and tell to Joram what had happened, for
that this would be an evident demonstration of their kindness to
him, and would show that their real inclinations were to make him
king.

3. So they were pleased with what he did, and guarded the roads,
lest somebody should privately tell the thing to those that were
at Jezreel. Now Jehu took his choice horsemen, and sat upon his
chariot, and went on for Jezreel; and when he was come near, the
watchman whom Joram had set there to spy out such as came to the
city, saw Jehu marching on, and told Joram that he saw a troop of
horsemen marching on. Upon which he immediately gave orders, that
one of his horsemen should be sent out to meet them, and to know
who it was that was coming. So when the horseman came up to Jehu,
he asked him in what condition the army was, for that the king
wanted to know it; but Jehu bid him not at all to meddle with
such matters, but to follow him. When the watchman saw this, he
told Joram that the horseman had mingled himself among the
company, and came along with them. And when the king had sent a
second messenger, Jehu commanded him to do as the former did; and
as soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he at last got
upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of
Jerusalem; for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram
did, after he had been wounded, as being his relation. So he went
out to meet Jehu, who marched slowly, (16) and in good order; and
when Joram met him in the field of Naboth, he asked him if all
things were well in the camp; but Jehu reproached him bitterly,
and ventured to call his mother a witch and a harlot. Upon this
the king, fearing what he intended, and suspecting he had no good
meaning, turned his chariot about as soon as he could, and said
to Ahaziah, "We are fought against by deceit and treachery." But
Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the arrow going through his
heart: so Joram fell down immediately on his knee, and gave up
the ghost. Jehu also gave orders to Bidkar, the captain of the
third part of his army, to cast the dead body of Joram into the
field of Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy which Elijah
prophesied to Ahab his father, when he had slain Naboth, that
both he and his family should perish in that place; for that as
they sat behind Ahab's chariot, they heard the prophet say so,
and that it was now come to pass according to his prophecy. Upon
the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of his own life, and turned
his chariot into another road, supposing he should not be seen by
Jehu; but he followed after him, and overtook him at a certain
acclivity, and drew his bow, and wounded him; so he left his
chariot, and got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu to Megiddo;
and though he was under cure, in a little time he died of that
wound, and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after he
had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked man, and worse than
his father.

4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel adorned herself and
stood upon a tower, and said, he was a fine servant that had
killed his master! And when he looked up to her, he asked who she
was, and commanded her to come down to him. At last he ordered
the eunuchs to throw her down from the tower; and being thrown
down, she be-sprinkled the wall with her blood, and was trodden
upon by the horses, and so died. When this was done, Jehu came to
the palace with his friends, and took some refreshment after his
journey, both with other things, and by eating a meal. He also
bid his servants to take up Jezebel and bury her, because of the
nobility of her blood, for she was descended from kings; but
those that were appointed to bury her found nothing else
remaining but the extreme parts of her body, for all the rest
were eaten by dogs. When Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy
of Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this manner
at Jezreel.

5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in Samaria. So Jehu sent
two epistles, the one to them that brought up the children, the
other to the rulers of Samaria, which said, that they should set
up the most valiant of Ahab's sons for king, for that they had
abundance of chariots, and horses, and armor, and a great army,
and fenced cities, and that by so doing they might avenge the
murder of Ahab. This he wrote to try the intentions of those of
Samaria. Now when the rulers, and those that had brought up the
children, had read the letter, they were afraid; and considering
that they were not at all able to oppose him, who had already
subdued two very great kings, they returned him this answer: That
they owned him for their lord, and would do whatsoever he bade
them. So he wrote back to them such a reply as enjoined them to
obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the heads of Ahab's
sons, and send them to him. Accordingly the rulers sent for those
that brought up the sons of Ahab, and commanded them to slay
them, to cut off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So they did
whatsoever they were commanded, without omitting any thing at
all, and put them up in wicker baskets, and sent them to Jezreel.
And when Jehu, as he was at supper with his friends, was informed
that the heads of Ahab's' sons were brought, he ordered them to
make two heaps of them, one before each of the gates; and in the
morning he went out to take a view of them, and when he saw them,
he began to say to the people that were present, that he did
himself make an expedition against his master [Joram], and slew
him, but that it was not he that slew all these; and he desired
them to take notice, that as to Ahab's family, all things had
come to pass according to God's prophecy, and his house was
perished, according as Elijah had foretold. And when he had
further destroyed all the kindred of Ahab that were found in
Jezreel, he went to Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met
the relations of Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked them
whither they were going? they replied, that they came to salute
Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for they knew not that he had
slain them both. So Jehu gave orders that they should catch
these, and kill them, being in number forty-two persons.

6. After these, there met him a good and a righteous man, whose
name was Jehonadab, and who had been his friend of old. He
saluted Jehu, and began to commend him, because he had done every
thing according to the will of God, in extirpating the house of
Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into his chariot, and make
his entry with him into Samaria; and told him that he would not
spare one wicked man, but would punish the false prophets, and
false priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and
persuaded them to leave the worship of God Almighty, and to
worship foreign gods; and that it was a most excellent and most
pleasing sight to a good and a righteous man to see the wicked
punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded by these arguments, and came
up into Jehu's chariot, and came to Samaria. And Jehu sought out
for all Ahab's kindred, and slew them. And being desirous that
none of the false prophets, nor the priests of Ahab's god, might
escape punishment, he caught them deceitfully by this wile; for
he gathered all the people together, and said that he would
worship twice as many gods as Ahab worshipped, and desired that
his priests, and prophets, and servants might be present, because
he would offer costly and great sacrifices to Ahab's god; and
that if any of his priests were wanting, they should be punished
with death. Now Ahab's god was called Baal; and when he had
appointed a day on which he would offer those sacrifices, he sent
messengers through all the country of the Israelites, that they
might bring the priests of Baal to him. So Jehu commanded to give
all the priests vestments; and when they had received them, he
went into the house [of Baal], with his friend Jehonadab, and
gave orders to make search whether there were not any foreigner
or stranger among them, for he would have no one of a different
religion to mix among their sacred offices. And when they said
that there was no stranger there, and they were beginning their
sacrifices, he set fourscore men without, they being such of his
soldiers as he knew to be most faithful to him, and bid them slay
the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of their country, which
had been a long time in disesteem. He also threatened, that if
any one of them escaped, their own lives should go for them. So
they slew them all with the sword, and burnt the house of Baal,
and by that means purged Samaria of foreign customs [idolatrous
worship]. Now this Baal was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in
order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal, who was the king of
Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him in Samaria, and appointed
him prophets, and worshipped him with all sorts of worship,
although, when this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the
Israelites to worship the golden heifers. However, because he had
done thus, and taken care to punish the wicked, God foretold by
his prophet that his sons should reign over Israel for four
generations. And in this condition was Jehu at this time.




CHAPTER 7.

How Athaliah Reigned Over Jerusalem For Five [Six] Years When
Jehoiada The High Priest Slew Her And Made Jehoash, The Son Of
Ahaziah, King.


1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, heard of the death of
her brother Joram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal
family, she endeavored that none of the house of David might be
left alive, but that the whole family might be exterminated, that
no king might arise out of it afterward; and, as she thought, she
had actually done it; but one of Ahaziah's sons was preserved,
who escaped death after the manner following: Ahaziah had a
sister by the same father, whose name was Jehosheba, and she was
married to the high priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's
palace, and found Jehoash, for that was the little child's name,
who was not above a year old, among those that were slain, but
concealed with his nurse; so she took him with her into a secret
bed-chamber, and shut him up there, and she and her husband
Jehoiada brought him up privately in the temple six years, during
which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem and the two tribes.

2. Now, on the Seventh year, Jehoiada communicated the matter to
certain of the captains of hundreds, five in number, and
persuaded them to be assisting to what attempts he was making
against Athaliah, and to join with him in asserting the kingdom
to the child. He also received such oaths from them as are proper
to secure those that assist one another from the fear of
discovery; and he was then of good hope that they should depose
Athaliah. Now those men whom Jehoiada the priest had taken to be
his partners went into all the country, and gathered together the
priests and the Levites, and the heads of the tribes out of it,
and came and brought them to Jerusalem to the high priest. So he
demanded the security of an oath of them, to keep private
whatsoever he should discover to them, which required both their
silence and their assistance. So when they had taken the oath,
and had thereby made it safe for him to speak, he produced the
child that he had brought up of the family of David, and said to
them, "This is your king, of that house which you know God hath
foretold should reign over you for all time to come. I exhort you
therefore that one-third part of you guard him in the temple, and
that a fourth part keep watch at all the gates of the temple, and
that the next part of you keep guard at the gate which opens and
leads to the king's palace, and let the rest of the multitude be
unarmed in the temple, and let no armed person go into the
temple, but the priest only." He also gave them this order
besides, "That a part of the priests and the Levites should be
about the king himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn
swords, and to kill that man immediately, whoever he be, that
should be so bold as to enter armed into the temple; and bid them
be afraid of nobody, but persevere in guarding the king." So
these men obeyed what the high priest advised them to, and
declared the reality of their resolution by their actions.
Jehoiada also opened that armory which David had made in the
temple, and distributed to the captains of hundreds, as also to
the priests and Levites, all the spears and quivers, and what
kind of weapons soever it contained, and set them armed in a
circle round about the temple, so as to touch one another's
hands, and by that means excluding those from entering that ought
not to enter. So they brought the child into the midst of them,
and put on him the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed him with
the oil, and made him king; and the multitude rejoiced, and made
a noise, and cried, "God save the king!"

3. When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult and the
acclamations, she was greatly disturbed in her mind, and suddenly
issued out of the royal palace with her own army; and when she
was come to the temple, the priests received her; but as for
those that stood round about the temple, as they were ordered by
the high priest to do, they hindered the armed inert that
followed her from going in. But when Athaliah saw the child
standing upon a pillar, with the royal crown upon his head, she
rent her clothes, and cried out vehemently, and commanded [her
guards] to kill him that had laid snares for her, and endeavored
to deprive her of the government. But Jehoiada called for the
captains of hundreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah to the
valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he would not have the
temple defiled with the punishments of this pernicious woman; and
he gave order, that if any one came near to help her, he should
be slain also; wherefore those that had the charge of her
slaughter took hold of her, and led her to the gate of the king's
mules, and slew her there.

4. Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah was by this stratagem,
after this manner, despatched, Jehoiada called together the
people and the armed men into the temple, and made them take an
oath that they would be obedient to the king, and take care of
his safety, and of the safety of his government; after which he
obliged the king to give security [upon oath] that he would
worship God, and not transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran
to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and her husband Jehoram had
built, to the dishonor of the God of their fathers, and to the
honor of Ahab, and demolished it, and slew Mattan, that had his
priesthood. But Jehoiada intrusted the care and custody of the
temple to the priests and Levites, according to the appointment
of king David, and enjoined them to bring their regular
burnt-offerings twice a day, and to offer incense according to
the law. He also ordained some of the Levites, with the porters,
to be a guard to the temple, that no one that was defiled might
come there.

5. And when Jehoiada had set these things in order, he, with the
captains of hundreds, and the rulers, and all the people, took
Jehoash out of the temple into the king's palace; and when he had
set him upon the king's throne, the people shouted for joy, and
betook themselves to feasting, and kept a festival for many days;
but the city was quiet upon the death of Athaliah. Now Jehoash
was seven years old when he took the kingdom. His mother's name
was Zibiah, of the city Beersheba. And all the time that Jehoiada
lived Jehoash was careful that the laws should be kept, and very
zealous in the worship of God; and when he was of age, he married
two wives, who were given to him by the high priest, by whom were
born to him both sons and daughters. And thus much shall suffice
to have related concerning king Jehoash, how he escaped the
treachery of Athaliah, and how he received the kingdom.




CHAPTER 8.

Hazael Makes An Expedition Against The People Of Israel And The
Inhabitants Of Jerusalem. Jehu Dies, And Jehoahaz Succeeds In The
Government. Jehoash The King Of Jerusalem At First Is Careful
About The Worship Of God But Afterwards Becomes Impious And
Commands Zechariah To Be Stoned. When Jehoash [King Of Judah] Was
Dead, Amaziah Succeeds Him In The Kingdom.


1. Now Hazael, king of Syria, fought against the Israelites and
their king Jehu, and spoiled the eastern parts of the country
beyond Jordan, which belonged to the Reubenites and Gadites, and
to [the half tribe of] Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan,
burning, and spoiling, and offering violence to all that he laid
his hands on, and this without impeachment from Jehu, who made no
haste to defend the country when it was under this distress; nay,
he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser of
holiness, and of the laws, and died when he had reigned over the
Israelites twenty-seven years. He was buried in Samaria, and left
Jehoahaz his son his successor in the government.

2. Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had an inclination to repair
the temple of God; so he called Jehoiada, and bid him send the
Levites and priests through all the country, to require half a
shekel of silver for every head, towards the rebuilding and
repairing of the temple, which was brought to decay by Jehoram,
and Athaliah and her sons. But the high priest did not do this,
as concluding that no one would willingly pay that money; but in
the twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign, when the king sent for
him and the Levites, and complained that they had not obeyed what
he enjoined them, and still commanded them to take care of the
rebuilding the temple, he used this stratagem for collecting the
money, with which the multitude was pleased. He made a wooden
chest, and closed it up fast on all sides, but opened one hole in
it; he then set it in the temple beside the altar, and desired
every one to cast into it, through the hole, what he pleased, for
the repair of the temple. This contrivance was acceptable to the
people, and they strove one with another, and brought in jointly
large quantities of silver and gold; and when the scribe and the
priest that were over the treasuries had emptied the chest, and
counted the money in the king's presence, they then set it in its
former place, and thus did they every day. But when the multitude
appeared to have cast in as much as was wanted, the high priest
Jehoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons and carpenters, and
to buy large pieces of timber, and of the most curious sort; and
when they had repaired the temple, they made use of the remaining
gold and silver, which was not a little, for bowls, and basons,
and cups, and other vessels, and they went on to make the altar
every day fat with sacrifices of great value. And these things
were taken suitable care of as long as Jehoiada lived.

3. But as soon as he was dead (which was when he had lived one
hundred and thirty years, having been a righteous, and in every
respect a very good man, and was buried in the king's sepulchers
at Jerusalem, because he had recovered the kingdom to the family
of David) king Jehoash betrayed his [want of] care about God. The
principal men of the people were corrupted also together with
him, and offended against their duty, and what their constitution
determined to be most for their good. Hereupon God was displeased
with the change that was made on the king, and on the rest of the
people, and sent prophets to testify to them what their actions
were, and to bring them to leave off their wickedness; but they
had gotten such a strong affection and so violent an inclination
to it, that neither could the examples of those that had offered
affronts to the laws, and had been so severely punished, they and
their entire families, nor could the fear of what the prophets
now foretold, bring them to repentance, and turn them back from
their course of transgression to their former duty. But the king
commanded that Zechariah, the son of the high priest Jehoiada,
should be stoned to death in the temple, and forgot the
kindnesses he had received from his father; for when God had
appointed him to prophesy, he stood in the midst of the
multitude, and gave this counsel to them and to the king: That
they should act righteously; and foretold to them, that if they
would not hearken to his admonitions, they should suffer a heavy
punishment. But as Zechariah was ready to die, he appealed to God
as a witness of what he suffered for the good counsel he had
given them, and how he perished after a most severe and violent
manner for the good deeds his father had done to Jehoash.

4. However, it was not long before the king suffered punishment
for his transgression; for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an
irruption into his country, and when he had overthrown Gath, and
spoiled it, he made an expedition against Jerusalem; upon which
Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the treasures of God and of
the kings [before him], and took down the gifts that had been
dedicated [in the temple], and sent them to the king of Syria,
and procured so much by them, that he was not besieged, nor his
kingdom quite endangered; but Hazael was induced by the greatness
of the sum of money not to bring his army against Jerusalem; yet
Jehoash fell into a severe distemper, and was set upon by his
friends, in order to revenge the death of Zechariah, the son of
Jehoiada. These laid snares for the king, and slew him. He was
indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal sepulchers of
his forefathers, because of his impiety. He lived forty-seven
years, and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom.

5. In the one and twentieth year of the reign of Jehoash,
Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu, took the government of the Israelites
in Samaria, and held it seventeen years. He did not [properly]
imitate his father, but was guilty of as wicked practices as hose
that first had God in contempt: but the king of Syria brought him
low, and by an expedition against him did so greatly reduce his
forces, that there remained no more of so great an army than ten
thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He also took away from
him his great cities, and many of them also, and destroyed his
army. And these were the things that the people of Israel
suffered, according to the prophecy of Elisha, when he foretold
that Hazael should kill his master, and reign over the Syrians
and Damcenes. But when Jehoahaz was under such unavoidable
miseries, he had recourse to prayer and supplication to God, and
besought him to deliver him out of the hands of Hazael, and not
overlook him, and give him up into his hands. Accordingly God
accepted of his repentance instead of virtue; and being desirous
rather to admonish those that might repent, and not to determine
that they should be utterly destroyed, he granted him deliverance
from war and dangers. So the country having obtained peace,
returned again to its former condition, and flourished as before.

6. Now after the death of Jehoahaz, his son Joash took the
kingdom, in the thirty-seventh year of Jehoash, the king of the
tribe of Judah. This Joash then took the kingdom of Israel in
Samaria, for he had the same name with the king of Jerusalem, and
he retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was a good man, (17)
and in his disposition was not at all like his father. Now at
this time it was that when Elisha the prophet, who was already
very old, and was now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel
came to visit him; and when he found him very near death, he
began to weep in his sight, and lament, to call him his father,
and his weapons, because it was by his means that he never made
use of his weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame his
own adversaries by his prophecies, without fighting; and that he
was now departing this life, and leaving him to the Syrians, that
were already armed, and to other enemies of his that were under
their power; so he said it was not safe for him to live any
longer, but that it would be well for him to hasten to his end,
and depart out of this life with him. As the king was thus
bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him, and bid the king bend a
bow that was brought him; and when the king had fitted the bow
for shooting, Elisha took hold of his hands and bid him shoot;
and when he had shot three arrows, and then left off, Elisha
said, "If thou hadst shot more arrows, thou hadst cut the kingdom
of Syria up by the roots; but since thou hast been satisfied with
shooting three times only, thou shalt fight and beat the Syrians
no more times than three, that thou mayst recover that country
which they cut off from thy kingdom in the reign of thy father."
So when the king had heard that, he departed; and a little while
after the prophet died. He was a man celebrated for
righteousness, and in eminent favor with God. He also performed
wonderful and surprising works by prophecy, and such as were
gloriously preserved in memory by the Hebrews. He also obtained a
magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as it was fit a person so
beloved of God should have. It also happened, that at that time
certain robbers cast a man whom they had slain into Elisha's
grave, and upon his dead body coming close to Elisha's body, it
revived again. And thus far have we enlarged about the actions of
Elisha the prophet, both such as he did while he was alive, and
how he had a Divine power after his death also.

7. Now, upon the death of Hazael, the king of Syria, that kingdom
came to Adad his son, with whom Joash, king of Israel, made war;
and when he had beaten him in three battles, he took from him all
that country, and all those cities and villages, which his father
Hazael had taken from the kingdom of Israel, which came to pass,
however, according to the prophecy of Elisha. But when Joash
happened to die, he was buried in Samaria, and the government
devolved on his son Jeroboam.




CHAPTER 9.

How Amaziah Made An Expedition Against The Edomites And
Amalekites And Conquered Them; But When He Afterwards Made War
Against Joash, He Was Beaten And Not Long After Was Slain, And
Uzziah Succeeded In The Government.


1. Now, in the second year of the reign of Joash over Israel,
Amaziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His
mother's name was Jehoaddan, who was born at Jerusalem. He was
exceeding careful of doing what was right, and this when he was
very young; but when he came to the management of affairs, and to
the government, he resolved that he ought first of all to avenge
his father Je-hoash, and to punish those his friends that had
laid violent hands upon him: so he seized upon them all, and put
them to death; yet did he execute no severity on their children,
but acted therein according to the laws of Moses, who did not
think it just to punish children for the sins of their fathers.
After this he chose him an army out of the tribe of Judah and
Benjamin, of such as were in the flower of their age, and about
twenty years old; and when he had collected about three hundred
thousand of them together, he set captains of hundreds over them.
He also sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hundred thousand
of his soldiers for a hundred talents of silver, for he had
resolved to make an expedition against the nations of the
Amatekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites: but as he was preparing
for his expedition, and ready to go out to the war, a prophet
gave him counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites, because
they were bad men, and because God foretold that he should be
beaten, if he made use of them as auxiliaries; but that he should
overcome his enemies, though he had but a few soldiers, when it
so pleased God. And when the king grudged at his having already
paid the hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him to do
what God would have him, because he should thereby obtain much
wealth from God. So he dismissed them, and said that he still
freely gave them their pay, and went himself with his own army,
and made war with the nations before mentioned; and when he had
beaten them in battle, he slew of them ten thousand, and took as
many prisoners alive, whom he brought to the great rock which is
in Arabia, and threw them down from it headlong. He also brought
away a great deal of prey and vast riches from those nations. But
while Amaziah was engaged in this expedition, those Israelites
whom he had hired, and then dismissed, were very uneasy at it,
and taking their dismission for an affront, (as supposing that
this would not have been done to them but out of contempt,) they
fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded to spoil the country as far
as Beth-horon, and took much cattle, and slew three thousand men.

2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah had gotten, and the great
acts he had done, he was puffed up, and began to overlook God,
who had given him the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods
he had brought out of the country of the Amalekites. So a prophet
came to him, and said, that he wondered how he could esteem these
to be gods, who had been of no advantage to their own people who
paid them honors, nor had delivered them from his hands, but had
overlooked the destruction of many of them, and had suffered
themselves to be carried captive, for that they had been carried
to Jerusalem in the same manner as any one might have taken some
of the enemy alive, and led them thither. This reproof provoked
the king to anger, and he commanded the prophet to hold his
peace, and threatened to punish him if he meddled with his
conduct. So he replied, that he should indeed hold his peace; but
foretold withal, that God would not overlook his attempts for
innovation. But Amaziah was not able to contain himself under
that prosperity which God had given him, although he had
affronted God thereupon; but in a vein of insolence he wrote to
Joash, the king of Israel, and commanded that he and all his
people should be obedient to him, as they had formerly been
obedient to his progenitors, David and Solomon; and he let him
know, that if he would not be so wise as to do what he commanded
him, he must fight for his dominion. To which message Joash
returned this answer in writing: "King Joash to king Amaziah.
There was a vastly tall cypress tree in Mount Lebanon, as also a
thistle; this thistle sent to the cypress tree to give the
cypress tree's daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but as
the thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and trod
down the thistle: and this may be a lesson to thee, not to be so
ambitious, and to have a care, lest upon thy good success in the
fight against the Amalekites thou growest so proud, as to bring
dangers upon thyself and upon thy kingdom."

3. When Amaziah had read this letter, he was more eager upon this
expedition, which, I suppose, was by the impulse of God, that he
might be punished for his offense against him. But as soon as he
led out his army against Joash, and they were going to join
battle with him, there came such a fear and consternation upon
the army of Amaziah, as God, when he is displeased, sends upon
men, and discomfited them, even before they came to a close
fight. Now it happened, that as they were scattered about by the
terror that was upon them, Amaziah was left alone, and was taken
prisoner by the enemy; whereupon Joash threatened to kill him,
unless he would persuade the people of Jerusalem to open their
gates to him, and receive him and his army into the city.
Accordingly Amaziah was so distressed, and in such fear of his
life, that he made his enemy to be received into the city. So
Joash over threw a part of the wall, of the length of four
hundred cubits, and drove his chariot through the breach into
Jerusalem, and led Amaziah captive along with him; by which means
he became master of Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of
God, and carried off all the gold and silver that was in the
king's palace, and then freed the king from captivity, and
returned to Samaria. Now these things happened to the people of
Jerusalem in the fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who
after this had a conspiracy made against him by his friends, and
fled to the city Lachish, and was there slain by the
conspirators, who sent men thither to kill him. So they took up
his dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem, and made a royal
funeral for him. This was the end of the life of Amaziah, because
of his innovations in religion, and his contempt of God, when he
had lived fifty-four years, and had reigned twenty-nine. He was
succeeded by his son, whose name was Uzziah.




CHAPTER 10.

Concerning Jeroboam King Of Israel And Jonah The Prophet; And How
After The Death Of Jeroboam His Son Zachariah Took The
Government. How Uzziah, King Of Jerusalem, Subdued The Nations
That Were Round About Him; And What Befell Him When He Attempted
To Offer Incense To God.


1. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, Jeroboam the
son of Joash reigned over Israel in Samaria forty years. This
king was guilty of contumely against God, (18) and became very
wicked in worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings that
were absurd and foreign. He was also the cause of ten thousand
misfortunes to the people of Israel. Now one Jonah, a prophet,
foretold to him that he should make war with the Syrians, and
conquer their army, and enlarge the bounds of his kingdom on the
northern parts to the city Hamath, and on the southern to the
lake Asphaltitis; for the bounds of the Canaanites originally
were these, as Joshua their general had determined them. So
Jeroboam made an expedition against the Syrians, and overran all
their country, as Jonah had foretold.

2. Now I cannot but think it necessary for me, who have promised
to give an accurate account of our affairs, to describe the
actions of this prophet, so far as I have found them written down
in the Hebrew books. Jonah had been commanded by God to go to the
kingdom of Nineveh; and when he was there, to publish it in that
city, how it should lose the dominion it had over the nations.
But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran away from God to the
city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went into it, and
sailed to Tarsus, in Cilicia (19) and upon the rise of a most
terrible storm, which was so great that the ship was in danger of
sinking, the mariners, the master, and the pilot himself, made
prayers and vows, in case they escaped the sea: but Jonah lay
still and covered [in the ship,] without imitating any thing that
the others did; but as the waves grew greater, and the sea became
more violent by the winds, they suspected, as is usual in such
cases, that some one of the persons that sailed with them was the
occasion of this storm, and agreed to discover by lot which of
them it was. When they had cast lots, (21) the lot fell upon the
prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and what he had
done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet
of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea,
if they would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the
occasion of the storm which was upon them. Now at the first they
durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a man who
was a stranger, and who had committed his life to them, into such
manifest perdition; but at last, when their misfortune overbore
them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, and when they
were animated to do it by the prophet himself, and by the fear
concerning their own safety, they cast him into the sea; upon
which the sea became calm. It is also reported that Jonah was
swallowed down by a whale, and that when he had been there three
days, and as many nights, he was vomited out upon the Euxine Sea,
and this alive, and without any hurt upon his body; and there, on
his prayer to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went to
the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be heard, and preached,
that in a very little time they should lose the dominion of Asia.
And when he had published this, he returned. Now I have given
this account about him as I found it written [in our books.]

3. When Jeroboam the king had passed his life in great happiness,
and had ruled forty years, he died, and was buried in Samaria,
and his son Zachariah took the kingdom. After the same manner did
Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes in
Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Jeroboam. He
was born of Jecoliah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jerusalem.
He was a good man, and by nature righteous and magnanimous, and
very laborious in taking care of the affairs of his kingdom. He
made an expedition also against the Philistines, and overcame
them in battle, and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and brake
down their walls; after which expedition he assaulted those Arabs
that adjoined to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Red Sea,
and put a garrison into it. He, after this, overthrew the
Ammonites, and appointed that they should pay tribute. He also
overcame all the countries as far as the bounds of Egypt, and
then began to take care of Jerusalem itself for the rest of his
life; for he rebuilt and repaired all those parts of the wall
which had either fallen down by length of time, or by the
carelessness of the kings, his predecessors, as well as all that
part which had been thrown down by the king of Israel, when he
took his father Amaziah prisoner, and entered with him into the
city. Moreover, he built a great many towers, of one hundred and
fifty cubits high, and built walled towns in desert places, and
put garrisons into them, and dug many channels for conveyance of
water. He had also many beasts for labor, and an immense number
of cattle; for his country was fit for pasturage. He was also
given to husbandry, and took care to cultivate the ground, and
planted it with all sorts of plants, and sowed it with all sorts
of seeds. He had also about him an army composed of chosen men,
in number three hundred and seventy thousand, who were governed
by general officers and captains of thousands, who were men of
valor, and of unconquerable strength, in number two thousand. He
also divided his whole army into bands, and armed them, giving
every one a sword, with brazen bucklers and breastplates, with
bows and slings; and besides these, he made for them many engines
of war for besieging of cities, such as cast stones and darts,
with grapplers, and other instruments of that sort.

4. While Uzziah was in this state, and making preparation [for
futurity], he was corrupted in his mind by pride, and became
insolent, and this on account of that abundance which he had of
things that will soon perish, and despised that power which is of
eternal duration (which consisted in piety towards God, and in
the observation of the laws); so he fell by occasion of the good
success of his affairs, and was carried headlong into those sins
of his father, which the splendor of that prosperity he enjoyed,
and the glorious actions he had done, led him into, while he was
not able to govern himself well about them. Accordingly, when a
remarkable day was come, and a general festival was to be
celebrated, he put on the holy garment, and went into the temple
to offer incense to God upon the golden altar, which he was
prohibited to do by Azariah the high priest, who had fourscore
priests with him, and who told him that it was not lawful for him
to offer sacrifice, and that "none besides the posterity of Aaron
were permitted so to do." And when they cried out that he must go
out of the temple, and not transgress against God, he was wroth
at them, and threatened to kill them, unless they would hold
their peace. In the mean time a great earthquake shook the ground
(26) and a rent was made in the temple, and the bright rays of
the sun shone through it, and fell upon the king's face, insomuch
that the leprosy seized upon him immediately. And before the
city, at a place called Eroge, half the mountain broke off from
the rest on the west, and rolled itself four furlongs, and stood
still at the east mountain, till the roads, as well as the king's
gardens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now, as soon as the
priests saw that the king's face was infected with the leprosy,
they told him of the calamity he was under, and commanded that he
should go out of the city as a polluted person. Hereupon he was
so confounded at the sad distemper, and sensible that he was not
at liberty to contradict, that he did as he was commanded, and
underwent this miserable and terrible punishment for an intention
beyond what befitted a man to have, and for that impiety against
God which was implied therein. So he abode out of the city for
some time, and lived a private life, while his son Jotham took
the government; after which he died with grief and anxiety at
what had happened to him, when he had lived sixty-eight years,
and reigned of them fifty-two; and was buried by himself in his
own gardens.




CHAPTER 11.

How Zachariah Shallum, Menahem Pekahiah And Pekah Took The
Government Over The Israelites; And How Pul And Tiglath-Pileser
Made An Expedition Against The Israelites. How Jotham, The Son Of
Uzziah Reigned Over The Tribe Of Judah; And What Things Nahum
Prophesied Against The Assyrians.


1. Now when Zachariah, the son of Jeroboam, had reigned six
months over Israel, he was slain by the treachery of a certain
friend of his, whose name was Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who
took the kingdom afterward, but kept it no longer than thirty
days; for Menahem, the general of his army, who was at that time
in the city Tirzah, and heard of what had befallen Zachariah,
removed thereupon with all his forces to Samaria, and joining
battle with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made himself king,
he went thence, and came to the city Tiphsah; but the citizens
that were in it shut their gates, and barred them against the
king, and would not admit him: but in order to be avenged on
them, he burnt the country round about it, and took the city by
force, upon a siege; and being very much displeased at what the
inhabitants of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, and spared not
so much as the infants, without omitting the utmost instances of
cruelty and barbarity; for he used such severity upon his own
countrymen, as would not be pardonable with regard to strangers
who had been conquered by him. And after this manner it was that
this Menahem continued to reign with cruelty and barbarity for
ten years. But when Pul, king of Assyria, had made an expedition
against him, he did not think meet to fight or engage in battle
with the Assyrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand
talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an end to the war.
This sum the multitude collected for Menahem, by exacting fifty
drachme as poll-money for every head; (23) after which he died,
and was buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his
successor in the kingdom, who followed the barbarity of his
father, and so ruled but two years only, after which he was slain
with his friends at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the
general of his horse, and the son of Remaliah, who laid snares
for him. Now this Pekah held the government twenty years, and
proved a wicked man and a transgressor. But the king of Assyria,
whose name was Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expedition
against the Israelites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead,
and the region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is
called Galilee, and Kadesh, and Hazor, he made the inhabitants
prisoners, and transplanted them into his own kingdom. And so
much shall suffice to have related here concerning the king of
Assyria.

2. Now Jotham the son of Uzziah reigned over the tribe of Judah
in Jerusalem, being a citizen thereof by his mother, whose name
was Jerusha. This king was not defective in any virtue, but was
religious towards God, and righteous towards men, and careful of
the good of the city (for what part soever wanted to be repaired
or adorned he magnificently repaired and adorned them). He also
took care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple, and
repaired the walls that were fallen down, and built very great
towers, and such as were almost impregnable; and if any thing
else in his kingdom had been neglected, he took great care of it.
He also made an expedition against the Ammonites, and overcame
them in battle, and ordered them to pay tribute, a hundred
talents, and ten thousand cori of wheat, and as many of barley,
every year, and so augmented his kingdom, that his enemies could
not despise it, and his own people lived happily.

3. Now there was at that time a prophet, whose name was Nahum,
who spake after this manner concerning the overthrow of the
Assyrians and of Nineveh: "Nineveh shall be a pool of water in
motion (23) so shall all her people be troubled, and tossed, and
go away by flight, while they say one to another, Stand, stand
still, seize their gold and silver, for there shall be no one to
wish them well, for they will rather save their lives than their
money; for a terrible contention shall possess them one with
another, and lamentation, and loosing of the members, and their
countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And there will
be the den of the lions, and the mother of the young lions! God
says to thee, Nineveh, that they shall deface thee, and the lion
shall no longer go out from thee to give laws to the world." And
indeed this prophet prophesied many other things besides these
concerning Nineveh, which I do not think necessary to repeat, and
I here omit them, that I may not appear troublesome to my
readers; all which thing happened about Nineveh a hundred and
fifteen years afterward: so this may suffice to have spoken of
these matters.




CHAPTER 12.

How Upon The Death Of Jotham, Ahaz Reigned In His Stead; Against
Whom Rezin, King Of Syria And Pekah King Of Israel, Made War; And
How Tiglath-Pileser, King Of Assyria Came To The Assistance Of
Ahaz, And Laid Syria Waste And Removing The Damascenes Into Media
Placed Other Nations In Their Room.


1. Now Jotham died when he had lived forty-one years, and of them
reigned sixteen, and was buried in the sepulchers of the kings;
and the kingdom came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious
towards God, and a transgressor of the laws of his country. He
imitated the kings of Israel, and reared altars in Jerusalem, and
offered sacrifices upon them to idols; to which also he offered
his own son as a burnt-offering, according to the practices of
the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the same sort. Now
as he was going on in this mad course, Rezin, the king of Syria
and Damascus, and Pekah, the king of Israel, who were now at
amity one with another, made war with him; and when they had
driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged that city a long while,
making but a small progress, on account of the strength of its
walls; and when the king of Syria had taken the city Elath, upon
the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled it with
Syrians; and when he had slain those in the [other] garrisons,
and the Jews in their neighborhood, and had driven away much
prey, he returned with his army back to Damascus. Now when the
king of Jerusalem knew that the Syrians were returned home, he,
supposing himself a match for the king of Israel, drew out his
army against him, and joining battle with him was beaten; and
this happened because God was angry with him, on account of his
many and great enormities. Accordingly there were slain by the
Israelites one hundred and twenty thousand of his men that day,
whose general, Amaziah by name, slew Zechariah the king's son, in
his conflict with Ahaz, as well as the governor of the kingdom,
whose name was Azricam. He also carried Elkanah, the general of
the troops of the tribe of Judah, into captivity. They also
carried the women and children of the tribe of Benjamin captives;
and when they had gotten a great deal of prey, they returned to
Samaria.

2. Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet at that time in
Samaria; he met the army before the city walls, and with a loud
voice told them that they had gotten the victory not by their own
strength, but by reason of the anger God had against king Ahaz.
And he complained that they were not satisfied with the good
success they had had against him, but were so bold as to make
captives out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and Benjamin.
He also gave them counsel to let them go home without doing them
any harm, for that if they did not obey God herein, they should
be punished. So the people of Israel came together to their
assembly, and considered of these matters, when a man whose name
was Berechiah, and who was one of chief reputation in the
government, stood up, and the others with him, and said, "We will
not suffer the citizens to bring these prisoners into the city,
lest we be all destroyed by God; we have sins enough of our own
that we have committed against him, as the prophets assure us;
nor ought we therefore to introduce the practice of new crimes."
When the soldiers heard that, they permitted them to do what they
thought best. So the forenamed men took the captives, and let
them go, and took care of them, and gave them provisions, and
sent them to their own country, without doing them any harm.
However, these four went along with them, and conducted them as
far as Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem, and returned to
Samaria.

3. Hereupon king Ahaz, having been so thoroughly beaten by the
Israelites, sent to Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and
sued for assistance from him in his war against the Israelites,
and Syrians, and Damascenes, with a promise to send him much
money; he sent him also great presents at the same time. Now this
king, upon the reception of those ambassadors, came to assist
Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and laid their country
waste, and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their king, and
transplanted the people of Damascus into the Upper Media, and
brought a colony of Assyrians, and planted them in Damascus. He
also afflicted the land of Israel, and took many captives out of
it. While he was doing thus with the Syrians, king Ahaz took all
the gold that was in the king's treasures, and the silver, and
what was in the temple of God, and what precious gifts were
there, and he carried them with him, and came to Damascus, and
gave it to the king of Assyria, according to his agreement. So he
confessed that he owed him thanks for all he had done for him,
and returned to Jerusalem. Now this king was so sottish and
thoughtless of what was for his own good, that he would not leave
off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was beaten by them, but
he went on in worshipping them, as though they would procure him
the victory; and when he was beaten again, he began to honor the
gods of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous to honor any
other gods than his own paternal and true God, whose anger was
the cause of his defeat; nay, he proceeded to such a degree of
despite and contempt [of God's worship], that he shut up the
temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in the appointed
sacrifices, and took away the gifts that had been given to it.
And when he had offered these indignities to God, he died, having
lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned sixteen; and he left
his son Hezekiah for his successor.




CHAPTER 13.

How Pekah Died By The Treachery Of Hoshea Who Was A Little After
Subdued By Shalmaneser; And How Hezekiah Reigned Instead Of Ahaz;
And What Actions Of Piety And Justice He Did.


1. About the same time Pekah, the king of Israel, died by the
treachery of a friend of his, whose name was Hoshea, who retained
the kingdom nine years' time, but was a wicked man, and a
despiser of the Divine worship; and Shalmaneser, the king of
Assyria, made an expedition against him, and overcame him, (which
must have been because he had not God favorable nor assistant to
him,) and brought him to submission, and ordered him to pay an
appointed tribute. Now, in the fourth year of the reign of
Hoshea, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, began to reign in Jerusalem;
and his mother's name was Abijah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His
nature was good, and righteous, and religious; for when he came
to the kingdom, he thought that nothing was prior, or more
necessary, or more advantageous to himself, and to his subjects,
than to worship God. Accordingly, he called the people together,
and the priests, and the Levites, and made a speech to them, and
said, "You are not ignorant how, by the sins of my father, who
transgressed that sacred honor which was due to God, you have had
experience of many and great miseries, while you were corrupted
in your mind by him, and were induced to worship those which he
supposed to be gods; I exhort you, therefore, who have learned by
sad experience how dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that
immediately out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from
your former pollutions, and to open the temple to these priests
and Levites who are here convened, and to cleanse it with the
accustomed sacrifices, and to recover all to the ancient honor
which our fathers paid to it; for by this means we may render God
favorable, and he will remit the anger he hath had to us."

2. When the king had said this, the priests opened the temple;
and when they had set in order the vessels of God, and east out
what was impure, they laid the accustomed sacrifices upon the
altar. The king also sent to the country that was under him, and
called the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast of
unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a long time, on
account of the wickedness of the forementioned kings. He also
sent to the Israelites, and exhorted them to leave off their
present way of living, and return to their ancient practices, and
to worship God, for that he gave them leave to come to Jerusalem,
and to celebrate, all in one body, the feast of unleavened bread;
and this he said was by way of invitation only, and to be done of
their own good-will, and for their own advantage, and not out of
obedience to him, because it would make them happy. But the
Israelites, upon the coming of the ambassadors, and upon their
laying before them what they had in charge from their own king,
were so far from complying therewith, that they laughed the
ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them as fools: as also they
affronted the prophets, which gave them the same exhortations,
and foretold what they would suffer if they did not return to the
worship of God, insomuch that at length they caught them, and
slew them; nor did this degree of transgressing suffice them, but
they had more wicked contrivances than what have been described:
nor did they leave off, before God, as a punishment for their
impiety, brought them under their enemies: but of that more
hereafter. However, many there were of the tribe of Manasseh, and
of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who were obedient to what the
prophets exhorted them to do, and returned to the worship of God.
Now all these came running to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, that they
might worship God [there].

3. When these men were come, king Hezekiah went up into the
temple, with the rulers and all the people, and offered for
himself seven bulls, and as many rams, with seven lambs, and as
many kids of the goats. The king also himself, and the rulers,
laid their hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and permitted
the priests to complete the sacred offices about them. So they
both slew the sacrifices, and burnt the burnt-offerings, while
the Levites stood round about them, with their musical
instruments, and sang hymns to God, and played on their
psalteries, as they were instructed by David to do, and this
while the rest of the priests returned the music, and sounded the
trumpets which they had in their hands; and when this was done,
the king and the multitude threw themselves down upon their face,
and worshipped God. He also sacrificed seventy bulls, one hundred
rams, and two hundred lambs. He also granted the multitude
sacrifices to feast upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand
other cattle; and the priests performed all things according to
the law. Now the king was so pleased herewith, that he feasted
with the people, and returned thanks to God; but as the feast of
unleavened bread was now come, when they had offered that
sacrifice which is called the passover, they after that offered
other sacrifices for seven days. When the king had bestowed on
the multitude, besides what they sanctified of themselves, two
thousand bulls, and seven thousand other cattle, the same thing
was done by the rulers; for they gave them a thousand bulls, and
a thousand and forty other cattle. Nor had this festival been so
well observed from the days of king Solomon, as it was now first
observed with great splendor and magnificence; and when the
festival was ended, they went out into the country and purged it,
and cleansed the city of all the pollution of the idols. The king
also gave order that the daily sacrifices should be offered, at
his own charges, and according to the law; and appointed that the
tithes and the first-fruits should be given by the multitude to
the priests and Levites, that they might constantly attend upon
Divine service, and never be taken off from the worship of God.
Accordingly, the multitude brought together all sorts of their
fruits to the priests and the Levites. The king also made garners
and receptacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every
one of the priests and Levites, and to their children and wives;
and thus did they return to their old form of Divine worship. Now
when the king had settled these matters after the manner already
described, he made war upon the Philistines, and beat them, and
possessed himself of all the enemy's cities, from Gaza to Gath;
but the king of Assyria sent to him, and threatened to overturn
all his dominions, unless he would pay him the tribute which his
father paid him formerly; but king Hezekiah was not concerned at
his threatenings, but depended on his piety towards God, and upon
Isaiah the prophet, by whom he inquired and accurately knew all
future events. And thus much shall suffice for the present
concerning this king Hezekiah.




CHAPTER 14.

How Shalmaneser Took Samaria By Force And How He Transplanted The
Ten Tribes Into Media, And Brought The Nation Of The Cutheans
Into Their Country [In Their Room].


1. When Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had it told him, that
[Hoshea] the king of Israel had sent privately to So, the king of
Egypt, desiring his assistance against him, he was very angry,
and made an expedition against Samaria, in the seventh year of
the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not admitted [into the city]
by the king, (24) he besieged Samaria three years, and took it by
force in the ninth year of the reign of Hoshea, and in the
seventh year of Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem, and quite demolished
the government of the Israelites, and transplanted all the people
into Media and Persia among whom he took king Hoshea alive; and
when he had removed these people out of this their land he
transplanted other nations out of Cuthah, a place so called, (for
there is [still] a river of that name in Persia,) into Samaria,
and into the country of the Israelites. So the ten tribes of the
Israelites were removed out of Judea nine hundred and forty-seven
years after their forefathers were come out of the land of Egypt,
and possessed themselves of the country, but eight hundred years
after Joshua had been their leader, and, as I have already
observed, two hundred and forty years, seven months, and seven
days after they had revolted from Rehoboam, the grandson of
David, and had given the kingdom to Jeroboam. And such a
conclusion overtook the Israelites, when they had transgressed
the laws, and would not hearken to the prophets, who foretold
that this calamity would come upon them, if they would not leave
off their evil doings. What gave birth to these evil doings, was
that sedition which they raised against Rehoboam, the grandson of
David, when they set up Jeroboam his servant to be their king,
when, by sinning against God, and bringing them to imitate his
bad example, made God to be their enemy, while Jeroboam underwent
that punishment which he justly deserved.

2. And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria and Phoenicia in
a hostile manner. The name of this king is also set down in the
archives of Tyre, for he made an expedition against Tyre in the
reign of Eluleus; and Menander attests to it, who, when he wrote
his Chronology, and translated the archives of Tyre into the
Greek language, gives us the following history: "One whose name
was Eluleus reigned thirty-six years; this king, upon the revolt
of the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again to a
submission. Against these did the king of Assyria send an army,
and in a hostile manner overrun all Phoenicia, but soon made
peace with them all, and returned back; but Sidon, and Ace, and
Palsetyrus revolted; and many other cities there were which
delivered themselves up to the king of Assyria. Accordingly, when
the Tyrians would not submit to him, the king returned, and fell
upon them again, while the Phoenicians had furnished him with
threescore ships, and eight hundred men to row them; and when the
Tyrians had come upon them in twelve ships, and the enemy's ships
were dispersed, they took five hundred men prisoners, and the
reputation of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby increased; but
the king of Assyria returned, and placed guards at their rivers
and aqueducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from drawing water.
This continued for five years; and still the Tyrians bore the
siege, and drank of the water they had out of the wells they
dug." And this is what is written in the Tyrian archives
concerning Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria.

3. But now the Cutheans, who removed into Samaria, (for that is
the name they have been called by to this time, because they were
brought out of the country called Cuthah, which is a country of
Persia, and there is a river of the same name in it,) each of
them, according to their nations, which were in number five,
brought their own gods into Samaria, and by worshipping them, as
was the custom of their own countries, they provoked Almighty God
to be angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized upon
them, by which they were destroyed; and when they found no cure
for their miseries, they learned by the oracle that they ought to
worship Almighty God, as the method for their deliverance. So
they sent ambassadors to the king of Assyria, and desired him to
send them some of those priests of the Israelites whom he had
taken captive. And when he thereupon sent them, and the people
were by them taught the laws, and the holy worship of God, they
worshipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague ceased
immediately; and indeed they continue to make use of the very
same customs to this very time, and are called in the Hebrew
tongue Cutlans, but in the Greek tongue Samaritans. And when they
see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they are changed,
and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though they were
derived from Joseph, and had by that means an original alliance
with them; but when they see them falling into a low condition,
they say they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have
no right to expect any kindness or marks of kindred from them,
but they declare that they are sojourners, that come from other
countries. But of these we shall have a more seasonable
opportunity to discourse hereafter.




BOOK X.

Containing The Interval Of One Hundred And Eighty-Two Years And A
Half.

From The Captivity Of The Ten Tribes To The First Year Of Cyrus.

CHAPTER 1.

How Sennacherib Made An Expedition Against Hezekiah; What
Threatenings Rabshakeh Made To Hezekiah When Sennacherib Was Gone
Against The Egyptians; How Isaiah The Prophet Encouraged Him; How
Sennacherib Having Failed Of Success In Egypt, Returned Thence To
Jerusalem; And How Upon His Finding His Army Destroyed, He
Returned Home; And What Befell Him A Little Afterward.


1. It was now the fourteenth year of the government of Hezekiah,
king of the two tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name was
Sennacherib, made an expedition against him with a great army,
and took all the cities of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by
force; and when he was ready to bring his army against Jerusalem,
Hezekiah sent ambassadors to him beforehand, and promised to
submit, and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon
Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the ambassadors made,
resolved not to proceed in the war, but to accept of the
proposals that were made him; and if he might receive three
hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold, he
promised that he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave
security upon oath to the ambassadors that he would then do him
no harm, but go away as he came. So Hezekiah submitted, and
emptied his treasures, and sent the money, as supposing he should
be freed from his enemy, and from any further distress about his
kingdom. Accordingly, the Assyrian king took it, and yet had no
regard to what he had promised; but while he himself went to the
war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general
Rabshakeh, and two other of his principal commanders, with great
forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other
commanders were Tartan and Rabsaris.

2. Now as soon as they were come before the walls, they pitched
their camp, and sent messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that
they might speak with him; but he did not himself come out to
them for fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends;
the name of one was Eliakim, who was over the kingdom, and
Shebna, and Joah the recorder. So these men came out, and stood
over against the commanders of the Assyrian army; and when
Rabshakeh saw them, he bid them go and speak to Hezekiah in the
manner following: That Sennacherib, the great king, (1) desires
to know of him, on whom it is that he relies and depends, in
flying from his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army
into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians, and in hopes
that his army would be beaten by them? Whereupon he lets him
know, that if this be what he expects, he is a foolish man, and
like one who leans on a broken reed; while such a one will not
only fall down, but will have his hand pierced and hurt by it.
That he ought to know he makes this expedition against him by the
will of God, who hath granted this favor to him, that he shall
overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in the very same manner
he shall destroy those that are his subjects also. When Rabshakeh
had made this speech in the Hebrew tongue, for he was skillful in
that language, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude that heard
him should be disturbed; so he desired him to speak in the Syrian
tongue. But the general, understanding what he meant, and
perceiving the fear that he was in, he made his answer with a
greater and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said,
that "since they all heard what were the king's commands, they
would consult their own advantage in delivering up themselves to
us; for it is plain the both you and your king dissuade the
people from submitting by vain hopes, and so induce them to
resist; but if you be courageous, and think to drive our forces
away, I am ready to deliver to you two thousand of these horses
that are with me for your use, if you can set as many horsemen on
their backs, and show your strength; but what you have not you
cannot produce. Why therefore do you delay to deliver up
yourselves to a superior force, who can take you without your
consent? although it will be safer for you to deliver yourselves
up voluntarily, while a forcible capture, when you are beaten,
must appear more dangerous, and will bring further calamities
upon you."

3. When the people, as well as the ambassadors, heard what the
Assyrian commander said, they related it to Hezekiah, who
thereupon put off his royal apparel, and clothed himself with
sackcloth, and took the habit of a mourner, and, after the manner
of his country, he fell upon his face, and besought God, and
entreated him to assist them, now they had no other hope of
relief. He also sent some of his friends, and some of the
priests, to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he would pray to
God, and offer sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so
put up supplications to him, that he would have indignation at
the expectations of their enemies, and have mercy upon his
people. And when the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle came
from God to him, and encouraged the king and his friends that
were about him; and foretold that their enemies should be beaten
without fighting, and should go away in an ignominious manner,
and not with that insolence which they now show, for that God
would take care that they should be destroyed. He also foretold
that Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose
against Egypt, and that when he came home he should perish by the
sword.

4. About the same time also the king of Assyria wrote an epistle
to Hezekiah, in which he said he was a foolish man, in supposing
that he should escape from being his servant, since he had
already brought under many and great nations; and he threatened,
that when he took him, he would utterly destroy him, unless he
now opened the gates, and willingly received his army into
Jerusalem. When he read this epistle, he despised it, on account
of the trust that he had in God; but he rolled up the epistle,
and laid it up within the temple. And as he made his further
prayers to God for the city, and for the preservation of all the
people, the prophet Isaiah said that God had heard his prayer,
and that he should not be besieged at this time by the king of
Assyria (2) that for the future he might be secure of not being
at all disturbed by him; and that the people might go on
peaceably, and without fear, with their husbandry and other
affairs. But after a little while the king of Assyria, when he
had failed of his treacherous designs against the Egyptians,
returned home without success, on the following occasion: He
spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium; and when the banks
that he had raised over against the walls were of a great height,
and when he was ready to make an immediate assault upon them, but
heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was coming and
bringing great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was resolved to
march through the desert, and so to fall directly upon the
Assyrians, this king Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and,
as I said before, left Pelusium, and returned back without
success. Now concerning this Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in
the second book of his histories, how "this king came against the
Egyptian king, who was the priest of Vulcan; and that as he was
besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the following
occasion: This Egyptian priest prayed to God, and God heard his
prayer, and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king." But in this
Herodotus was mistaken, when he called this king not king of the
Assyrians, but of the Arabians; for he saith that "a multitude of
mice gnawed to pieces in one night both the bows and the rest of
the armor of the Assyrians, and that it was on that account that
the king, when he had no bows left, drew off his army from
Pelusium." And Herodotus does indeed give us this history; nay,
and Berosus, who wrote of the affairs of Chaldea, makes mention
of this king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assyrians,
and that he made an expedition against all Asia and Egypt; and
says thus:

5. "Now when Sennacherib was returning from his Egyptian war to
Jerusalem, he found his army under Rabshakeh his general in
danger [by a plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper
upon his army; and on the very first night of the siege, a
hundred fourscore and five thousand, with their captains and
generals, were destroyed. So the king was in a great dread and in
a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great fear for
his whole army, he fled with the rest of his forces to his own
kingdom, and to his city Nineveh; and when he had abode there a
little while, he was treacherously assaulted, and died by the
hands of his elder sons, (3) Adrammelech and Seraser, and was
slain in his own temple, which was called Araske. Now these sons
of his were driven away on account of the murder of their father
by the citizens, and went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas took
the kingdom of Sennacherib." And this proved to be the conclusion
of this Assyrian expedition against the people of Jerusalem.




CHAPTER 2.

How Hezekiah Was Sick, And Ready To Die; And How God Bestowed
Upon Him Fifteen Years Longer Life, [And Secured That Promise] By
The Going Back Of The Shadow Ten Degrees.


1. Now king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after a surprising
manner, from the dread he was in, offered thank-offerings to God,
with all his people, because nothing else had destroyed some of
their enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing the
same fate that they departed from Jerusalem, but that Divine
assistance. Yet, while he was very zealous and diligent about the
worship of God, did he soon afterwards fall into a severe
distemper, insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and
expected no good issue of his sickness, as neither did his
friends: and besides the distemper (4) itself, there was a very
melancholy circumstance that disordered the king, which was the
consideration that he was childless, and was going to die, and
leave his house and his government without a successor of his own
body; so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his condition,
and lamented himself, and entreated of God that he would prolong
his life for a little while till he had some children, and not
suffer him to depart this life before he was become a father.
Hereupon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of his
supplication, because the trouble he was under at his supposed
death was not because he was soon to leave the advantages he
enjoyed in the kingdom, nor did he on that account pray that he
might have a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons,
that might receive the government after him. And God sent Isaiah
the prophet, and commanded him to inform Hezekiah, that within
three days' time he should get clear of his distemper, and should
survive it fifteen years, and that he should have children also.
Now, upon the prophet's saying this, as God had commanded him, he
could hardly believe it, both on account of the distemper he was
under, which was very sore, and by reason of the surprising
nature of what was told him; so he desired that Isaiah would give
him some sign or wonder, that he might believe him in what he had
said, and be sensible that he came from God; for things that are
beyond expectation, and greater than our hopes, are made credible
by actions of the like nature. And when Isaiah had asked him what
sign he desired to be exhibited, he desired that he would make
the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to go down ten
steps [or degrees] in his house, to return again to the same
place, (5) and to make it as it was before. And when the prophet
prayed to God to exhibit this sign to the king, he saw what he
desired to see, and was freed from his distemper, and went up to
the temple, where he worshipped God, and made vows to him.

2. At this time it was that the dominion of the Assyrians was
overthrown by the Medes; (6) but of these things I shall treat
elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, whose name was Baladan, sent
ambassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired he would be
his ally and his friend. So he received the ambassadors gladly,
and made them a feast, and showed them his treasures, and his
armory, and the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious
stones and in gold, and gave them presents to be carried to
Baladan, and sent them back to him. Upon which the prophet Isaiah
came to him, and inquired of him whence those ambassadors came;
to which he replied, that they came from Babylon, from the king;
and that he had showed them all he had, that by the sight of his
riches and forces he might thereby guess at [the plenty he was
in], and be able to inform the king of it. But the prophet
rejoined, and said, "Know thou, that, after a little while, these
riches of thine shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy
posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and lose their manhood,
and be servants to the king of Babylon; for that God foretold
such things would come to pass." Upon which words Hezekiah was
troubled, and said that he was himself unwilling that his nation
should fall into such calamities; yet since it is not possible to
alter what God had determined, he prayed that there might be
peace while he lived. Berosus also makes mention of this Baladan,
king of Babylon. Now as to this prophet [Isaiah], he was by the
confession of all, a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth;
and out of the assurance that he had never written what was
false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him
in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the
events by posterity: nor did this prophet do so alone, but the
others, which were twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever
is done among us, Whether it be good, or whether it be bad, comes
to pass according to their prophecies; but of every one of these
we shall speak hereafter.




CHAPTER 3.

How Manasseh Reigned After Hezekiah; And How When He Was In
Captivity He Returned To God And  Was Restored To His Kingdom And
Left It To [His Son] Amon.


1. When king Hezekiah had survived the interval of time already
mentioned, and had dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having
completed fifty-four years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine.
But when his son Manasseh, whose mother's name was Hephzibah, of
Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he departed from the conduct of
his father, and fell into a course of life quite contrary
thereto, and showed himself in his manners most wicked in all
respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imitated those
transgressions of the Israelites, by the commission of which
against God they had been destroyed; for he was so hardy as to
defile the temple of God, and the city, and the whole country;
for, by setting out from a contempt of God, he barbarously slew
all the righteous men that were among the Hebrews; nor would he
spare the prophets, for he every day slew some of them, till
Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So God was angry at these
proceedings, and sent prophets to the king, and to the multitude,
by whom he threatened the very same calamities to them which
their brethren the Israelites, upon the like affronts offered to
God, were now under. But these men would not believe their words,
by which belief they might have reaped the advantage of escaping
all those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn that what the
prophets had told them was true.

2. And when they persevered in the same course of life, God
raised up war against them from the king of Babylon and Chaldea,
who sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the country; and
caught king Manasseh by treachery, and ordered him to be brought
to him, and had him under his power to inflict what punishment he
pleased upon him. But then it was that Manasseh perceived what a
miserable condition he was in, and esteeming himself the cause of
all, he besought God to render his enemy humane and merciful to
him. Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and granted him what he
prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king of Babylon, and
escaped the danger he was in; and when he was come to Jerusalem,
he endeavored, if it were possible, to cast out of his memory
those his former sins against God, of which he now repented, and
to apply himself to a very religious life. He sanctified the
temple, and purged the city, and for the remainder of his days he
was intent on nothing but to return his thanks to God for his
deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him all his life
long. He also instructed the multitude to do the same, as having
very nearly experienced what a calamity he was fallen into by a
contrary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and offered the
legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded. And when he had
re-established what concerned the Divine worship, as it ought to
be, he took care of the security of Jerusalem: he did not only
repair the old walls with great diligence, but added another wall
to the former. He also built very lofty towers, and the
garrisoned places before the city he strengthened, not only in
other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that they
wanted. And indeed, when he had changed his former course, he so
led his life for the time to come, that from the time of his
return to piety towards God he was deemed a happy man, and a
pattern for imitation. When therefore he had lived sixty-seven
years, he departed this life, having reigned fifty-five years,
and was buried in his own garden; and the kingdom came to his son
Amon, whose mother's name was Meshulemeth, of the city of
Jotbath.




CHAPTER 4.

How Amon Reigned Instead Of Manasseh; And After Amon Reigned
Josiah; He Was Both Righteous And Religious. As Also Concerning
Huldah The Prophetess.


1. This Amon imitated those works of his father which he
insolently did when he was young: so he had a conspiracy made
against him by his own servants, and was slain in his own house,
when he had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned two.
But the multitude punished those that slew Amon, and buried him
with his father, and gave the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was
eight years old. His mother was of the city of Boscath, and her
name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent disposition, and
naturally virtuous, and followed the actions of king David, as a
pattern and a rule to him in the whole conduct of his life. And
when he was twelve years old, he gave demonstrations of his
religious and righteous behavior; for he brought the people to a
sober way of living, and exhorted them to leave off the opinion
they had of their idols, because they were not gods, but to
worship their own God. And by repeating on the actions of his
progenitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong, like a
very elderly man, and like one abundantly able to understand what
was fit to be done; and what he found they had well done, he
observed all the country over, and imitated the same. And thus he
acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his own nature, and
in compliance with the advice and instruction of the elders; for
by following the laws it was that he succeeded so well in the
order of his government, and in piety with regard to the Divine
worship. And this happened because the transgressions of the
former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished away; for the
king went about the city, and the whole country, and cut down the
groves which were devoted to strange gods, and overthrew their
altars; and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by his
forefathers, he made them ignominious, and plucked them down; and
by this means he brought the people back from their opinion about
them to the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed
sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. Moreover, he
ordained certain judges and overseers, that they might order the
matters to them severally belonging, and have regard to justice
above all things, and distribute it with the same concern they
would have about their own soul. He also sent over all the
country, and desired such as pleased to bring gold and silver for
the repairs of the temple, according to every one's inclinations
and abilities. And when the money was brought in, he made one
Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the scribe, and
Joab the recorder, and Eliakim the high priest, curators of the
temple, and of the charges contributed thereto; who made no
delay, nor put the work off at all, but prepared architects, and
whatsoever was proper for those repairs, and set closely about
the work. So the temple was repaired by this means, and became a
public demonstration of the king's piety.

2. But when he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he
sent to Eliakim the high priest, and gave order, that out of what
money was overplus, he should cast cups, and dishes, and vials,
for ministration [in the temple]; and besides, that they should
bring all the gold or silver which was among the treasures, and
expend that also in making cups and the like vessels. But as the
high priest was bringing out the gold, he lighted upon the holy
books of Moses that were laid up in the temple; and when he had
brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who, when
he had read them, came to the king, and informed him that all was
finished which he had ordered to be done. He also read over the
books to him, who, when he had heard them read, rent his garment,
and called for Eliakim the high priest, and for [Shaphan] the
scribe, and for certain [other] of his most particular friends,
and sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum,
(which Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an eminent family,)
and bid them go to her, and say that [he desired] she would
appease God, and endeavor to render him propitious to them, for
that there was cause to fear, lest, upon the transgression of the
laws of Moses by their forefathers, they should be in peril of
going into captivity, and of being cast out of their own country;
lest they should be in want of all things, and so end their days
miserably. When the prophetess had heard this from the messengers
that were sent to her by the king, she bid them go back to the
king, and say that "God had already given sentence against them,
to destroy the people, and cast them out of their country, and
deprive them of all the happiness they enjoyed; which sentence
none could set aside by any prayers of theirs, since it was
passed on account of their transgressions of the laws, and of
their not having repented in so long a time, while the prophets
had exhorted them to amend, and had foretold the punishment that
would ensue on their impious practices; which threatening God
would certainly execute upon them, that they might be persuaded
that he is God, and had not deceived them in any respect as to
what he had denounced by his prophets; that yet, because Josiah
was a righteous man, he would at present delay those calamities,
but that after his death he would send on the multitude what
miseries he had determined for them.

3. So these messengers, upon this prophecy of the woman, came and
told it to the king; whereupon he sent to the people every where,
and ordered that the priests and the Levites should come together
to Jerusalem; and commanded that those of every age should be
present also. And when they had gathered together, he first read
to them the holy books; after which he stood upon a pulpit, in
the midst of the multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant,
with an oath, that they would worship God, and keep the laws of
Moses. Accordingly, they gave their assent willingly, and
undertook to do what the king had recommended to them. So they
immediately offered sacrifices, and that after an acceptable
manner, and besought God to be gracious and merciful to them. He
also enjoined the high priest, that if there remained in the
temple any vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign
gods, they should cast it out. So when a great number of such
vessels were got together, he burnt them, and scattered their
ashes abroad, and slew the priests of the idols that were not of
the family of Aaron.

4. And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he came into the
country, and utterly destroyed what buildings had been made
therein by king Jeroboam, in honor of strange gods; and he burnt
the bones of the false prophets upon that altar which Jeroboam
first built; and, as the prophet [Jadon], who came to Jeroboam
when he was offering sacrifice, and when all the people heard
him, foretold what would come to pass, viz. that a certain man of
the house of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here
mentioned. And it happened that those predictions took effect
after three hundred and sixty-one years.

5. After these things, Josiah went also to such other Israelites
as had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, and
persuaded them to desist from their impious practices, and to
leave off the honors they paid to strange gods, but to worship
rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him. He also
searched the houses, and the villages, and the cities, out of a
suspicion that somebody might have one idol or other in private;
nay, indeed, he took away the chariots [of the sun] that were set
up in his royal palace, (7) which his predecessors had framed,
and what thing soever there was besides which they worshipped as
a god. And when he had thus purged all the country, he called the
people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of unleavened
bread, and that called the passover. He also gave the people for
paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats, and lambs, thirty
thousand, and three thousand oxen for burnt-offerings. The
principal of the priests also gave to the priests against the
passover two thousand and six hundred lambs; the principal of the
Levites also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs, and five
hundred oxen, by which means there was great plenty of
sacrifices; and they offered those sacrifices according to the
laws of Moses, while every priest explained the matter, and
ministered to the multitude. And indeed there had been no other
festival thus celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of Samuel
the prophet; and the plenty of sacrifices now was the occasion
that all things were performed according to the laws, and
according to the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had
after this lived in peace, nay, in riches and reputation also,
among all men, he ended his life in the manner following.




CHAPTER 5.

How Josiah Fought With Neco [King Of Egypt.] And Was Wounded And
Died In A Little Time Afterward; As Also How Neco Carried
Jehoahaz, Who Had Been Made King Into Egypt And Delivered The
Kingdom To Jehoiakim; And [Lastly] Concerning Jeremiah And
Ezekiel.


1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, and marched to the
river Euphrates, in order to fight with the Medes and
Babylonians, who had overthrown the dominion of the Assyrians,
(8) for he had a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was come
to the city Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, he
brought an army to hinder him from passing through his own
country, in his expedition against the Medes. Now Neco sent a
herald to Josiah, and told him that he did not make this
expedition against him, but was making haste to Euphrates; and
desired that he would not provoke him to fight against him,
because he obstructed his march to the place whither he had
resolved to go. But Josiah did not admit of this advice of Neco,
but put himself into a posture to hinder him from his intended
march. I suppose it was fate that pushed him on this conduct,
that it might take an occasion against him; for as he was setting
his army in array, (9) and rode about in his chariot, from one
wing of his army to another, one of the Egyptians shot an arrow
at him, and put an end to his eagerness of fighting; for being
sorely wounded, he command a retreat to be sounded for his army,
and returned to Jerusalem, and died of that wound; and was
magnificently buried in the sepulcher of his fathers, when he had
lived thirty-nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But
all the people mourned greatly for him, lamenting and grieving on
his account many days; and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy
to lament him, (10) which is extant till tills time also.
Moreover, this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities
that were coming upon the city. He also left behind him in
writing a description of that destruction of our nation which has
lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was
he the only prophet who delivered such predictions beforehand to
the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person
that wrote, and left behind him in writing two books concerning
these events. Now these two prophets were priests by birth, but
of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth year of
the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple were utterly
destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will
relate it in its proper place.

2. Upon the death of Josiah, which we have already mentioned, his
son, Jehoahaz by name, took the kingdom, being about twenty-three
years old. He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hamutal,
of the city Libhah. He was an impious man, and impure in his
course of life; but as the king of Egypt returned from the
battle, he sent for Jehoahaz to come to him, to the city called
Hamath (11) which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he put
him in bands, and delivered the kingdom to a brother of his, by
the father's side, whose name was Eliakim, and changed his name
to Jehoiakim and laid a tribute upon the land of a hundred
talents of silver, and a talent of gold; and this sum of money
Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute; but Neco carried away Jehoahaz
into Egypt, where he died when he had reigned three months and
ten days. Now Jehoiakim's mother was called Zebudah, of the city
Rumah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready to do mischief;
nor was he either religions towards God, or good-natured towards
men.




CHAPTER 6.

How Nebuchadnezzar, When He Had Conquered The King Of Egypt Made
An Expedition Against The Jews, And Slew Jehoiakim, And Made
Jeholachin His Son King.


1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose
name was Nebuchadnezzar took the government over the Babylonians,
who at the same time went up with a great army to the city
Carchemish, which was at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had
taken to fight with Neco king of Egypt, under whom all Syria then
was. And when Neco understood the intention of the king of
Babylon, and that this expedition was made against him, he did
not despise his attempt, but made haste with a great band of men
to Euphrates to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they
had joined battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of
his soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Babylon passed over
Euphrates, and took all Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting
Judea. But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reigned four years,
which was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government over the Hebrews,
the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces against
the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened upon
his refusal to make war against him. He was aftrighted at his
threatening, and bought his peace with money, and brought the
tribute he was ordered to bring for three years.

2. But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the
Babylonians made an expedition against the Egyptians, he did not
pay his tribute; yet was he disappointed of his hope, for the
Egyptians durst not fight at this time. And indeed the prophet
Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they relied on their
hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be overthrown by the
king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim the king would be subdued by him.
But what he thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them,
because there were none that should escape; for both the
multitude and the rulers, when they heard him, had no concern
about what they heard; but being displeased at what was said, as
if the prophet were a diviner against the king, they accused
Jeremiah, and bringing him before the court, they required that a
sentence and a punishment might be given against him. Now all the
rest gave their votes for his condemnation, but the elders
refused, who prudently sent away the prophet from the court of
[the prison], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah no harm; for
they said that he was not the only person who foretold what would
come to the city, but that Micah signified the same before him,
as well as many others, none of which suffered any thing of the
kings that then reigned, but were honored as the prophets of God.
So they mollified the multitude with these words, and delivered
Jeremiah from the punishment to which he was condemned. Now when
this prophet had written all his prophecies, and the people were
fasting, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth month of the
fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had composed of his
predictions of what was to befall the city, and the temple, and
the multitude. And when the rulers heard of it, they took the
book from him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their
ways, lest they should be discovered by one or other; but they
carried the book, and gave it to the king; so he gave order, in
the presence of his friends, that his scribe should take it, and
read it. When the king heard what it contained, he was angry, and
tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was consumed. He
also commanded that they should seek for Jeremiah, and Baruch the
scribe, and bring them to him, that they might be punished.
However, they escaped his anger.

3. Now, a little time afterwards, the king of Babylon made an
expedition against Jehoiakim, whom he received [into the city],
and this out of fear of the foregoing predictions of this
prophet, as supposing he should suffer nothing that was terrible,
because he neither shut the gates, nor fought against him; yet
when he was come into the city, he did not observe the covenants
he had made, but he slew such as were in the flower of their age,
and such as were of the greatest dignity, together with their
king Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before the walls,
without any burial; and made his son Jehoiachin king of the
country, and of the city: he also took the principal persons in
dignity for captives, three thousand in number, and led them away
to Babylon; among which was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then but
young. And this was the end of king Jehoiakim, when he had lived
thirty-six years, and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin
succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mother's name was Nehushta;
she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and ten
days.




CHAPTER 7.

That The King Of Babylon Repented Of Making Jehoiachin King, And
Took Him Away To Babylon And Delivered The Kingdom To Zedekiah.
This King Would Not Relieve What Was Predicted By Jeremiah And
Ezekiel But Joined Himself To The Egyptians; Who When They Came
Into Judea, Were Vanquished By The King Of Babylon; As Also What
Befell Jeremiah.


1. But a terror seized on the king of Babylon, who had given the
kingdom to Jehoiachin, and that immediately; he was afraid that
he should bear him a grudge, because of his killing his father,
and thereupon should make the country revolt from him; wherefore
he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin in Jerusalem; but
because he was of a gentle and just disposition, he did not
desire to see the city endangered on his account, but he took his
mother and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders sent by
the king of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that neither
should they suffer any harm, nor the city; which agreement they
did not observe for a single year, for the king of Babylon did
not keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all that
were in the city captives, both the youth and the handicraftsmen,
and bring them bound to him; their number was ten thousand eight
hundred and thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and
friends. And when these were brought to him, he kept them in
custody, and appointed Jehoiachin's uncle, Zedekiah, to be king;
and made him take an oath, that he would certainly keep the
kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of
friendship with the Egyptians.

2. Now Zedekiah was twenty and one year's old when he took the
government; and had the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim,
but was a despiser of justice and of his duty, for truly those of
the same age with him were wicked about him, and the whole
multitude did what unjust and insolent things they pleased; for
which reason the prophet Jeremiah came often to him, and
protested to him, and insisted, that he must leave off his
impieties and transgressions, and take care of what was right,
and neither give ear to the rulers, (among whom were wicked men,)
nor give credit to their false prophets, who deluded them, as if
the king of Babylon would make no more war against them, and as
if the Egyptians would make war against him, and conquer him,
since what they said was not true, and the events would not prove
such [as they expected]. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he
heard the prophet speak, he believed him, and agreed to every
thing as true, and supposed it was for his advantage; but then
his friends perverted him, and dissuaded him from what the
prophet advised, and obliged him to do what they pleased. Ezekiel
also foretold in Babylon what calamities were coming upon the
people, which when he heard, he sent accounts of them unto
Jerusalem. But Zedekiah did not believe their prophecies, for the
reason following: It happened that the two prophets agreed with
one another in what they said as in all other things, that the
city should be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken
captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said that Zedekiah
should not see Babylon, while Jeremiah said to him, that the king
of Babylon should carry him away thither in bonds. And be-

3. Now when Zedekiah had preserved the league of mutual
assistance he had made with the Babylonians for eight years, he
brake it, and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by their
assistance, of overcoming the Babylonians. When the king of
Babylon knew this, he made war against him: he laid his country
waste, and took his fortified towns, and came to the city
Jerusalem itself to besiege it. But when the king of Egypt heard
what circumstances Zedekiah his ally was in, he took a great army
with him, and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege;
upon which the king of Babylon departed from Jerusalem, and met
the Egyptians, and joined battle with them, and beat them; and
when he had put them to flight, he pursued them, and drove them
out of all Syria. Now as soon as the king of Babylon was departed
from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said
that the king of Babylon would not any more make war against him
or his people, nor remove them out of their own country into
Babylon; and that those then in captivity would return, with all
those vessels of the temple of which the king of Babylon had
despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came among them, and
prophesied what contradicted those predictions, and what proved
to be true, that they did ill, and deluded the king; that the
Egyptians would be of no advantage to them, but that the king of
Babylon would renew the war against Jerusalem, and besiege it
again, and would destroy the people by famine, and carry away
those that remained into captivity, and would take away what they
had as spoils, and would carry off those riches that were in the
temple; nay, that, besides this, he would burn it, and utterly
overthrow the city, and that they should serve him and his
posterity seventy years; that then the Persians and the Medes
should put an end to their servitude, and overthrow the
Babylonians; "and that we shall be dismissed, and return to this
land, and rebuild the temple, and restore Jerusalem." When
Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed him; but the
rulers, and those that were wicked, despised him, as one
disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to go elsewhere, to
his own country, which was called Anathoth, and was twenty
furlongs distant from Jerusalem; (12) and as he was going, one of
the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and accused him falsely,
as though he were going as a deserter to the Babylonians; but
Jeremiah said that he accused him falsely, and added, that he was
only going to his own country; but the other would not believe
him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the rulers, and
laid an accusation against him, under whom he endured all sorts
of torments and tortures, and was reserved to be punished; and
this was the condition he was in for some time, while he suffered
what I have already described unjustly.

4. Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zedekiah, on the tenth
day of the tenth month, the king of Babylon made a second
expedition against Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen months,
and besieged it with the utmost application. There came upon them
also two of the greatest calamities at the same time that
Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a pestilential distemper,
and made great havoc of them. And though the prophet Jeremiah was
in prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed aloud,
and exhorted the multitude to open their gates, and admit the
king of Babylon, for that if they did so, they should be
preserved, and their whole families; but if they did not so, they
should be destroyed; and he foretold, that if any one staid in
the city, he should certainly perish by one of these ways, -
either be consumed by the famine, or slain by the enemy's sword;
but that if he would flee to the enemy, he should escape death.
Yet did not these rulers who heard believe him, even when they
were in the midst of their sore calamities; but they came to the
king, and in their anger informed him what Jeremiah had said, and
accused him, and complained of the prophet as of a madman, and
one that disheartened their minds, and by the denunciation of
miseries weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who were
otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers for him, and for
their country, while he, in a way of threatening, warned them to
flee to the enemy, and told them that the city should certainly
be taken, and be utterly destroyed.

5. But for the king himself, he was not at all irritated against
Jeremiah, such was his gentle and righteous disposition; yet,
that he might not be engaged in a quarrel with those rulers at
such a time, by opposing what they intended, he let them do with
the prophet whatsoever they would; whereupon, when the king had
granted them such a permission, they presently came into the
prison, and took him, and let him down with a cord into a pit
full of mire, that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So
he stood up to the neck in the mire which was all about him, and
so continued; but there was one of the king's servants, who was
in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king
what a state the prophet was in, and said that his friends and
his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into the mire,
and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer a
death more bitter than that by his bonds only. When the king
heard this, he repented of his having delivered up the prophet to
the rulers, and bid the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king's
guards, and cords with them, and whatsoever else they understood
to be necessary for the prophet's preservation, and to draw him
up immediately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was ordered to
take, and drew up the prophet out of the mire, and left him at
liberty [in the prison].

6. But when the king had sent to call him privately, and inquired
what he could say to him from God, which might be suitable to his
present circumstances, and desired him to inform him of it,
Jeremiah replied, that he had somewhat to say; but he said
withal, he should not be believed, nor, if he admonished them,
should be hearkened to; "for," said he, "thy friends have
determined to destroy me, as though I had been guilty of some
wickedness; and where are now those men who deceived us, and said
that the king of Babylon would not come and fight against us any
more? but I am afraid now to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst
condemn me to die." And when the king had assured him upon oath,
that he would neither himself put him to death, nor deliver him
up to the rulers, he became bold upon that assurance that was
given him, and gave him this advice: That he should deliver the
city up to the Babylonians; and he said that it was God who
prophesied this by him, that [he must do so] if he would be
preserved, and escape out of the danger he was in, and that then
neither should the city fall to the ground, nor should the temple
be burned; but that [if he disobeyed] he would be the cause of
these miseries coming upon the citizens, and of the calamity that
would befall his whole house. When the king heard this, he said
that he would willingly do what he persuaded him to, and what he
declared would be to his advantage, but that he was afraid of
those of his own country that had fallen away to the Babylonians,
lest he should be accused by them to the king of Babylon, and be
punished. But the prophet encouraged him, and said he had no
cause to fear such punishment, for that he should not have the
experience of any misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the
Babylonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his wives,
and that the temple should then continue unhurt. So when Jeremiah
had said this, the king let him go, and charged him to betray
what they had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell
any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they should have
learned that he had been sent for, and should inquire of him what
it was that he was sent for, and what he had said to him; but to
pretend to them that he besought him that he might not be kept in
bonds and in prison. And indeed he said so to them; for they came
to the prophet, and asked him what advice it was that he came to
give the king relating to them. And thus I have finished what
concerns this matter.




CHAPTER 8.

How The King Of Babylon Took Jerusalem And Burnt The Temple And
Removed The People Of Jerusalem And Zedekiah To Babylon. As Also,
Who They Were That Had Succeeded In The High Priesthood Under The
Kings.


1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent and earnest upon the
siege of Jerusalem; and he erected towers upon great banks of
earth, and from them repelled those that stood upon the walls; he
also made a great number of such banks round about the whole
city, whose height was equal to those walls. However, those that
were within bore the siege with courage and alacrity, for they
were not discouraged, either by the famine, or by the
pestilential distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the
prosecution of the war, although those miseries within oppressed
them also, and they did not suffer themselves to be terrified,
either by the contrivances of the enemy, or by their engines of
war, but contrived still different engines to oppose all the
other withal, till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle
between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem, which had
the greater sagacity and skill; the former party supposing they
should be thereby too hard for the other, for the destruction of
the city; the latter placing their hopes of deliverance in
nothing else but in persevering in such inventions in opposition
to the other, as might demonstrate the enemy's engines were
useless to them. And this siege they endured for eighteen months,
until they were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which
the enemy threw at them from the towers.

2. Now the city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month,
in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah. They were indeed
only generals of the king of Babylon, to whom Nebuchadnezzar
committed the care of the siege, for he abode himself in the city
of Riblah. The names of these generals who ravaged and subdued
Jerusalem, if any one desire to know them, were these: Nergal
Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sorsechim, and Rabmag. And when
the city was taken about midnight, and the enemy's generals were
entered into the temple, and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he
took his wives, and his children, and his captains, and his
friends, and with them fled out of the city, through the
fortified ditch, and through the desert; and when certain of the
deserters had informed the Babylonians of this, at break of day,
they made haste to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him not
far from Jericho, and encompassed him about. But for those
friends and captains of Zedekiah who had fled out of the city
with him, when they saw their enemies near them, they left him,
and dispersed themselves, some one way, and some another, and
every one resolved to save himself; so the enemy took Zedekiah
alive, when he was deserted by all but a few, with his children
and his wives, and brought him to the king. When he was come,
Nebuchadnezzar began to call him a wicked wretch, and a
covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten his former words,
when he promised to keep the country for him. He also reproached
him for his ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom
from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and given it to him,
he had made use of the power he gave him against him that gave
it; "but," said he, "God is great, who hated that conduct of
thine, and hath brought thee under us." And when he had used
these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons and his friends to
be slain, while Zedekiah and the rest of the captains looked on;
after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him, and
carried him to Babylon. And these things happened to him, (13) as
Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that he should be
caught, and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak
to him face to face, and should see his eyes with his own eyes;
and thus far did Jeremiah prophesy. But he was also made blind,
and brought to Babylon, but did not see it, according to the
prediction of Ezekiel.

3. We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the
nature of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various,
and acts many different ways, and that all events happen after a
regular manner, in their proper season, and that it foretells
what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to show the
ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are not permitted
to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any guard,
exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid
the experience of those calamities.

4. And after this manner have the kings of David's race ended
their lives, being in number twenty-one, until the last king, who
all together reigned five hundred and fourteen years, and six
months, and ten days; of whom Saul, who was their first king,
retained the government twenty years, though he was not of the
same tribe with the rest.

5. And now it was that the king of Babylon sent Nebuzaradan, the
general of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple, who had
it also in command to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay
the city even with the ground, and to transplant the people into
Babylon. Accordingly, he came to Jerusalem in the eleventh year
of king Zedekiah, and pillaged the temple, and carried out the
vessels of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that large
laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the pillars of brass, and
their chapiters, with the golden tables and the candlesticks; and
when he had carried these off, he set fire to the temple in the
fifth month, the first day of the month, in the eleventh year of
the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year of
Nebuchadnezzar: he also burnt the palace, and overthrew the city.
Now the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy years, six
months, and ten days after it was built. It was then one thousand
and sixty-two years, six months, and ten days from the departure
out of Egypt; and from the deluge to the destruction of the
temple, the whole interval was one thousand nine hundred and
fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days; but from the
generation of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were
three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and
ten days; so great was the number of years hereto belonging. And
what actions were done during these years we have particularly
related. But the general of the Babylonian king now overthrew the
city to the very foundations, and removed all the people, and
took for prisoners the high priest Seraiah, and Zephaniah the
priest that was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the
temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch who was over the
armed men, and seven friends of Zedekiah, and his scribe, and
sixty other rulers; all which, together with the vessels which
they had pillaged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah, a
city of Syria. So the king commanded the heads of the high priest
and of the rulers to be cut off there; but he himself led all the
captives and Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the high
priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah the high priest,
whom the king of Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria, as
we just now related.

6. And now, because we have enumerated the succession of the
kings, and who they were, and how long they reigned, I think it
necessary to set down the names of the high priests, and who they
were that succeeded one another in the high priesthood under the
Kings. The first high priest then at the temple which Solomon
built was Zadok; after him his son Achimas received that dignity;
after Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram's son was
Isus; after him was Axioramus; his son was Phidens, and Phideas's
son was Sudeas, and Sudeas's son was Juelus, and Juelus's son was
Jotham, and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias's son was Nerias,
and Nerias's son was Odeas, and his son was Sallumus, and
Sallumus's son was Elcias, and his son [was Azarias, and his son]
was Sareas, (14) and his son was Josedec, who was carried captive
to Babylon. All these received the high priesthood by succession,
the sons from their father.

7. When the king was come to Babylon, he kept Zedekiah in prison
until he died, and buried him magnificently, and dedicated the
vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own
gods, and planted the people in the country of Babylon, but freed
the high priest from his bonds.




CHAPTER 9.

How Nebuzaradan Set Gedaliah Over The Jews That Were Left In
Judea Which Gedaliah Was A Little Afterward Slain By Ishmael; And
How Johanan After Ishmael Was Driven Away Went Down Into Egypt
With The People Which People Nebuchadnezzar When He Made An
Expedition Against The Egyptians Took Captive And Brought Them
Away To Babylon.


1. Now the general of the army, Nebuzaradan, when he had carried
the people of the Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those
that had deserted, in the country, and made one, whose name was
Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their
governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle and righteous
disposition. He also commanded them that they should cultivate
the ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also
took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would have persuaded
him to go along with him to Babylon, for that he had been
enjoined by the king to supply him with whatsoever he wanted; and
if he did not like to do so, he desired him to inform him where
he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same to the king.
But the prophet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell any where
else, but would gladly live in the ruins of his country, and in
the miserable remains of it. When the general understood what his
purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he left behind, to take
all possible care of him, and to supply him with whatsoever he
wanted. So when he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him.
Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country, which was
called Mispah; and desired of Nebuzaradan that he would set at
liberty his disciple Baruch, the son of Neriah, one of a very
eminent family, and exceeding skillful in the language of his
country.

2. When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he made haste to Babylon. But
as to those that fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and had
been scattered over the country, when they heard that the
Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant in the land of
Jerusalem, and those such as were to cultivate the same, they
came together from all parts to Gedaliah to Mispah. Now the
rulers that were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah, and
Jezaniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. Now there was of
the royal family one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very crafty, who,
during the siege of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the
Ammonites, and abode with him during that time; and Gedaliah
persuaded them, now they were there, to stay with him, and to
have no fear of the Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate
the country, they should suffer no harm. This he assured them of
by oath; and said that they should have him for their patron, and
that if any disturbance should arise, they should find him ready
to defend them. He also advised them to dwell in any city, as
every one of them pleased; and that they would send men along
with his own servants, and rebuild their houses upon the old
foundations, and dwell there; and he admonished them beforehand,
that they should make preparation, while the season lasted, of
corn, and wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed
during the winter. When he had thus discoursed to them, he
dismissed them, that every one might dwell in what place of the
country he pleased.

3. Now when this report was spread abroad as far as the nations
that bordered on Judea, that Gedaliah kindly entertained those
that came to him, after they had fled away, upon this [only]
condition, that they should pay tribute to the king of Babylon,
they also came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the country.
And when Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, observed the
country, and the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly in
love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king of the
Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and
secretly, that he might have the dominion over the Israelites, as
being of the royal family; and they said that he might deliver
himself from this treacherous design, if he would give them leave
to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, for they told him
they were afraid that, when he was killed by the other, the
entire ruin of the remaining strength of the Israelites would
ensue. But he professed that he did not believe what they said,
when they told him of such a treacherous design, in a man that
had been well treated by him; because it was not probable that
one who, under such a want of all things, had failed of nothing
that was necessary for him, should be found so wicked and
ungrateful towards his benefactor, that when it would be an
instance of wickedness in him not to save him, had he been
treacherously assaulted by others, to endeavor, and that
earnestly, to kill him with his own hands: that, however, if he
ought to suppose this information to be true, it was better for
himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy a man who fled
to him for refuge, and intrusted his own safety to him, and
committed himself to his disposal.

4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, not being able
to persuade Gedaliah, went away. But after the interval of thirty
days was over, Ishmael came again to Gedaliah, to the city
Mispah, and ten men with him; and when he had feasted Ishmael,
and those that were with him, in a splendid manner at his table,
and had given them presents, he became disordered in drink, while
he endeavored to be very merry with them; and when Ishmael saw
him in that case, and that he was drowned in his cups to the
degree of insensibility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a
sudden, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah, and those that
were with him at the feast; and when he had slain them, he went
out by night, and slew all the Jews that were in the city, and
those soldiers also which were left therein by the Babylonians.
But the next day fourscore men came out of the country with
presents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen him;
when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when
they were come in, he shut up the court, and slew them, and cast
their dead bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might
not be seen; but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared those that
entreated him not to kill them, till they had delivered up to him
what riches they had concealed in the fields, consisting of their
furniture, and garments, and corn: but he took captive the people
that were in Mispah, with their wives and children; among whom
were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the
general of the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah. And when
he had done this, he came to the king of the Ammonites.

5. But when Johanan and the rulers with him heard of what was
done at Mispah by Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they had
indignation at it, and every one of them took his own armed men,
and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at the
fountain in Hebron. And when those that were carried away
captives by Ishmael saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very
glad, and looked upon them as coming to their assistance; so they
left him that had carried them captives, and came over to
Johanan: then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king of the
Ammonites; but Johanan took those whom he had rescued out of the
hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and children,
and came to a certain place called Mandra, and there they abode
that day, for they had determined to remove from thence and go
into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Babylonians should slay them,
in case they continued in the country, and that out of anger at
the slaughter of Gedaliah, who had been by them set over it for
governor.

6. Now while they were under this deliberation, Johanan, the son
of Kareah, and the rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah
the prophet, and desired that he would pray to God, that because
they were at an utter loss about what they ought to do, he would
discover it to them, and they sware that they would do whatsoever
Jeremiah should say to them. And when the prophet said he would
be their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that after ten
days God appeared to him, and said that he should inform Johanan,
and the other rulers, and all the people, that he would be with
them while they continued in that country, and take care of them,
and keep them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of whom they
were afraid; but that he would desert them if they went into
Egypt, and, out of this wrath against them, would inflict the
same punishments upon them which they knew their brethren had
already endured. So when the prophet had informed Johanan and the
people that God had foretold these things, he was not believed,
when he said that God commanded them to continue in the country;
but they imagined that he said so to gratify Baruch, his own
disciple, and belied God, and that he persuaded them to stay
there, that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians.
Accordingly, both the people and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of
God, which he gave them by the prophet, and removed into Egypt,
and carried Jeremiah and Barnch along with him.

7. And when they were there, God signified to the prophet that
the king of Babylon was about making an expedition against the
Egyptians, and commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt
should be taken, and the king of Babylon should slay some of them
and, should take others captive, and bring them to Babylon; which
things came to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year after the
destruction of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third of the reign
of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition against Celesyria; and
when he had possessed himself of it, he made war against the
Ammonites and Moabites; and when he had brought all these nations
under subjection, he fell upon Egypt, in order to overthrow it;
and he slew the king that then reigned (15) and set up another;
and he took those Jews that were there captives, and led them
away to Babylon. And such was the end of the nation of the
Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice
gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were
carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king
Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained
after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar,
the king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to Shalmanezer, he
removed the Israelites out of their country, and placed therein
the nation of the Cutheans, who had formerly belonged to the
inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then called Samaritans,
by taking the name of the country to which they were removed; but
the king of Babylon, who brought out the two tribes, (16) placed
no other nation in their country, by which means all Judea and
Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to be a desert for seventy
years; but the entire interval of time which passed from the
captivity of the Israelites, to the carrying away of the two
tribes, proved to be a hundred and thirty years, six months, and
ten days.




CHAPTER 10.

Concerning Daniel And What Befell Him At Babylon.


1. But now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, took some of the most
noble of the Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of Zedekiah
their king, such as were remarkable for the beauty of their
bodies, and the comeliness of their countenances, and delivered
them into the hands of tutors, and to the improvement to be made
by them. He also made some of them to be eunuchs; which course he
took also with those of other nations whom he had taken in the
flower of their age, and afforded them their diet from his own
table, and had them instructed in the institutes of the country,
and taught the learning of the Chaldeans; and they had now
exercised themselves sufficiently in that wisdom which he had
ordered they should apply themselves to. Now among these there
were four of the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent
dispositions, one of whom was called Daniel, another was called
Ananias, another Misael, and the fourth Azarias; and the king of
Babylon changed their names, and commanded that they should make
use of other names. Daniel he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach;
Misael, Meshach; and Azarias, Abednego. These the king had in
esteem, and continued to love, because of the very excellent
temper they were of, and because of their application to
learning, and the profess they had made in wisdom.

2. Now Daniel and his kinsmen had resolved to use a severe diet,
and to abstain from those kinds of food which came from the
king's table, and entirely to forbear to eat of all living
creatures. So he came to Ashpenaz, who was that eunuch to whom
the care of them was committed, (17) and desired him to take and
spend what was brought for them from the king, but to give them
pulse and dates for their food, and any thing else, besides the
flesh of living creatures, that he pleased, for that their
inclinations were to that sort of food, and that they despised
the other. He replied, that he was ready to serve them in what
they desired, but he suspected that they would be discovered by
the king, from their meagre bodies, and the alteration of their
countenances, because it could not be avoided but their bodies
and colors must be changed with their diet, especially while they
would be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the other
children, who would fare better, and thus they should bring him
into danger, and occasion him to be punished; yet did they
persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful, to give them what food
they desired for ten days, by way of trial; and in case the habit
of their bodies were not altered, to go on in the same way, as
expecting that they should not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if
he saw them look meagre, and worse than the rest, he should
reduce them to their former diet. Now when it appeared that they
were so far from becoming worse by the use of this food, that
they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest, insomuch that
he thought those who fed on what came from the king's table
seemed less plump and full, while those that were with Daniel
looked as if they had lived in plenty, and in all sorts of
luxury. Arioch, from that time, securely took himself what the
king sent every day from his supper, according to custom, to the
children, but gave them the forementioned diet, while they had
their souls in some measure more pure, and less burdened, and so
fitter for learning, and had their bodies in better tune for hard
labor; for they neither had the former oppressed and heavy with
variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on the same
account; so they readily understood all the learning that was
among the Hebrews, and among the Chaldeans, as especially did
Daniel, who being already sufficiently skillful in wisdom, was
very busy about the interpretation of dreams; and God manifested
himself to him.

3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, king
Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which
God showed him in his sleep; but when he arose out of his bed, he
forgot the accomplishment. So he sent for the Chaldeans and
magicians, and the prophets, and told them that he had seen a
dream, and informed them that he had forgotten the accomplishment
of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both what
the dream was, and what was its signification; and they said that
this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they
promised him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had
seen, they would tell him its signification. Hereupon he
threatened to put them to death, unless they told him his dream;
and he gave command to have them all put to death, since they
confessed they could not do what they were commanded to do. Now
when Daniel heard that the king had given a command, that all the
wise men should be put to death, and that among them himself and
his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to Arioch, who was
captain of the king's guards, and desired to know of him what was
the reason why the king had given command that all the wise men,
and Chaldeans, and magicians should be slain. So when he had
learned that the king had had a dream, and had forgotten it, and
that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it, they had
said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger,
he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire
respite for the magicians for one night, and to put off their
slaughter so long, for that he hoped within that time to obtain,
by prayer to God, the knowledge of the dream. Accordingly, Arioch
informed the king of what Daniel desired. So the king bid them
delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew what Daniel's
promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own
house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to
discover the dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and
Chaldeans, with whom they were themselves to perish, from the
king's anger, by enabling him to declare his vision, and to make
manifest what the king had seen the night before in his sleep,
but had forgotten it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that
were in danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, made
known to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king
might understand by him its signification also. When Daniel had
obtained this knowledge from God, he arose very joyful, and told
it his brethren, and made them glad, and to hope well that they
should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired before,
and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts of dying. So
when he had with them returned thanks to God, who had
commiserated their youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and
desired him to bring him to the king, because he would discover
to him that dream which he had seen the night before.

4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first,
that he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and
magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his
dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not
by his own skill, or on account of his having better cultivated
his understanding than the rest; but he said, "God hath had pity
upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for
the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made
manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof;
for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow
that we were by thee condemned to die, while thou didst so
unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to
be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was
entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them
what was only the work of God. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep
wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the
government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all
those that should reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to
thee the following dream: Thou seemedst to see a great image
standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the
shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of
brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; after which thou sawest
a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image,
and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any
part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass,
and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of
a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad,
but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth
beneath it seemed to be filled therewith. This is the dream which
thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: The head of
gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before
thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your
government shall be dissolved by two kings; but another king that
shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that
government; and another government, that shall be like unto iron,
shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have
dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron,
which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass."
Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king (18)
but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only
undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not
things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of
knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and
cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties
of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be
diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among
the sacred writings.

5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he
was astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his knee;
and saluted Daniel in the manner that men worship God, and gave
command that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this was
not all, for he also imposed the name, of his own god upon him,
[Baltasar,] and made him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole
kingdom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into great danger
by the envy and malice [of their enemies]; for they offended the
king upon the occasion following: he made an image of gold, whose
height was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it
in the great plain of Babylon; and when he was going to dedicate
the image, he invited the principal men out of all the earth that
was under his dominions, and commanded them, in the first place,
that when they should hear the sound of the trumpet, they should
then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that
those who did not so, should be cast into a fiery furnace. When
therefore all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the
trumpet, worshipped the image, they relate that Daniel's kinsmen
did not do it, because they would not transgress the laws of
their country. So these men were convicted, and cast immediately
into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence, and after a
surprising manner escaped death, for the fire did not touch them;
and I suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with
itself, that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs,
and that therefore it was too weak to burn the young men when
they were in it. This was done by the power of God, who made
their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it could not
consume them. This it was which recommended them to the king as
righteous men, and men beloved of God, on which account they
continued in great esteem with him.

6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another
vision; how he should fall from his dominion, and feed among the
wild beasts, and that when he halt lived in this manner in the
desert for seven years, (19) he should recover his dominion
again. When he had seen this dream, he called the magicians
together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them
to tell him what it signified; but when none of them could find
out the meaning of the dream, nor discover it to the king, Daniel
was the only person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it
came to pass; for after he had continued in the wilderness the
forementioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt to
seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God that
he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to it. But let no
one blame me for writing down every thing of this nature, as I
find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have
plainly assured those that think me defective in any such point,
or complain of my management, and have told them in the beginning
of this history, that I intended to do no more than translate the
Hebrew books into the Greek language, and promised them to
explain those facts, without adding any thing to them of my own,
or taking any thing away from there.




CHAPTER 11.

Concerning Nebuchadnezzar And His Successors And How Their
Government Was Dissolved By The Persians; And What Things Befell
DanieL In Media; And What PropHecies He Delivered There.


1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years,
(20) he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate
than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of
his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he
says thus: "When his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] heard
that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and the places
about Coelesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, while he
was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships [of
war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still but a
youth, some parts of his army, and sent them against him. So when
Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he
beat him, and reduced the country from under his subjection, and
made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it
happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill,
and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned
twenty-one years; (21) and when he was made sensible, as he was
in a little time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar]
was dead, and having settled the affairs of Egypt, and the other
countries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and
Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations; and
having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of
his friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of
their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily,
accompanied with a few others, over the desert, and came to
Babylon. So he took upon him the management of public affairs,
and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one that was
the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire
dominions of his father, and appointed, that when the captives
came, they should be placed as colonies, in the most proper
places of Babylonia; but then he adorned the temple of Belus, and
the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, with the spoils
he had taken in the war. He also added another city to that which
was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it
hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby
attack the city itself. He therefore built three walls round
about the inner city, and three others about that which was the
outer, and this he did with burnt brick. And after he had, after
a becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its gates
gloriously, he built another palace before his father's palace,
but so that they joined to it; to describe whose vast height and
immense riches it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt;
yet as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in
fifteen days. (22) He also erected elevated places for walking,
of stone, and made it resemble mountains, and built it so that it
might be planted with all sorts of trees. He also erected what
was called a pensile paradise, because his wife was desirous to
have things like her own country, she having been bred up in the
palaces of Media." Megasthenes also, in his fourth book of his
Accounts of India, makes mention of these things, and thereby
endeavors to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded
Hercules in fortitude, and in the greatness of his actions; for
he saith that he conquered a great part of Libya and Iberia.
Diocles also, in the second book of his Accounts of Persia,
mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his Accounts both of
India and of Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre
thirteen years, while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at Tyre.
These are all the histories that I have met with concerning this
king.

2. But now, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach his
son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at
liberty, and esteemed him among his most intimate friends. He
also gave him many presents, and made him honorable above the
rest of the kings that were in Babylon; for his father had not
kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up
himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole
kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken
by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said before. When
Evil-Mcrodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years,
Niglissar his son took the government, and retained it forty
years, and then ended his life; and after him the succession in
the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in it in
all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar,
(23) who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus; against him
did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media,
make war; and when he was besieged in Babylon, there happened a
wonderful and prodigious vision. He was sat down at supper in a
large room, and there were a great many vessels of silver, such
as were made for royal entertainments, and he had with him his
concubines and his friends; whereupon he came to a resolution,
and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had
plundered out of Jerusalem, and had not made use of, but had put
them into his own temple, should be brought out of that temple.
He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them in the midst of
his cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming against God. In
the mean time, he saw a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing
upon the wall certain syllables; at which sight, being disturbed,
he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and all that sort
of men that are among these barbarians, and were able to
interpret signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing
to him. But when the magicians said they could discover nothing,
nor did understand it, the king was in great disorder of mind,
and under great trouble at this surprising accident; so he caused
it to be proclaimed through all the country, and promised, that
to him who could explain the writing, and give the signification
couched therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck,
and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chaldea,
and would bestow on him the third part of his own dominions. When
this proclamation was made, the magicians ran together more
earnestly, and were very ambitious to find out the importance of
the writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before. Now
when the king's grandmother saw him cast down at this accident,
(24) she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a
certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought
away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem,
whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in
finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what
was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such
questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer
when they were consulted. She therefore desired that he would
send for him, and inquire of him concerning the writing, and to
condemn the unskilfulness of those that could not find their
meaning, and this, although what God signified thereby should be
of a melancholy nature.

3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel; and when he
had discoursed to him what he had learned concerning him and his
wisdom, and how a Divine Spirit was with him, and that he alone
was fully capable of finding out what others would never have
thought of, he desired him to declare to him what this writing
meant; that if he did so, he would give him leave to wear purple,
and to put a chain of gold about his neck, and would bestow on
him the third part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his
wisdom, that thereby he might become illustrious to those who saw
him, and who inquired upon what occasion he obtained such honors.
But Daniel desired that he would keep his gifts to himself; for
what is the effect of wisdom and of Divine revelation admits of
no gifts, and bestows its advantages on petitioners freely; but
that still he would explain the writing to him; which denoted
that he should soon die, and this because he had not learnt to
honor God, and not to admit things above human nature, by what
punishments his progenitor had undergone for the injuries he had
offered to God; and because he had quite forgotten how
Nebuchadnezzar was removed to feed among wild beasts for his
impieties, and did not recover his former life among men and his
kingdom, but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplications
and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all the days of his
life, as one of almighty power, and who takes care of mankind.
[He also put him in mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against
God, and had made use of his vessels amongst his concubines; that
therefore God saw this, and was angry with him, and declared by
this writing beforehand what a sad conclusion of his life he
should come to. And he explained the writing thus:" MANEH. This,
if it be expounded in the Greek language, may signify a Number,
because God hath numbered so long a time for thy life, and for
thy government, and that there remains but a small portion.
THEKEL This signifies a weight, and means that God hath weighed
thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down
already.--PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a
fragment,. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and
divide it among the Medes and Persians."

4. When Daniel had told the king that the writing upon the wall
signified these events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and
affliction, as was to be expected, when the interpretation was so
heavy upon him. However, he did not refuse what he had promised
Daniel, although he were become a foreteller of misfortunes to
him, but bestowed it all upon him; as reasoning thus, that what
he was to reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate, and did
not belong to the prophet, but that it was the part of a good and
a just man to give what he had promised, although the events were
of a melancholy nature. Accordingly, the king determined so to
do. Now, after a little while, both himself and the city were
taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for
it was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when he had
reigned seventeen years. And this is the end of the posterity of
king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was
taken by Darius, and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an
end to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years
old. He was the son of Astyages, and had another name among the
Greeks. Moreover, he took Daniel the prophet, and carried him
with him into Media, and honored him very greatly, and kept him
with him; for he was one of the three presidents whom he set over
his three hundred and sixty provinces, for into so many did
Darius part them.

5. However, while Daniel was in so great dignity, and in so great
favor with Darius, and was alone intrusted with every thing by
him, a having somewhat divine in him, he was envied by the rest;
for those that see others in greater honor than themselves with
kings envy them; and when those that were grieved at the great
favor Daniel was in with Darius sought for an occasion against
him, he afforded them no occasion at all, for he was above all
the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and esteemed it a
very base thing to take any thing by way of reward, even when it
might be justly given him; he afforded those that envied him not
the least handle for an accusation. So when they could find
nothing for which they might calumniate him to the king, nothing
that was shameful or reproachful, and thereby deprive him of the
honor he was in with him, they sought for some other method
whereby they might destroy him. When therefore they saw that
Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had
gotten an occasion by which they might ruin him; so they came to
Darius and told him that the princes and governors had thought
proper to allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that
no one might offer a petition or prayer either to himself or to
the gods, but that he who shall transgress this decree shall be
east into the den of lions, and there perish."

6. Whereupon the king, not being acquainted with their wicked
design, nor suspecting that it was a contrivance of theirs
against Daniel, said he was pleased with this decree of theirs,
and he promised to confirm what they desired; he also published
an edict to promulgate to the people that decree which the
princes had made. Accordingly, all the rest took care not to
transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; but Daniel had
no regard to them, but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to
God in the sight of them all; but the princes having met with the
occasion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel, came
presently to the king, and accused him, that Daniel was the only
person that transgressed the decree, while not one of the rest
durst pray to their gods. This discovery they made, not because
of his impiety, but because they had watched him, and observed
him out of envy; for supposing that Darius did thus out of a
greater kindness to him than they expected, and that he was ready
to grant him pardon for this contempt of his injunctions, and
envying this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more
honorable to him, but desired he might be cast into the den of
lions according to the law. So Darius, hoping that God would
deliver him, and that he would undergo nothing that was terrible
by the wild beasts, bid him bear this accident cheerfully. And
when he was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that
lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way, but he passed
all the night without food and without sleep, being in great
distress for Daniel; but when it was day, he got up, and came to
the den, and found the seal entire, which he had left the stone
sealed withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and
called to Daniel, and asked him if he were alive. And as soon as
he heard the king's voice, and said that he had suffered no harm,
the king gave order that he should be drawn up out of the den.
Now when his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which
was terrible, they would not own that he was preserved by God,
and by his providence; but they said that the lions had been
filled full with food, and on that account it was, as they
supposed, that the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him;
and this they alleged to the king. But the king, out of an
abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order that they should throw
in a great deal of flesh to the lions; and when they had filled
themselves, he gave further order that Daniel's enemies should be
cast into the den, that he might learn whether the lions, now
they were full, would touch them or not. And it appeared plain to
Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild beasts, that
it was God who preserved Daniel (25) for the lions spared none of
them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they had been very
hungry, and wanted food. I suppose therefore it was not their
hunger, which had been a little before satisfied with abundance
of flesh, but the wickedness of these men, that provoked them [to
destroy the princes]; for if it so please God, that wickedness
might, by even those irrational creatures, be esteemed a plain
foundation for their punishment.

7. When therefore those that had intended thus to destroy Daniel
by treachery were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent
[letters] over all the country, and praised that God whom Daniel
worshipped, and said that he was the only true God, and had all
power. He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and made him the
principal of his friends. Now when Daniel was become so
illustrious and famous, on account of the opinion men had that he
was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media: it
was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made, and it is
still remaining, and preserved to this day; and to such as see
it, it appears to have been lately built, and to have been no
older than that very day when any one looks upon it, it is so
fresh (26) flourishing, and beautiful, and no way grown old in so
long time; for buildings suffer the same as men do, they grow old
as well as they, and by numbers of years their strength is
dissolved, and their beauty withered. Now they bury the kings of
Media, of Persia, and Parthia in this tower to this day, and he
who was entrusted with the care of it was a Jewish priest; which
thing is also observed to this day. But it is fit to give an
account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear,
for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him,
and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch,
that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of
the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a
remembrance that will never fail, for the several books that he
wrote and left behind him are still read by us till this time;
and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God; for he
did not only prophesy of future events, as did the other
prophets, but he also determined the time of their
accomplishment. And while prophets used to foretell misfortunes,
and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and to
the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things, and
this to such a degree, that by the agreeable nature of his
predictions, he procured the goodwill of all men; and by the
accomplishment of them, he procured the belief of their truth,
and the opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among the
multitude. He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest
the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he
saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and
went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the
sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was
left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and
that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two
hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same
time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen
after many generations. He also related, that when he stood up,
he was shown a great rain, with many horns growing out of his
head, and that the last was higher than the rest: that after this
he looked to the west, and saw a he-goat carried through the air
from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with violence, and
smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew him to the ground,
and trampled upon him: that afterward he saw a very great horn
growing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it was
broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the
four winds, and he wrote that out of them arose another lesser
horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and that God showed to him
that it should fight against his nation, and take their city by
force, and bring the temple worship to confusion, and forbid the
sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and
ninety-six days. Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the
Plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the
appearance of this vision after the following manner: He said
that the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians,
and the horns those kings that were to reign in them; and that
the last horn signified the last king, and that he should exceed
all the kings in riches and glory: that the he-goat signified
that one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice
fight with the Persian, and overcome him in battle, and should
receive his entire dominion: that by the great horn which sprang
out of the forehead of the he-goat was meant the first king; and
that the springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and the
conversion of every one of them to the four quarters of the
earth, signified the successors that should arise after the death
of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them,
and that they should be neither his children, nor of his kindred,
that should reign over the habitable earth for many years; and
that from among them there should arise a certain king that
should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away
their political government, and should spoil the temple, and
forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years' time. And
indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things
under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's vision, and what
he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same
manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and
that our country should be made desolate by them. All these
things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to
him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they
have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God
honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in
an error, who cast Providence out of human life, and do not
believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that
the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed
and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of
its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; which, were it
destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be
like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or
like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the
world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a
Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. So that, by the
forementioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very
much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no
providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that
the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that
all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. Now as
to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them
and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion
about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any
blame from me.




BOOK XI.

Containing The Interval Of Two Hundred And Fifty-Three Years And
Five Months.

From The First Of Cyrus To The Death Of Alexander The Great.

CHAPTER 1.

How Cyrus, King Of The Persians, Delivered The Jews Out Of
Babylon And Suffered Them To Return To Their Own Country And To
Build Their Temple, For Which Work He Gave Them Money.


1. In the first year of the reign of Cyrus (1) which was the
seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their
own land into Babylon, God commiserated the captivity and
calamity of these poor people, according as he had foretold to
them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the destruction of the city,
that after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and
after they had undergone that servitude seventy years, he would
restore them again to the land of their fathers, and they should
build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity. And these
things God did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus,
and made him write this throughout all Asia: "Thus saith Cyrus
the king: Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the
habitable earth, I believe that he is that God which the nation
of the Israelites worship; for indeed he foretold my name by the
prophets, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in
the country of Judea."

2. This was known to Cyrus by his reading the book which Isaiah
left behind him of his prophecies; for this prophet said that God
had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: "My will is, that
Cyrus, whom I have appointed to be king over many and great
nations, send back my people to their own land, and build my
temple." This was foretold by Isaiah one hundred and forty years
before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read
this, and admired the Divine power, an earnest desire and
ambition seized upon him to fulfill what was so written; so he
called for the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said
to them, that he gave them leave to go back to their own country,
and to rebuild their city Jerusalem, (2) and the temple of God,
for that he would be their assistant, and that he would write to
the rulers and governors that were in the neighborhood of their
country of Judea, that they should contribute to them gold and
silver for the building of the temple, and besides that, beasts
for their sacrifices.

3. When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, the rulers of the
two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests,
went in haste to Jerusalem; yet did many of them stay at Babylon,
as not willing to leave their possessions; and when they were
come thither, all the king's friends assisted them, and brought
in, for the building of the temple, some gold, and some silver,
and some a great many cattle and horses. So they performed their
vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed
of old time; I mean this upon the rebuilding of their city, and
the revival of the ancient practices relating to their worship.
Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God which king
Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and had carried to
Babylon. So he committed these things to Mithridates, the
treasurer, to be sent away, with an order to give them to
Sanabassar, that he might keep them till the temple was built;
and when it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests
and rulers of the multitude, in order to their being restored to
the temple. Cyrus also sent an epistle to the governors that were
in Syria, the contents whereof here follow:

"King Cyrus To Sisinnes And Sathrabuzanes Sendeth Greeting.

"I have given leave to as many of the Jews that dwell in my
country as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild
their city, and to build the temple of God at Jerusalem on the
same place where it was before. I have also sent my treasurer
Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the Jews, that they
may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build it sixty
cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edifices of
polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same
order extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God.
I require also that the expenses for these things may be given
out of my revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which
king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the temple, and have given
them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor
of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and
may restore them to the temple of God. Now their number is as
follows: Fifty chargers of gold, and five hundred of silver;
forty Thericlean cups of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty
basons of gold, and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for
pouring [the drink-offerings], and three hundred of silver;
thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred of silver;
with a thousand other large vessels. (3) I permit them to have
the same honor which they were used to have from their
forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and
oil, two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachme; and
for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I
give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the
tributes due from Samaria. The priests shall also offer these
sacrifices according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem; and when
they offer them, they shall pray to God for the preservation of
the king and of his family, that the kingdom of Persia may
continue. But my will is, that those who disobey these
injunctions, and make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and
their substance brought into the king's treasury." And such was
the import of this epistle. Now the number of those that came out
of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hundred
and sixty-two.




CHAPTER 2.

How Upon The Death Of Cyrus The Jews Were Hindered In Building Of
The Temple By The Cutheans, And The Neighboring Governors; And
How Cambyses Entirely Forbade The Jews To Do Any Such Thing.


1. When the foundations of the temple were laying, and when the
Jews were very zealous about building it, the neighboring
nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of
Assyria, had brought out of Persia and Media, and had planted in
Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel captives, besought
the governors, and those that had the care of such affairs, that
they would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their
city, and in the building of their temple. Now as these men were
corrupted by them with money, they sold the Cutheans their
interest for rendering this building a slow and a careless work,
for Cyrus, who was busy about other wars, knew nothing of all
this; and it so happened, that when he had led his army against
the Massagetae, he ended his life. (4) But when Cambyses, the son
of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors in Syria, and
Phoenicia, and in the countries of Amlnon, and Moab, and Samaria,
wrote an epistle to Calnbyses; whose contents were as follow: "To
our lord Cambyses. We thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer,
and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in
Syria and Phoenicia, send greeting. It is fit, O king, that thou
shouldst know that those Jews which were carried to Babylon are
come into our country, and are building that rebellious and
wicked city, and its market-places, and setting up its walls, and
raising up the temple; know therefore, that when these things are
finished, they will not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they
submit to thy commands, but will resist kings, and will choose
rather to rule over others than be ruled over themselves. We
therefore thought it proper to write to thee, O king, while the
works about the temple are going on so fast, and not to overlook
this matter, that thou mayst search into the books of thy
fathers, for thou wilt find in them that the Jews have been
rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also,
which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste. We thought
proper also to inform thee of this matter, because thou mayst
otherwise perhaps be ignorant of it, that if this city be once
inhabited and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt be
excluded from thy passage to Celesyria and Phoenicia."

2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he
was irritated at what they told him, and wrote back to them as
follows: "Cambyses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to
Beeltethmus, to Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are in
commission, and dwelling in Samaria and Phoenicia, after this
manner: I have read the epistle that was sent from you; and I
gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched
into, and it is there found that this city hath always been an
enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have raised seditions and
wars. We also are sensible that their kings have been powerful
and tyrannical, and have exacted tribute of Celesyria and
Phoenicia. Wherefore I gave order, that the Jews shall not be
permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as they used to
bring upon kings be greatly augmented." When this epistle was
read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their associates,
got suddenly on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they also
brought a great company with them, and forbade the Jews to build
the city and the temple. Accordingly, these works were hindered
from going on till the second year of the reign of Darius, for
nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, and within that
time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come back, he died at
Damascus.




CHAPTER 3.

How After The Death Of Cambyses And The Slaughter Of The Magi But
Under The Reign Of Darius, Zorobabel Was Superior To The Rest In
The Solution Of Problems And Thereby Obtained This Favor Of The
King, That The Temple Should Be Built.


1. After the slaughter of file Magi, who, upon the death of
Cambyses, attained the government of the Persians for a year,
those families which were called the seven families of the
Persians appointed Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their
king. Now he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to God,
that if he came to be king, he would send all the vessels of God
that were in Babylon to the temple at Jerusalem. Now it so fell
out, that about this time Zorobabel, who had been made governor
of the Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, from
Jerusalem; for there had been an old friendship between him and
the king. He was also, with two others, thought worthy to be
guard of the king's body; and obtained that honor which he hoped
for.

2. Now, in the first year of the king's reign, Darius feasted
those that were about him, and those born in his house, with the
rulers of the Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the
toparchs of India and Ethiopia, and the generals of the armies of
his hundred and twenty-seven provinces. But when they had eaten
and drunk to satiety, and abundantly, they every one departed to
go to bed at their own houses, and Darius the king went to bed;
but after he had rested a little part of the night, he awaked,
and not being able to sleep any more, he fell into conversation
with the three guards of his body, and promised, that to him who
should make an oration about points that he should inquire of,
such as should be most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of
wisdom, he would grant it as a reward of his victory, to put on a
purple garment, and to drink in cups of gold, and to sleep upon
gold, and to have a chariot with bridles of gold, and a head tire
of fine linen, and a chain of gold about his neck, and to sit
next to himself, on account of his wisdom; "and," says he, "he
shall be called my cousin." Now when he had promised to give them
these gifts, he asked the first of them, "Whether wine was not
the strongest?"--the second, "Whether kings were not such?" - and
the third, "Whether women were not such? or whether truth was not
the strongest of all?" When he had proposed that they should make
their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest; but in the
morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of
Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place where he used
to give audience, and bid each of the guards of his body to
declare what they thought proper concerning the proposed
questions, in the hearing of them all.

3. Accordingly, the first of them began to speak of the strength
of wine, and demonstrated it thus: "When," said he," I am to give
my opinion of wine, O you men, I find that it exceeds every
thing, by the following indications: It deceives the mind of
those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to the same
state with that of the orphan, and he who stands in need of a
tutor; and erects that of the slave to the boldness of him that
is free; and that of the needy becomes like that of the rich man,
for it changes and renews the souls of men when it gets into
them; and it quenches the sorrow of those that are under
calamities, and makes men forget the debts they owe to others,
and makes them think themselves to be of all men the richest; it
makes them talk of no small things, but of talents, and such
other names as become wealthy men only; nay more, it makes them
insensible of their commanders, and of their kings, and takes
away the remembrance of their friends and companions, for it arms
men even against those that are dearest to them, and makes them
appear the greatest strangers to them; and when they are become
sober, and they have slept out their wine in the night, they
arise without knowing any thing they have done in their cups. I
take these for signs of power, and by them discover that wine is
the strongest and most insuperable of all things."

4. As soon as the first had given the forementioned
demonstrations of the strength of wine, he left off; and the next
to him began to speak about the strength of a king, and
demonstrated that it was the strongest of all, and more powerful
than any thing else that appears to have any force or wisdom. He
began his demonstration after the following manner; and said,"
They are men who govern all things; they force the earth and the
sea to become profitable to them in what they desire, and over
these men do kings rule, and over them they have authority. Now
those who rule over that animal which is of all the strongest and
most powerful, must needs deserve to be esteemed insuperable in
power and force. For example, when these kings command their
subjects to make wars, and undergo dangers, they are hearkened
to; and when they send them against their enemies, their power is
so great that they are obeyed. They command men to level
mountains, and to pull down walls and towers; nay, when they are
commanded to be killed and to kill, they submit to it, that they
may not appear to transgress the king's commands; and when they
have conquered, they bring what they have gained in the war to
the king. Those also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the
ground, and plough it, and when, after they have endured the
labor and all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, they
have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring tributes to
the king; and whatsoever it is which the king says or commands,
it is done of necessity, and that without any delay, while he in
the mean time is satiated with all sorts of food and pleasures,
and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by such as watch, and such as
are, as it were, fixed down to the place through fear; for no one
dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go away
and take care of his own affairs; but he esteems this one thing
the only work of necessity, to guard the king, and accordingly to
this he wholly addicts himself. How then can it be otherwise, but
that it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength, while
so great a multitude obeys his injunctions?"

5. Now when this man had held his peace, the third of them, who
was Zorobabel, began to instruct them about women, and about
truth, who said thus: "Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom
all men obey, but women are superior to them in power; for it was
a woman that brought the king into the world; and for those that
plant the vines and make the wine, they are women who bear them,
and bring them up: nor indeed is there any thing which we do not
receive from them; for these women weave garments for us, and our
household affairs are by their means taken care of, and preserved
in safety; nor can we live separate from women. And when we have
gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and any other thing that
is of great value, and deserving regard, and see a beautiful
woman, we leave all these things, and with open mouth fix our
eyes upon her countenance, and are willing to forsake what we
have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and procure it to ourselves.
We also leave father, and mother, and the earth that nourishes
us, and frequently forget our dearest friends, for the sake of
women; nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for them.
But what will chiefly make you take notice of the strength of
women is this that follows: Do not we take pains, and endure a
great deal of trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when we
have procured somewhat as the fruit of our labors, do not we
bring them to the women, as to our mistresses, and bestow them
upon them? Nay, I once saw the king, who is lord of so many
people, smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases
Themasius, his concubine, and his diadem taken away from him, and
put upon her own head, while he bore it patiently; and when she
smiled he smiled, and when she was angry he was sad; and
according to the change of her passions, he flattered his wife,
and drew her to reconciliation by the great humiliation of
himself to her, if at my time he saw her displeased at him."

6. And when the princes and rulers looked one upon another, he
began to speak about truth; and he said, "I have already
demonstrated how powerful women are; but both these women
themselves, and the king himself, are weaker than truth; for
although the earth be large, and the heaven high, and the course
of the sun swift, yet are all these moved according to the will
of God, who is true and righteous, for which cause we also ought
to esteem truth to be the strongest of all things, and that what
is unrighteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all things
else that have any strength are mortal and short-lived, but truth
is a thing that is immortal and eternal. It affords us not indeed
such a beauty as will wither away by time, nor such riches as may
be taken away by fortune, but righteous rules and laws. It
distinguishes them from injustice, and puts what is unrighteous
to rebuke." (5)

7. So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse about truth, and
the multitude had cried out aloud that he had spoken the most
wisely, and that it was truth alone that had immutable strength,
and such as never would wax old, the king commanded that he
should ask for somewhat over and above what he had promised, for
that he would give it him because of his wisdom, and that
prudence wherein he exceeded the rest; "and thou shalt sit with
me," said the king, "and shalt be called my cousin." When he had
said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the vow he had made in
case he should ever have the kingdom. Now this vow was, "to
rebuild Jerusalem, and to build therein the temple of God; as
also to restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged,
and carried to Babylon. And this," said he, "is that request
which thou now permittest me to make, on account that I have been
judged to be wise and understanding."

8. So the king was pleased with what he had said, and arose and
kissed him; and wrote to the toparchs and governors, and enjoined
them to conduct Zorobabel and those that were going with him to
build the temple. He also sent letters to those rulers that were
in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry cedar trees from
Lebanon to Jerusalem, and to assist him in building the city. He
also wrote to them, that all the captives who should go to Judea
should be free; and he prohibited his deputies and governors to
lay any king's taxes upon the Jews; he also permitted that they
should have all that land which they could possess themselves of
without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samaritans,
and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to restore those villages which
they had taken from the Jews; and that, besides all this, fifty
talents should be given them for the building of the temple. He
also permitted them to offer their appointed sacrifices, and that
whatsoever the high priest and the priests wanted, and those
sacred garments wherein they used to worship God, should be made
at his own charges; and that the musical instruments which the
Levites used in singing hymns to God should be given them.
Moreover, he charged them, that portions of land should be given
to those that guarded the city and the temple, as also a
determinate sum of money every year for their maintenance; and
withal he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do
before him relating to the restoration of Jerusalem, Darius also
ordained should be done accordingly.

9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants from the king, he
went out of the palace, and looking up to heaven, he began to
return thanks to God for the wisdom he had given him, and the
victory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of Darius
himself; for, said he, "I had not been thought worthy of these
advantages, O Lord, unless thou hadst been favorable to me." When
therefore he had returned these thanks to God for the present
circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to afford him the
like favor for the time to come, he came to Babylon, and brought
the good news to his countrymen of what grants he had procured
for them from the king; who, when they heard the same, gave
thanks also to God that he restored the land of their forefathers
to them again. So they betook themselves to drinking and eating,
and for seven days they continued feasting, and kept a festival,
for the rebuilding and restoration of their country: after this
they chose themselves rulers, who should go up to Jerusalem, out
of the tribes of their forefathers, with their wives, and
children, and cattle, who traveled to Jerusalem with joy and
pleasure, under the conduct of those whom Darius sent along with
them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes, and cymbals. The
rest of the Jewish multitude also besides accompanied them with
rejoicing.

10. And thus did these men go, a certain and determinate number
out of every family, though I do not think it proper to recite
particularly the names of those families, that I may not take off
the mind of my readers from the connexion of the historical
facts, and make it hard for them to follow the coherence of my
narrations; but the sum of those that went up, above the age of
twelve years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was four
hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand (6) the Levites
were seventy-four; the number of the women and children mixed
together was forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two; and
besides these, there were singers of the Levites one hundred and
twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten, and of the sacred
ministers three hundred and ninety-two; there were also others
besides these, who said they were of the Israelites, but were not
able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two: some
there were also who were expelled out of the number and honor of
the priests, as having married wives whose genealogies they could
not produce, nor were they found in the genealogies of the
Levites and priests; they were about five hundred and
twenty-five: the multitude also of servants that followed those
that went up to Jerusalem were seven thousand three hundred and
thirty-seven; the singing men and singing women were two hundred
and forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-five; the
beasts used to the yoke were five thousand five hundred and
twenty-five; and the governors of all this multitude thus
numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, of the posterity
of David, and of the tribe of Judah; and Jeshua, the son of
Josedek the high priest; and besides these there were Mordecai
and Serebeus, who were distinguished from the multitude, and were
rulers, who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold, and five
thousand of silver. By this means therefore the priests and the
Levites, and a certain part of the entire people of the Jews that
were in Babylon, came and dwelt in Jerusalem; but the rest of the
multitude returned every one to their own countries.




CHAPTER 4.

How The Temple Was Built While The Cutheans Endeavored In Vain To
Obstruct The Work.


1. Now in the seventh month after they were departed out of
Babylon, both Jeshua the high priest, and Zorobabel the governor,
sent messengers every way round about, and gathered those that
were in the country together to Jerusalem universally, who came
very gladly thither. He then built the altar on the same place it
had formerly been built, that they might offer the appointed
sacrifices upon it to God, according to the laws of Moses. But
while they did this, they did not please the neighboring nations,
who all of them bare an ill-will to them. They also celebrated
the feast of tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had
ordained concerning it; and after they offered sacrifices, and
what were called the daily sacrifices, and the oblations proper
for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals. Those also that
had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices from
the first day of the seventh month. They also began to build the
temple, and gave a great deal of money to the masons and to the
carpenters, and what was necessary for the maintenance of the
workmen. The Sidonians also were very willing and ready to bring
the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind them together, and to make
a united float of them, and to bring them to the port of Joppa,
for that was what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was now
done at the command of Darius.

2. In the second year of their coming to Jerusalem, as the Jews
were there in the second month, the building of the temple went
on apace; and when they had laid its foundations on the first day
of the second month of that second year, they set, as overseers
of the work, such Levites as were full twenty years old; and
Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel the brother of
Judas, the son of Aminadab, with his sons; and the temple, by the
great diligence of those that had the care of it, was finished
sooner than any one would have expected. And when the temple was
finished, the priests, adorned with their accustomed garments,
stood with their trumpets, while the Levites, and the sons of
Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God, according as David first of
all appointed them to bless God. Now the priests and Levites, and
the elder part of the families, recollecting with themselves how
much greater and more sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing
that now made how much inferior it was, on account of their
poverty, to that which had been built of old, considered with
themselves how much their happy state was sunk below what it had
been of old, as well as their temple. Hereupon they were
disconsolate, and not able to contain their grief, and proceeded
so far as to lament and shed tears on those accounts; but the
people in general were contented with their present condition;
and because they were allowed to build them a temple, they
desired no more, and neither regarded nor remembered, nor indeed
at all tormented themselves with the comparison of that and the
former temple, as if this were below their expectations; but the
wailing of the old men and of the priests, on account of the
deficiency of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with
that which had been demolished, overcame the sounds of the
trumpets and the rejoicing of the people.

3. But when the Samaritans, who were still enemies to the tribes
of Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they came
running together, and desired to know what was the occasion of
this tumult; and when they perceived that it was from the Jews,
who had been carried captive to Babylon, and were rebuilding
their temple, they came to Zorobabel and to Jeshua, and to the
heads of the families, and desired that they would give them
leave to build the temple with them, and to be partners with them
in building it; for they said, "We worship their God, and
especially pray to him, and are desirous of their religious
settlement, and this ever since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria,
transplanted us out of Cuthah and Media to this place." When they
said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest, and the heads of
the families of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was
impossible for them to permit them to be their partners, whilst
they [only] had been appointed to build that temple at first by
Cyrus, and now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful for them
to come and worship there if they pleased, and that they could
allow them nothing but that in common with them, which was common
to them with all other men, to come to their temple and worship
God there.

4. When the Cuthearts heard this, for the Samaritans have that
appellation, they had indignation at it, and persuaded the
nations of Syria to desire of the governors, in the same manner
as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the
days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the building of the
temple, and to endeavor to delay and protract the Jews in their
zeal about it. Now at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria
and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, came up to
Jerusalem, and asked the rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it
was that they built the temple in this manner, since it was more
like to a citadel than a temple? and for what reason it was that
they built cloisters and walls, and those strong ones too, about
the city? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest replied,
that they were the servants of God Almighty; that this temple was
built for him by a king of theirs, that lived in great
prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue; and that it
continued a long time, but that because of their fathers' impiety
towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians and of the
Chaldeans, took their city by force, and destroyed it, and
pillaged the temple, and burnt it down, and transplanted the
people whom he had made captives, and removed them to Babylon;
that Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylonia and Persia,
wrote to them to build the temple, and committed the gifts and
vessels, and whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar had carried out of it, to
Zorobabel, and Mithridates the treasurer; and gave order to have
them carried to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their own
temple, when it was built; for he had sent to them to have that
done speedily, and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Jerusalem,
and to take care of the building of the temple; who, upon
receiving that epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid its
foundations; "and although it hath been in building from that
time to this, it hath not yet been finished, by reason of the
malignity of our enemies. If therefore you have a mind, and think
it proper, write this account to Darius, that when he hath
consulted the records of the kings, he may find that we have told
you nothing that is false about this matter."

5. When Zorobabel and the high priest had made this answer,
Sisinnes, and those that were with him, did not resolve to hinder
the building, until they had informed king Darius of all this. So
they immediately wrote to him about these affairs; but as the
Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest the king should
change his resolutions as to the building of Jerusalem and of the
temple, there were two prophets at that time among them, Haggai
and Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be of good
cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from the Persians, for
that God foretold this to them. So, in dependence on those
prophets, they applied themselves earnestly to building, and did
not intermit one day.

6. Now Darius, when the Samaritans had written to him, and in
their epistle had accused the Jews, how they fortified the city,
and built the temple more like to a citadel than to a temple; and
said, that their doings were not expedient for the king's
affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of Cambyses,
wherein he forbade them to build the temple: and when Darius
thereby understood that the restoration of Jerusalem was not
expedient for his affairs, and when he had read the epistle that
was brought him from Sisinnes, and those that were with him, he
gave order that what concerned these matters should be sought for
among the royal records. Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana,
in the tower that was in Media, wherein was written as follows:
"Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign, commanded that
the temple should be built in Jerusalem; and the altar in height
threescore cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three
edifices of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their own
country; and he ordained that the expenses of it should be paid
out of the king's revenue. He also commanded that the vessels
which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had
carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people of
Jerusalem; and that the care of these things should belong to
Sanabassar, the governor and president of Syria and Phoenicia,
and his associates, that they may not meddle with that place, but
may permit the servants of God, the Jews and their rulers, to
build the temple. He also ordained that they should assist them
in the work; and that they should pay to the Jews, out of the
tribute of the country where they were governors, on account of
the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and lambs, and kids of the
goats, and fine flour, and oil, and wine, and all other things
that the priests should suggest to them; and that they should
pray for the preservation of the king, and of the Persians; and
that for such as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to
them, he commanded that they should be caught, and hung upon a
cross, and their substance confiscated to the king's use. He also
prayed to God against them, that if any one attempted to hinder
the building of the temple, God would strike him dead, and
thereby restrain his wickedness."

7. When Darius had found this book among the records of Cyrus, he
wrote an answer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose contents
were these: "King Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to
Sathrabuzanes, sendeth greeting. Having found a copy of this
epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it you; and I
will that all things be done as is therein written. Fare ye
well." So when Sisinnes, and those that were with him, understood
the intention of the king, they resolved to follow his directions
entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded the sacred
works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and the princes of
the Sanhedrim; and the structure of the temple was with great
diligence brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai
and Zechariah, according to God's commands, and by the
injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Now the temple was
built in seven years' time. And in the ninth year of the reign of
Darius, on the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, which is by
us called Adar, but by the Macedonians Dystrus, the priests, and
Levites, and the other multitude of the Israelites, offered
sacrifices, as the renovation of their former prosperity after
their captivity, and because they had now the temple rebuilt, a
hundred bulls, two hundred rains, four hundred lambs, and twelve
kids of the goats, according to the number of their tribes, (for
so many are the tribes of the Israelites,) and this last for the
sins of every tribe. The priests also and the Levites set the
porters at every gate, according to the laws of Moses. The Jews
also built the cloisters of the inner temple that were round
about the temple itself.

8. And as the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first
month, which, according to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus,
but according to us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the
villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having
purified themselves, with their wives and children, according to
the law of their country; and they offered the sacrifice which
was called the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the same month,
and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered whole
burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving,
because God had led them again to the land of their fathers, and
to the laws thereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of the
king of Persia favorable to them. So these men offered the
largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence
in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a
form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an
oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their
affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly
government; for before their captivity, and the dissolution of
their polity, they at first had kingly government from Saul and
David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten
days; but before those kings, such rulers governed them as were
called judges and monarchs. Under this form of government they
continued for more than five hundred years after the death of
Moses, and of Joshua their commander. And this is the account I
had to give of the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but
were delivered from it in the times of Cyrus and Darius.

9. (7) But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to
the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by reliance on their
riches, and by their pretense that they were allied to the
Persians, on account that thence they came; and whatsoever it was
that they were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order out
of their tributes for the sacrifices, they would not pay it. They
had also the governors favorable to them, and assisting them for
that purpose; nor did they spare to hurt them, either by
themselves or by others, as far as they were able. So the Jews
determined to send an embassage to king Darius, in favor of the
people of Jerusalem, and in order to accuse the Samaritans. The
ambassadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers; and as
soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the accusations and
complaints they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them an
epistle to be carried to the governors and council of Samaria;
the contents of which epistle were these: "King Darius to
Tanganas and Sambabas, the governors of the Sainaritans, to
Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of their fellow servants that
are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors
of the Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in the
building of the temple, and do not supply them with the expenses
which I commanded you to do for the offering their sacrifices. My
will therefore is this, That upon the reading of this epistle,
you supply them with whatsoever they want for their sacrifices,
and that out of the royal treasury, of the tributes of Samaria,
as the priest shall desire, that they may not leave off offering
their daily sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and the
Persians." And these were the contents of that epistle.




CHAPTER 5.

How Xerxes The Son Of Darius Was Well Disposed To The Jews; As
Also Concerning Esdras And Nehemiah.


1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took the kingdom,
who, as he inherited his father's kingdom, so did he inherit his
piety towards God, and honor of him; for he did all things
suitably to his father relating to Divine worship, and he was
exceeding friendly to the Jews. Now about this time a son of
Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was the high priest. Moreover,
there was now in Babylon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed a
great reputation among the multitude. He was the principal priest
of the people, and his name was Esdras. He was very skillful in
the laws of Moses, and was well acquainted with king Xerxes. He
had determined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him some
of those Jews that were in Babylon; and he desired that the king
would give him an epistle to the governors of Syria, by which
they might know who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote the
following epistle to those governors: "Xerxes, king of kings, to
Esdras the priest, and reader of the Divine law, greeting. I
think it agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to
permit those of the Jewish nation that are so disposed, as well
as those of the priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to
go together to Jerusalem. Accordingly, I have given command for
that purpose; and let every one that hath a mind go, according as
it hath seemed good to me, and to my seven counselors, and this
in order to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether
they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them also take with them
those presents which I and my friends have vowed, with all that
silver and gold that is found in the country of the Babylonians,
as dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem to
God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful for thee and thy
brethren to make as many vessels of silver and gold as thou
pleasest. Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have
been given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind to make,
and shall take the expenses out of the king's treasury. I have,
moreover, written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, that
they take care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, and
reader of the laws of God, is sent about. And that God may not be
at all angry with me, or with my children, I grant all that is
necessary for sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far as
a hundred cori of wheat. And I enjoin you not to lay any
treacherous imposition, or any tributes, upon their priests or
Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or sacred servants, or
scribes of the temple. And do thou, O Esdras, appoint judges
according to the wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as
understand the law, that they may judge in all Syria and
Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those also which are ignorant of
it, that if any one of thy countrymen transgress the law of God,
or that of the king, he may be punished, as not transgressing it
out of ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but boldly
despises and contemns it; and such may be punished by death, or
by paying fines. Farewell."

2. When Esdras had received this epistle, he was very joyful, and
began to worship God, and confessed that he had been the cause of
the king's great favor to him, and that for the same reason he
gave all the thanks to God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to
those Jews that were there; but he kept the epistle itself, and
sent a copy of it to all those of his own nation that were in
Media. And when these Jews had understood what piety the king had
towards God, and what kindness he had for Esdras, they were all
greatly pleased; nay, many of them took their effects with them,
and came to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to Jerusalem;
but then the entire body of the people of Israel remained in that
country; wherefore there are but two tribes in Asia and Europe
subject to the Iomans, while the ten tribes are beyond Euphrates
till now, and are an immense multitude, and not to be estimated
by numbers. Now there came a great number of priests, and
Levites, and porters, and sacred singers, and sacred servants to
Esdras. So he gathered those that were in the captivity together
beyond Euphrates, and staid there three days, and ordained a fast
for them, that they might make their prayers to God for their
preservation, that they might suffer no misfortunes by the way,
either from their enemies, or from any other ill accident; for
Esdras had said beforehand that he had told the king how God
would preserve them, and so he had not thought fit to request
that he would send horsemen to conduct them. So when they had
finished their prayers, they removed from Euphrates on the
twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the reign
of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the
same year. Now Esdras presented the sacred money to the
treasurers, who were of the family of the priests, of silver six
hundred and fifty talents, vessels of silver one hundred talents,
vessels of gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that was more
precious than gold, (8) twelve talents by weight; for these
Presents had been made by the king and his counselors, and by all
the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when Esdras had
delivered these things to the priests, he gave to God, as the
appointed sacrifices of whole burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on
account of the common preservation of the people, ninety rams,
seventy-two lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, for the
remission of sins. He also delivered the king's epistle to the
king's officers, and to the governors of Celesyria and Phoenicia;
and as they were under a necessity of doing what was enjoined by
him, they honored our nation, and were assistant to them in all
their necessities.

3. Now these things were truly done under the conduct of Esdras;
and he succeeded in them, because God esteemed him worthy of the
success of his conduct, on account of his goodness and
righteousness. But some time afterward there came some persons to
him, and brought an accusation against certain of the multitude,
and of the priests and Levites, who had transgressed their
settlement, and dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying
strange wives, and had brought the family of the priests into
confusion. These persons desired him to support the laws, lest
God should take up a general anger against them all, and reduce
them to a calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent his
garment immediately, out of grief, and pulled off the hair of his
head and beard, and cast himself upon the ground, because this
crime had reached the principal men among the people; and
considering that if he should enjoin them to cast out their
wives, and the children they had by them, he should not be
hearkener to, he continued lying upon the ground. However, all
the better sort came running to him, who also themselves wept,
and partook of the grief he was under for what had been done. So
Esdras rose up from the ground, and stretched out his hands
towards heaven, and said that he was ashamed to look towards it,
because of the sins which the people had committed, while they
had cast out of their memories what their fathers had undergone
on account of their wickedness; and he besought God, who had
saved a seed and a remnant out of the calamity and captivity they
had been in, and had restored them again to Jerusalem, and to
their own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to have
compassion on them, that he would also forgive them their sins
they had now committed, which, though they deserved death, yet,
was it agreeable to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the
punishment due to them.

4. After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; and when all
those that came to him with their wives and children were under
lamentation, one whose name was Jechonias, a principal man in
Jerusalem, came to him, and said that they had sinned in marrying
strange wives; and he persuaded him to adjure them all to cast
those wives out, and the children born of them, and that those
should be punished who would not obey the law. So Esdras
hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and
of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put
away those wives and children, according to the advice of
Jechonias. And when he had received their oaths, he went in haste
out of the temple into the chamber of Johanan, the son of
Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for grief,
so he abode there that day. And when proclamation was made, that
all those of the captivity should gather themselves together to
Jerusalem, and those that did not meet there in two or three days
should be banished from the multitude, and that their substance
should b appropriated to the uses of the temple, according to the
sentence of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Judah
and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on the twentieth
day of the ninth month, which, according to the Hebrews, is
called Tebeth, and according to the Macedonians, Apelleius. Now
as they were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where the
elders also were present, but were uneasy because of the cold,
Esdras stood up and accused them, and told them that they had
sinned in marrying wives that were not of their own nation; but
that now they would do a thing both pleasing to God, and
advantageous to themselves, if they would put those wives away.
Accordingly, they all cried out that they would do so. That,
however, the multitude was great, and that the season of the year
was winter, and that this work would require more than one or two
days. "Let their rulers, therefore, [said they,] and those that
have married strange wives, come hither at a proper time, while
the elders of every place, that are in common to estimate the
number of those that have thus married, are to be there also."
Accordingly, this was resolved on by them, and they began the
inquiry after those that had married strange wives on the first
day of the tenth month, and continued the inquiry to the first
day of the next month, and found a great many of the posterity of
Jeshua the high priest, and of the priests and Levites, and
Israelites, who had a greater regard to the observation of the
law than to their natural affection, (9) and immediately cast out
their wives, and the children which were born of them. And in
order to appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew rams, as
oblations to him; but it does not seem to me to be necessary to
set down the names of these men. So when Esdras had reformed this
sin about the marriages of the forementioned persons, he reduced
that practice to purity, so that it continued in that state for
the time to come.

5. Now when they kept the feast of tabernacles in the seventh
month (10) and almost all the people were come together to it,
they went up to the open part of the temple, to the gate which
looked eastward, and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses
might be read to them. Accordingly, he stood in the midst of the
multitude and read them; and this he did from morning to noon.
Now, by hearing the laws read to them, they were instructed to be
righteous men for the present and for the future; but as for
their past offenses, they were displeased at themselves, and
proceeded to shed tears on their account, as considering with
themselves that if they had kept the law, they had endured none
of these miseries which they had experienced. But when Esdras saw
them in that disposition, he bade them go home, and not weep, for
that it was a festival, and that they ought not to weep thereon,
for that it was not lawful so to do. (11) He exhorted them rather
to proceed immediately to feasting, and to do what was suitable
to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy; but to let
their repentance and sorrow for their former sins be a security
and a guard to them, that they fell no more into the like
offenses. So upon Esdras's exhortation they began to feast; and
when they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they
departed to their own homes, singing hymns to God, and returning
thanks to Esdras for his reformation of what corruptions had been
introduced into their settlement. So it came to pass, that after
he had obtained this reputation among the people, he died an old
man, and was buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem. About
the same time it happened also that Joacim, the high priest,
died; and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood.
6. Now there was one of those Jews that had been carried captive
who was cup-bearer to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this
man was walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, he
heard some strangers that were entering the city, after a long
journey, speaking to one another in the Hebrew tongue; so he went
to them, and asked them whence they came. And when their answer
was, that they came from Judea, he began to inquire of them again
in what state the multitude was, and in what condition Jerusalem
was; and when they replied that they were in a bad state (12) for
that their walls were thrown down to the ground, and that the
neighboring nations did a great deal of mischief to the Jews,
while in the day time they overran the country, and pillaged it,
and in the night did them mischief, insomuch that not a few were
led away captive out of the country, and out of Jerusalem itself,
and that the roads were in the day time found full of dead men.
Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears, out of commiseration of the
calamities of his countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he said,
"How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook our nation, while it
suffers so great miseries, and while we are made the prey and
spoil of all men?" And while he staid at the gate, and lamented
thus, one told him that the king was going to sit down to supper;
so he made haste, and went as he was, without wishing himself, to
minister to the king in his office of cup-bearer. But as the king
was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful than usual, he
cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and seeing him look sad, he asked him
why he was sad. Whereupon he prayed to God to give him favor, and
afford him the power of persuading by his words, and said, "How
can I, O king, appear otherwise than thus, and not be in trouble,
while I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the
sepulchers of my fathers, are thrown down to the ground, and that
its gates are consumed by fire? But do thou grant me the favor to
go and build its wall, and to finish the building of the temple."
Accordingly, the king gave him a signal that he freely granted
him what he asked; and told him that he should carry an epistle
to the governors, that they might pay him due honor, and afford
him whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased. "Leave
off thy sorrow then," said the king, "and be cheerful in the
performance of thy office hereafter." So Nehemiah worshipped God,
and gave the king thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad
and cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from the king's
promises. Accordingly, the king called for him the next day, and
gave him an epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor of
Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him to pay
due honor to Nehemiah, and to supply him with what he wanted for
his building.

7. Now when he was come to Babylon, and had taken with him many
of his countrymen, who voluntarily followed him, he came to
Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes.
And when he had shown the epistles to God (13) he gave them to
Adeus, and to the other governors. He also called together all
the people to Jerusalem, and stood in the midst of the temple,
and made the following speech to them: "You know, O Jews, that
God hath kept our fathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in mind
continually, and for the sake of their righteousness hath not
left off the care of you. Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining
this authority of the king to raise up our wall, and finish what
is wanting of the temple. I desire you, therefore who well know
the ill-will our neighboring nations bear to us, and that when
once they are made sensible that we are in earnest about
building, they will come upon us, and contrive many ways of
obstructing our works, that you will, in the first place, put
your trust in God, as in him that will assist us against their
hatred, and to intermit building neither night nor day, but to
use all diligence, and to hasten on the work, now we have this
especial opportunity for it." When he had said this, he gave
order that the rulers should measure the wall, and part the work
of it among the people, according to their villages and cities,
as every one's ability should require. And when he had added this
promise, that he himself, with his servants, would assist them,
he dissolved the assembly. So the Jews prepared for the work:
that is the name they are called by from the day that they came
up from Babylon, which is taken from the tribe of Judah, which
came first to these places, and thence both they and the country
gained that appellation.

8. But now when the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Samaritans, and
all that inhabited Celesyria, heard that the building went on
apace, they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for
them, and to hinder their intentions. They also slew many of the
Jews, and sought how they might destroy Nehemiah himself, by
hiring some of the foreigners to kill him. They also put the Jews
in fear, and disturbed them, and spread abroad rumors, as if many
nations were ready to make an expedition against them, by which
means they were harassed, and had almost left off the building.
But none of these things could deter Nehemiah from being diligent
about the work; he only set a number of men about him as a guard
to his body, and so unweariedly persevered therein, and was
insensible of any trouble, out of his desire to perfect this
work. And thus did he attentively, and with great forecast, take
care of his own safety; not that he feared death, but of this
persuasion, that if he were dead, the walls for his citizens
would never be raised. He also gave orders that the builders
should keep their ranks, and have their armor on while they were
building. Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as well as he
that brought the materials for building. He also appointed that
their shields should lie very near them; and he placed trumpeters
at every five hundred feet, and charged them, that if their
enemies appeared, they should give notice of it to the people,
that they might fight in their armor, and their enemies might not
fall upon them naked. He also went about the compass of the city
by night, being never discouraged, neither about the work itself,
nor about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of those
things for his pleasure, but out of necessity. And this trouble
he underwent for two years and four months; (14) for in so long a
time was the wall built, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign
of Xerxes, in the ninth month. Now when the walls were finished,
Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the
building of them, and they continued in feasting eight days.
However, when the nations which dwelt in Syria heard that the
building of the wall was finished, they had indignation at it.
But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of people, he
exhorted the priests and the Levites that they would leave the
country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue;
and he built them houses at his own expenses; and he commanded
that part of the people which were employed in cultivating the
land to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusalem, that the
priests and Levites having whereof they might live perpetually,
might not leave the Divine worship; who willingly hearkened to
the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem
came to be fuller of people than it was before. So when Nehemiah
had done many other excellent things, and things worthy of
commendation, in a glorious manner, he came to a great age, and
then died. He was a man of a good and righteous disposition, and
very ambitious to make his own nation happy; and he hath left the
walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself. Now this
was done in the days of Xerxes.




CHAPTER 6.

Concerning Esther And Mordecai And Haman; And How In The Reign Of
Artaxerxes The Whole Nation Of The Jews Was In Danger Of
Perishing.


1. After the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came to be transferred
to his son Cyrus, whom  the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When this
man had obtained the government over the Persians, the whole
nation of the Jews, (15) with their wives and children, were in
danger of perishing; the occasion whereof we shall declare in a
little time; for it is proper, in the first place, to explain
somewhat relating to this king, and how he came to marry a Jewish
wife, who was herself of the royal family also, and who is
related to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had taken
the kingdom, and had set governors over the hundred twenty and
seven provinces, from India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year
of his reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and for the
nations of Persia, and for their governors, such a one as was
proper for a king to make, when he had a mind to make a public
demonstration of his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore
days; after which he made a feast for other nations, and for
their ambassadors, at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was
ordered after the manner following: He caused a tent to be
pitched, which was supported by pillars of gold and silver, with
curtains of linen and purple spread over them, that it might
afford room for many ten thousands to sit down. The cups with
which the waiters ministered were of gold, and adorned with
precious stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also gave order
to the servants that they should not force them to drink, by
bringing them wine continually, as is the practice of the
Persians, but to permit every one of the guests to enjoy himself
according to his own inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers
through the country, and gave order that they should have a
remission of their labors, and should keep a festival many days,
on account of his kingdom. In like manner did Vashti the queen
gather her guests together, and made them a feast in the palace.
Now the king was desirous to show her, who exceeded all other
women in beauty, to those that feasted with him, and he sent some
to command her to come to his feast. But she, out of regard to
the laws of the Persians, which forbid the wives to be seen by
strangers, did not go to the king (16) and though he oftentimes
sent the eunuchs to her, she did nevertheless stay away, and
refused to come, till the king was so much irritated, that he
brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and called for those
seven who had the interpretation of the laws committed to them,
and accused his wife, and said that he had been affronted by her,
because that when she was frequently called by him to his feast,
she did not obey him once. He therefore gave order that they
should inform him what could be done by the law against her. So
one of them, whose name was Memucan, said that this affront was
offered not to him alone, but to all the Persians, who were in
danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, if they
must be thus despised by them; for that none of their wives would
have any reverence for their husbands, if they had" such an
example of arrogance in the queen towards thee, who rulest over
all." Accordingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had been
guilty of so great an affront to him, after a severe manner; and
when he had so done, to publish to the nations what had been
decreed about the queen. So the resolution was to put Vashti
away, and to give her dignity to another woman.

2. But the king having been fond of her, did not well bear a
separation, and yet by the law he could not admit of a
reconciliation; so he was under trouble, as not having it in his
power to do what he desired to do. But when his friends saw him
so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory of his wife, and
his love for her, out of his mind, but to send abroad over all
the habitable earth, and to search out for comely virgins, and to
take her whom he should best like for his wife, because his
passion for his former wife would be quenched by the introduction
of another, and the kindness he had for Vashti would be withdrawn
from her, and be placed on her that was with him. Accordingly, he
was persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to certain
persons to choose out of the virgins that were in his kingdom
those that were esteemed the most comely. So when a great number
of these virgins were gathered together, there was found a damsel
in Babylon, whose parents were both dead, and she was brought up
with her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle's name. This
uncle was of the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal
persons among the Jews. Now it proved that this damsel, whose
name was Esther, was the most beautiful of all the rest, and that
the grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the spectators
principally upon her. So she was committed to one of the eunuchs
to take the care of her; and she was very exactly provided with
sweet odors, in great plenty, and with costly ointments, such as
her body required to be anointed withal; and this was used for
six months by the virgins, who were in number four hundred. And
when the eunuch thought the virgins had been sufficiently
purified, in the fore-mentioned time, and were now fit to go to
the king's bed, he sent one to be with the king ever day. So when
he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to the eunuch; and
when Esther had come to him, he was pleased with her, and fell in
love with the damsel, and married her, and made her his lawful
wife, and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth month of
the seventh year of his reign, which was called Adar. He also
sent angari, as they are called, or messengers, unto every
nation, and gave orders that they should keep a feast for his
marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the Medes,
and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on
account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his
royal palace, and he set a diadem on her head. And thus was
Esther married, without making known to the king what nation she
was derived from. Her uncle also removed from Babylon to Shushan,
and dwelt there, being every day about the palace, and inquiring
how the damsel did, for he loved her as though she had been his
own daughter.

3. Now the king had made a law, (17) that none of his own people
should approach him unless he were called, when he sat upon his
throne and men, with axes in their hands, stood round about his
throne, in order to punish such as approached to him without
being called. However, the king sat with a golden scepter in his
hand, which he held out when he had a mind to save any one of
those that approached to him without being called, and he who
touched it was free from danger. But of this matter we have
discoursed sufficiently.

4. Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh,
plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of
the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquainted with their
conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen's uncle; and Mordecai,
by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king.
This troubled the king; but he discovered the truth, and hanged
the eunuchs upon a cross, while at that time he gave no reward ]:
to Mordecai, who had been the occasion of his preservation. He
only bid the scribes to set down his name in the records, and bid
him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend of the king.

5. Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an
Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and
Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such
honor should be paid to him; but Mordecai was so wise, and so
observant of his own country's laws, that he would not worship
the man (18) When Haman observed this, he inquired whence he
came; and when he understood that he was a Jew, he had
indignation at him, and said within himself, that whereas the
Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, this man, who was no
better than a slave, does not vouchsafe to do so. And when he
desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to
request of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather
determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an
enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amalekites, of which
he was; had been destroyed by them. Accordingly he came to the
king, and accused them, saying, "There is a certain wicked
nation, and it is dispersed over all the habitable earth the was
under his dominion; a nation separate from others, unsociable,
neither admitting the same sort of Divine worship that others do,
nor using laws like to the laws of others, at enmity with thy
people, and with all men, both in their manners and practices.
Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to thy subjects, thou wilt give
order to destroy them utterly, and not leave the least remains of
them, nor preserve any of them, either for slaves or for
captives." But that the king might not be damnified by the loss
of the tributes which the Jews paid him, Haman promised to give
him out of his own estate forty thousand talents whensoever he
pleased; and he said he would pay this money very willingly, that
the kingdom might be freed from such a misfortune.

6. When Haman had made this petition, the king both forgave him
the money, and granted him the men, to do what he would with
them. So Haman, having gained what he desired, sent out
immediately a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the
contents whereof were these: "Artaxerxes, the great king, to the
rulers of the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to
Ethiopia, sends this writing. Whereas I have governed many
nations, and obtained the dominions  of all the habitable earth,
according to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any thing
that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my power, but
have showed myself mild and gentle, by taking care of their peace
and good order, and have sought how they might enjoy those
blessings for all time to come. And whereas I have been kindly
informed by Haman, who, on account of his prudence and justice,
is the first in my esteem, and in dignity, and only second to
myself, for his fidelity and constant good-will to me, that there
is an ill-natured nation intermixed with all mankind, that is
averse to our laws, and not subject to kings, and of a different
conduct of life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of a
disposition that is pernicious to our affairs, I give order that
all these men, of whom Haman our second father hath informed us,
be destroyed, with their wives and children, and that none of
them be spared, and that none prefer pity to them before
obedience to this decree. And this I will to be executed on the
fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this present year, that so
when all that have enmity to us are destroyed, and this in one
day, we may be allowed to lead the rest of our lives in peace
hereafter." Now when this decree was brought to the cities, and
to the country, all were ready for the destruction and entire
abolishment of the Jews, against the day before mentioned; and
they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular.
Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their time in feasting
together with good cheer and wine, but the city was in disorder.

7. Now when Mordecai was informed of what was done, he rent his
clothes, and put on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his head,
and went about the city, crying out, that "a nation that had been
injurious to no man was to be destroyed." And he went on saying
thus as far as to the king's palace, and there he stood, for it
was not lawful for him to go into it in that habit. The same
thing was done by all the Jews that were in the several cities
wherein this decree was published, with lamentation and mourning,
on account of the calamities denounced against them. But as soon
as certain persons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before
the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed at this report,
and sent out such as should change his garments; but when he
could not be induced to put off his sackcloth, because the sad
occasion that forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she
called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent
him to Mordecai, in order to know of him what sad accident had
befallen him, for which he was in mourning, and would not put off
the habit he had put on at her desire. Then did Mordecai inform
the eunuch of the occasion of his mourning, and of the decree
which was sent by the king into all the country, and of the
promise of money whereby Haman brought the destruction of their
nation. He also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at
Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged her to petition
the king about this matter, and not to think it a dishonorable
thing in her to put on a humble habit, for the safety of her
nation, wherein she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who
were in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was only
inferior to that of the king, had accused the Jews, and had
irritated the king against them. When she was informed of this,
she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that she was not called
by the king, and that he who goes in to him without being called,
is to be slain, unless when he is willing to save any one, he
holds out his golden scepter to him; but that to whomsoever he
does so, although he go in without being called, that person is
so far from being slain, that he obtains pardon, and is entirely
preserved. Now when the eunuch carried this message from Esther
to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that she must not only
provide for her own preservation, but for the common preservation
of her nation, for that if she now neglected this opportunity,
there would certainly arise help to them from God some other way,
but she and her father's house would be destroyed by those whom
she now despised. But Esther sent the very same eunuch back to
Mordecai [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather the Jews
that were there together to a congregation, and to fast and
abstain from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him
know that] she with her maidens would do the same: and then she
promised that she would go to the king, though it were against
the law, and that if she must die for it, she would not refuse
it.

8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had enjoined him, and made
the people fast; and he besought God, together with them, not to
overlook his nation, particularly at this time, when it was going
to be destroyed; but that, as he had often before provided for
them, and forgiven, when they had sinned, so he would now deliver
them from that destruction which was denounced against them; for
although it was not all the nation that had offended, yet must
they so ingloriously be slain, and that he was himself the
occasion of the wrath of Haman, "Because," said he, "I did not
worship him, nor could I endure to pay that honor to him which I
used to pay to thee, O Lord; for upon that his anger hath he
contrived this present mischief against those that have not
transgressed thy laws." The same supplications did the multitude
put up, and entreated that God would provide for their
deliverance, and free the Israelites that were in all the earth
from this calamity which was now coming upon them, for they had
it before their eyes, and expected its coming. Accordingly,
Esther made supplication to God after the manner of her country,
by casting herself down upon the earth, and putting on her
mourning garments, and bidding farewell to meat and drink, and
all delicacies, for three days' time; and she entreated God to
have mercy upon her, and make her words appear persuasive to the
king, and render her countenance more beautiful than it was
before, that both by her words and beauty she might succeed, for
the averting of the king's anger, in case he were at all
irritated against her, and for the consolation of those of her
own country, now they were in the utmost danger of perishing; as
also that he would excite a hatred in the king against the
enemies of the Jews, and those that had contrived their future
destruction, if they proved to be contemned by him.

9. When Esther had used this supplication for three days, she put
off those garments, and changed her habit, and adorned herself as
became a queen, and took two of her handmaids with her, the one
of which supported her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the
other followed after, and lifted up her large train (which swept
along the ground) with the extremities of her fingers. And thus
she came to the king, having a blushing redness in her
countenance, with a pleasant agreeableness in her behavior; yet
did she go in to him with fear; and as soon as she was come over
against him, as he was sitting on his throne, in his royal
apparel, which was a garment interwoven with gold and precious
stones, which made him seem to her more terrible, especially when
he looked at her somewhat severely, and with a countenance on
fire with anger, her joints failed her immediately, out of the
dread she was in, and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but the
king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will
of God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should
bring some very ill thing upon her, and he leaped from his
throne, and took her in his arms, and recovered her, by embracing
her, and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting her to be of
good cheer, and not to suspect any thing that was sad on account
of her coming to him without being called, because that law was
made for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well as he a
king, might be entirely secure; and as he said this, he put the
scepter into her hand, and laid his rod upon her neck, on account
of the law; and so freed her from her fear. And after she had
recovered herself by these encouragements, she said, "My lord, it
is not easy for me, on the sudden, to say what hath happened, for
as soon as I saw thee to be great, and comely, and terrible, my
spirit departed from me, and I had no soul left in me." And while
it was with difficulty, and in a low voice, that she could say
thus much, the king was in a great agony and disorder, and
encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and to expect better
fortune, since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to
grant her the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, Esther desired
that he and his friend Haman would come to her to a banquet, for
she said she had prepared a supper for him. He consented to it;
and when they were there, as they were drinking, he bid Esther to
let him know what she desired; for that she should not be
disappointed though she should desire the half of his kingdom.
But she put off the discovery of her petition till the next day,
if he would come again, together with Haman, to her banquet.

10. Now when the king had promised so to do, Haman went away very
glad, because he alone had the honor of supping with the king at
Esther's banquet, and because no one else partook of the same
honor with kings but himself; yet when he saw Mordecai in the
court, he was very much displeased, for he paid him no manner of
respect when he saw him. So he went home and called for his wife
Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were come, he showed them
what honor he enjoyed not only from the king, but from the queen
also, for as he alone had that day supped with her, together with
the king, so was he also invited again for the next day; yet,"
said he, "am I not pleased to see Mordecai the Jew in the court."
Hereupon his wife Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows
should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the morning he
should ask it of the king that Mordecai might be hanged thereon.
So he commended her advice, and gave order to his servants to
prepare the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the
punishment of Mordecai thereon, which was accordingly prepared.
But God laughed to scorn the wicked expectations of Haman; and as
he knew what the event would be, he was delighted at it, for that
night he took away the king's sleep; and as the king was not
willing to lose the time of his lying awake, but to spend it in
something that might be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded
the scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former kings, and
the records of his own actions; and when he had brought them, and
was reading them, one was found to have received a country on
account of his excellent management on a certain occasion, and
the name of the country was set down; another was found to have
had a present made him on account of his fidelity: then the
scribe came to Bigthan and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a
conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai had discovered; and
when the scribe said no more but that, and was going on to
another history, the king stopped him, and inquired "whether it
was not added that Mordecai had a reward given him?" and when he
said there was no such addition, he bade him leave off; and he
inquired of those that were appointed for that purpose, what hour
of the night it was; and when he was informed that it was already
day, he gave order, that if they found any one of his friends
already come, and standing before the court, they should tell
him. Now it happened that Haman was found there, for he was come
sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have Mordecai put to
death; and when the servants said that Haman was before the
court, he bid them call him in; and when he was come in, he said,
"Because I know that thou art my only fast friend, I desire thee
to give me advice how I may honor one that I greatly love, and
that after a manner suitable to my magnificence." Now Haman
reasoned with himself, that what opinion he should give it would
be for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved by the
king: so he gave that advice which he thought of all other the
best; for he said, "If thou wouldst truly honor a man whom thou
sayest thou dost love, give order that he may ride on horseback,
with the same garment on which thou wearest, and with a gold
chain about his neck, and let one of thy intimate friends go
before him, and proclaim through the whole city, that whosoever
the king honoreth obtaineth this mark of his honor." This was the
advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that such a reward
would come to himself. Hereupon the king was pleased with the
advice, and said, "Go thou therefore, for thou hast the horse,
the garment, and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give
him those things, and go before his horse and proclaim
accordingly; for thou art," said he, "my intimate friend, and
hast given me good advice; be thou then the minister of what thou
hast advised me to. This shall be his reward from us, for
preserving my life." When he heard this order, which was entirely
unexpected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew not what to
do. However, he went out and led the horse, and took the purple
garment, and the golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai
before the court, clothed in sackcloth, he bid him put that
garment off, and put the purple garment on. But Mordecai, not
knowing the truth of the matter, but thinking that it was done in
mockery, said, "O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost
thou thus laugh at our calamities?" But when he was satisfied
that the king bestowed this honor upon him, for the deliverance
he had procured him when he convicted the eunuchs who had
conspired against him, he put on that purple garment which the
king always wore, and put the chain about his neck, and got on
horseback, and went round the city, while Haman went before and
proclaimed, "This shall be the reward which the king will bestow
on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy of honor." And
when they had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to the king;
but Haman went home, out of shame, and informed his wife and
friends of what had happened, and this with tears; who said, that
he would never be able to be revenged of Mordecai, for that God
was with him.

11. Now while these men were thus talking one to another,
Esther's eunuchs hastened Haman away to come to supper; but one
of the eunuchs, named Sabuchadas, saw the gallows that was fixed
in Haman's house, and inquired of one of his servants for what
purpose they had prepared it. So he knew that it was for the
queen's uncle, because Haman was about to petition the king that
he might be punished; but at present he held his peace. Now when
the king, with Haman, were at the banquet, he desired the queen
to tell him what gifts she desired to obtain, and assured her
that she should have whatsoever she had a mind to. She then
lamented the danger her people were in; and said that "she and
her nation were given up to be destroyed, and that she, on that
account, made this her petition; that she would not have troubled
him if he had only given order that they should be sold into
bitter servitude, for such a misfortune would not have been
intolerable; but she desired that they might be delivered from
such destruction." And when the king inquired of her whom was the
author of this misery to them, she then openly accused Haman, and
convicted him, that he had been the wicked instrument of this,
and had formed this plot against them. When the king was hereupon
in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the banquet into the
gardens, Haman began to intercede with Esther, and to beseech her
to forgive him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived that
he was in a very bad case. And as he had fallen upon the queen's
bed, and was making supplication to her, the king came in, and
being still more provoked at what he saw, "O thou wretch," said
he, "thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to force in wife?" And
when Haman was astonished at this, and not able to speak one word
more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in and accused Haman, and said,"
He found a gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai; for that
the servant told him so much upon his inquiry, when he was sent
to him to call him to supper." He said further, that the gallows
was fifty cubits high: which, when the king heard, he determined
that Haman should be punished after no other manner than that
which had been devised by him against Mordecai; so he gave order
immediately that he should be hung upon those gallows, and be put
to death after that manner. And from hence I cannot forbear to
admire God, and to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not
only in punishing the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing
it, that he should undergo the very same punishment which he had
contrived for another; as also because thereby he teaches others
this lesson, that what mischiefs any one prepares against
another, he, without knowing of it, first contrives it against
himself.

12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had
from the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king
granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai,
(for Esther had informed him that she was akin to him,) and gave
that ring to Mordecai which he had before given to Haman. The
queen also gave Haman's estate to Mordecai; and prayed the king
to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of death, and
showed him what had been written over all the country by Haman
the son of Ammedatha; for that if her country were destroyed, and
her countrymen were to perish, she could not bear to live herself
any longer. So the king promised her that he would not do any
thing that should be disagreeable to her, nor contradict what she
desired; but he bid her write what she pleased about the Jews, in
the king's name, and seal it with his seal, and send it to all
his kingdom, for that those who read epistles whose authority is
secured by having the king's seal to them, would no way
contradict what was written therein. So he commanded the king's
scribes to be sent for, and to write to the nations, on the Jews'
behalf, and to his lieutenants and governors, that were over his
hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia. Now
the contents of this epistle were these: "The great king
Artaxerxes to our rulers, and those that are our faithful
subjects, sendeth greeting. (19) Many men there are who, on
account of the greatness of the benefits bestowed on them, and
because of the honor which they have obtained from the wonderful
kind treatment of those that bestowed it, are not only injurious
to their inferiors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that
have been their benefactors, as if they would take away gratitude
from among men, and by their insolent abuse of such benefits as
they never expected, they turn the abundance they have against
those that are the authors of it, and suppose they shall lie
concealed from God in that case, and avoid that vengeance which
comes from him. Some of these men, when they have had the
management of affairs committed to them by their friends, and
bearing private malice of their own against some others, by
deceiving those that have the power, persuade them to be angry at
such as have done them no harm, till they are in danger of
perishing, and this by laying accusations and calumnies: nor is
this state of things to be discovered by ancient examples, or
such as we have learned by report only, but by some examples of
such impudent attempts under our own eyes; so that it is not fit
to attend any longer to calumnies and accusations, nor to the
persuasions of others, but to determine what any one knows of
himself to have been really done, and to punish what justly
deserves it, and to grant favors to such as are innocent. This
hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an
Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he
was hospitably entertained by us, and partook of that kindness
which we bear to all men to so great a degree, as to be called my
father, and to be all along worshipped, and to have honor paid
him by all in the second rank after the royal honor due to
ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the
magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason; nay, he made a
conspiracy against me and my life, who gave him his authority, by
endeavoring to take away Mordecai, my benefactor, and my savior,
and by basely and treacherously requiring to have Esther, the
partner of my life, and of my dominion, brought to destruction;
for he contrived by this means to deprive me of my faithful
friends, and transfer the government to others: (20) but since I
perceived that these Jews, that were by this pernicious fellow
devoted to destruction, were not wicked men, but conducted their
lives after the best manner, and were men dedicated to the
worship of that God who hath preserved the kingdom to me and to
my ancestors, I do not only free them from the punishment which
the former epistle, which was sent by Haman, ordered to be
inflicted on them, to which if you refuse obedience, you shall do
well; but I will that they have all honor paid to them.
Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that contrived such things
against them, with his family, before the gates of Shushan; that
punishment being sent upon him by God, who seeth all things. And
I give you in charge, that you publicly propose a copy of this
epistle through all my kingdom, that the Jews may be permitted
peaceably to use their own laws, and that you assist them, that
at the same season whereto their miserable estate did belong,
they may defend themselves the very same day from unjust
violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar;
for God hath made that day a day of salvation instead of a day of
destruction to them; and may it be a good day to those that wish
us well, and a memorial of the punishment of the conspirators
against us: and I will that you take notice, that every city, and
every nation, that shall disobey any thing that is contained in
this epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. However, let
this epistle be published through all the country that is under
our obedience, and let all the Jews, by all means, be ready
against the day before mentioned, that they may avenge themselves
upon their enemies."

13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the epistles proceeded
on the ways which they were to go with speed: but as for
Mordecai, as soon as he had assumed the royal garment, and the
crown of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he went
forth in a public procession; and when the Jews who were at
Shushan saw him in so great honor with the king, they thought his
good fortune was common to themselves also, and joy and a beam of
salvation encompassed the Jews, both those that were in the
cities, and those that were in the countries, upon the
publication of the king's letters, insomuch that many even of
other nations circumcised their foreskin for fear of the Jews,
that they might procure safety to themselves thereby; for on the
thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which according to the
Hebrews is called Adar, but according to the Macedonians,
Dystrus, those that carried the king's epistle gave them notice,
that the same day wherein their danger was to have been, on that
very day should they destroy their enemies. But now the rulers of
the provinces, and the tyrants, and the kings, and the scribes,
had the Jews in esteem; for the fear they were in of Mordecai
forced them to act with discretion. Now when the royal decree was
come to all the country that was subject to the king, it fell out
that the Jews at Shushan slew five hundred of their enemies; and
when the king had told Esther the number of those that were slain
in that city, but did not well know what had been done in the
provinces, he asked her whether she would have any thing further
done against them, for that it should be done accordingly: upon
which she desired that the Jews might be permitted to treat their
remaining enemies in the same manner the next day; as also that
they might hang the ten sons of Haman upon the gallows. So the
king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict
Esther. So they gathered themselves together again on the
fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew about three hundred
of their enemies, but touched nothing of what riches they had.
Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the country, and in
the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, and
these were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next
day they kept as a festival. In like manner the Jews that were in
Shushan gathered themselves together, and feasted on the
fourteenth day, and that which followed it; whence it is that
even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth keep these
days festival, and send portions to one another. Mordecai also
wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to
observe these days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to
deliver them down to posterity, that this festival might continue
for all time to come, and that it might never be buried in
oblivion; for since they were about to be destroyed on these days
by Haman, they would do a right thing, upon escaping the danger
in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to
observe those days, and give thanks to God on them; for which
cause the Jews still keep the forementioned days, and call them
days of Phurim [or Purim.] (21) And Mordecai became a great and
illustrious person with the king, and assisted him in the
government of the people. He also lived with the queen; so that
the affairs of the Jews were, by their means, better than they
could ever have hoped for. And this was the state of the Jews
under the reign of Artaxerxes.




CHAPTER 7.

How John Slew His Brother Jesus In The Temple; And How Bagoses
Offered Many Injuries To The Jews; And What Sanballat Did.


1. When Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas
succeeded in the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son
John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that
Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes's army, (22) polluted
the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the
public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they
should pay for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the
brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to
procure him the high priesthood. In confidence of whose support,
Jesus quarreled with John in the temple, and so provoked his
brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a
horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate
so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never
was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor
Barbarians. However, God did not neglect its punishment, but the
people were on that very account enslaved, and the temple was
polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses, the general of
Artaxerxes's army, knew that John, the high priest of the Jews,
had slain his own brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the
Jews immediately, and began in anger to say to them," Have you
had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?" And as
he was aiming to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do;
but he said to them," Am not I purer than he that was slain in
the temple?" And when he had said these words, he went into the
temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use of this pretense, and
punished the Jews seven years for the murder of Jesus.

2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded
in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was
Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius,
the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by
birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. This man knew
that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings
had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the
people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter,
whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this
alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the
nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him.




CHAPTER 8.

Concerning Sanballat And Manasseh, And The Temple Which They
Built On Mount Gerizzim; As Also How Alexander Made His Entry
Into The City Jerusalem, And What Benefits He Bestowed On The
Jews.


1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was
treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son
of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, and his
son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the
Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius's army in a battle
fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia,
and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has
been related elsewhere.

2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother
of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should
be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him;
for they esteemed this man's marriage a step to such as should be
desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives,
and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with
foreigners, although the offense of some about marriages, and
their having married wives that were not of their own country,
had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the
miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to
divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, the high priest
himself joining with the people in their indignation against his
brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh
came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although
he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be
deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the
principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the
same family. And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve
to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the
power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor
of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his
daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would
build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini,
which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria;
and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of
Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and
staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high
priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that
Sanballat was then in years. But there was now a great
disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those
priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all
revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and
divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and
all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law.

3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had
passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the
battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he
gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that
he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and
conquer all Asia. So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came
over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he
waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. Upon
which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told
Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and
this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten
his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia
also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as
come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their
multitude. But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for
the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and
lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and
children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. So
Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had
obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent all epistle to the
Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply
his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent
to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of
the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. But
the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his
oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he
would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the
living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; and
though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to
be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he
would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and
through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. So
when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken
Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza,
and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the
garrison, whose name was Babemeses.

4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity
to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him
seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and
finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he
delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his
dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of
Darius. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat
thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present
affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was
brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many
others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to
have a temple in the places subject to him; that it would be for
the king's advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided
into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united,
upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings,
as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. Whereupon
Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost
diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest,
and deemed it a great reward that his daughter's children should
have that dignity; but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre
were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat
died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up
to Jerusalem; and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was
in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet
the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing
disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make
supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to
God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them
from the perils that were coming upon them; whereupon God warned
him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered
sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and
open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments,
but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits
proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences,
which the providence of God would prevent. Upon which, when he
rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the
warning he had received from God. According to which dream he
acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king.

5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he
went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the
citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it
different from that of other nations. It reached to a place
called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a
prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of
the temple. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that
followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the
city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king's
displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it
happened; for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance,
in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine
linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with
his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name
of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that
name, and first saluted the high priest. The Jews also did all
together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him
about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised
at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his
mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how
it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore
the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, "I did not adore
him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood;
for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I
was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself
how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no
delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would
conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the
Persians; whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit,
and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision,
and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I
bring this army under the Divine conduct, and shall therewith
conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that
all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind." And
when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest
his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into
the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered
sacrifice to God, according to the high priest's direction, and
magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. And
when the Book of Daniel was showed him (23) wherein Daniel
declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the
Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And
as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present;
but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what
favors they pleased of him; whereupon the high priest desired
that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might
pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired.
And when they entreared him that he would permit the Jews in
Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly
promised to do hereafter what they desired. And when he said to
the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his
army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws
of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing
to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his
wars.

6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he
led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the
inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the
Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city
situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the
Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the
Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; for such is the
disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere
declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that
they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but
when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them,
they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that
they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the
posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly, they
made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great
alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And
when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to
him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and
they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to
their temple also; to whom he promised, that when he returned he
would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit
the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did but sow
thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; and
when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of
Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they
were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, "It was to the
Jews," said he, "that I granted that privilege; however, when I
return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will
do what I shall think proper." And in this manner he took leave
of the Shechenlites; but ordered that the troops of Sanballat
should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give
them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he
ordered them to guard that country.

7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among
his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And
if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten
things common (24) or of having broken the sabbath, or of any
other crime of the like nature, he fled away to the Shechemites,
and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was
that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high
priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of
Jerusalem at this time.




BOOK XII.

Containing The Interval Of A Hundred And Seventy Years.

From The Death Of Alexander The Great To The Death Of Judas
Maccabeus.

CHAPTER 1.

How Ptolemy The Son Of Lagus Took Jerusalem And Judea By Deceit
And Treachery, And Carried Many Thence, And Planted Them In
Egypt.


1. Now when Alexander, king of Macedon, had put an end to the
dominion of the Persians, and had settled the affairs in Judea
after the forementioned manner, he ended his life. And as his
government fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia, Seleucus
Babylon; and of the other nations which were there, Lysimachus
governed the Hellespont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia; as
did Ptolemy the son of Lagus seize upon Egypt. And while these
princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his
own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars,
and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and
lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of
distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the
son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of
Savior, which he then had. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for
that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into
the city on a sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices (1)
he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not
oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and
he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him,
and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when
he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner. Nay,
Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander's
successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had
lost our liberty; where he says thus: "There is a nation called
the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great,
named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the
hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they
submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their
unseasonable superstition." This is what Agatharchides relates of
our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives,
both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places
about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim,
he led them all into Egypt, (2) and settled them there. And as he
knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the
observation of oaths and covenants; and this from the answer they
made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he
had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into
garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of
citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to
take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the
posterity of those who committed these places to their care. Nay,
there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went
into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the
liberality of Ptolemy. However, there were disoders among their
posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account of their
resolution to preserve that conduct of life which was delivered
to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon contended one
with another, while those of Jerusalem said that their temple was
holy, and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but the
Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to Mount
Gerizzim.




CHAPTER 2.

How Ptolemy Philadelphus Procured The Laws Of The Jews To Be
Translated Into The Greek Tongue And Set Many Captives Free, And
Dedicated Many Gifts To God.


1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy
Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt,
and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be
interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem
into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and
twenty thousand. The occasion was this: Demetrius Phalerius, who
was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were
possible, to gather together all the books that were in the
habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or
agreeable to the king's inclination, (who was very earnestly set
upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius
was zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked him how
many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he
had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a
little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. But he said
he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the
Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king's library,
but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their
own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into
the Greek tongue; (3) that the character in which they are
written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of
the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs
also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves.
Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get
those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting
that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also
in this library. So the king thought that Demetrius was very
zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested
what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote
to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly.

2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king's most
intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable
to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now,
to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in
his kingdom free; and he thought this to be a convenient
opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in
the first place, with the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius
of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in
what he was going to intercede with the king for. Accordingly
Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been
before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following
speech to him: "It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things
hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For
since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews
transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what
means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in
thy kingdom? Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy
magnanimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable
condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy
kingdom, was the author of their laws as I have learned by
particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship
the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that
truly, by the name of GREEK, [or life, or Jupiter,] because he
breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men
to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because
these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. And know
this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor
one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors
to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I
am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do
therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them."

3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a
cheerful and joyful countenance, and said, "How many ten
thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made
free?" To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said," A few
more than ten times ten thousand." The king made answer, "And is
this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?" But Sosibius, and
the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a
thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that
God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much
pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their
wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas (4)
for every one of the slaves? And he promised to publish a
magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should
confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God
willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set
those free who had been led away captive by his father and his
army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also,
if any such there were, who had been brought away since. And when
they said that their redemption money would amount to above four
hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have
determined to preserve, that the magnanimity of this king may be
made known. Its contents were as follows: "Let all those who were
soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and
Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made
them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this
country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my
kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately
brought thither, - be made free by those that possess them; and
let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every
slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with
their pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I suppose
that they were made captives without our father's consent, and
against equity; and that their country was harassed by the
insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt,
the soldiers have made a great profit by them. Out of regard
therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been
tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have
such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the
receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any
deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. And I will
that they give in their names within three days after the
publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute
the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think
it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one
that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and
I will that their estates be confiscated into the king's
treasury." When this decree was read to the king, it at first
contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those
Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought
afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added
these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He
also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in
a hurry, should be divided among the king's ministers, and among
the officers of his treasury. When this was over, what the king
had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no
more than seven days' time, the number of the talents paid for
the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this,
because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmas
for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that
these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they
should receive the forementioned sum for every slave.

4. Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner,
according to the king's inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius
to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing
of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done
rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great
circumspection. On which account I have subjoined a copy of these
epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts
[to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the
exactness of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those
that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made
manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels
themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose:
"Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a
charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to
fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken
about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence
about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books
of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written
in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that
nation, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to them, that
they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to
have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken
about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate
copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden
wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God;
for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets
and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead
their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought
not to be published by profane mouths. If then it please thee, O
king, thou mayst write to the high priest of the Jews, to send
six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most
skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear
and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate
interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a
collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire."

5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an
epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest,
concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the
release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also
sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and
vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. He
also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that
contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose
out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a
hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for
sacrifices, and for other uses. Now I will give a description of
these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till
after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to
Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the
occasion following: When Onias the high priest was dead, his son
Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just (5)
because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition
to those of his own nation. When he was dead, and had left a
young son, who was called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom
we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom
Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: "King Ptolemy to
Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews
who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in
power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of
them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than
ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt,
he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they
might be a terror to the Egyptians. And when I had taken the
government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those
that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a
hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their
redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; and those
that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my
soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me,
and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as
thinking this [kindness done to them] to be a very great and an
acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over
me. And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these,
and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have
determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have
it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my
library. Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me
men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in
number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful
in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation
of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I
have done a work glorious to myself. And I have sent to thee
Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have
in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits
which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and
to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou
wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further,
thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me."

6. When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote
an answer to it with all the respect possible: "Eleazar the high
priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen
Arsinoe, (6) and thy children, be well, we are entirely
satisfied. When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at
thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we
read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou
hast towards God. We also showed them the twenty vials of gold,
and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table
for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the
sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the
temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored
friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of
an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy
virtue. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy
advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we
ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which
thou hast done to our countrymen. We immediately, therefore,
offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and
friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be
to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and
that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou
desirest, and be for thy advantage. We have also chosen six
elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with
them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send
back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those
to us that bring it in safety. Farewell."

7. This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not
seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy
[two] elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which
yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. However, I thought
it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and
artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that
all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king
allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often
to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of
carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations.
And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able,
although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such
a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the
elegant taste and magnanimity of this king to those that read
this history.

8. And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was
indeed in the king's mind to make this table vastly large in its
dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what
was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem,
and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of
making one larger than it. And when he was informed how large
that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a
larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one
made that should be five times as large as the present table; but
his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred
ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the
gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but
should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. According to
which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a
size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would
not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it
exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. And as he
was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in
having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where
there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by
his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded
that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which
were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant
regard to their delineation.

9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table,
they framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one
cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire
structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a
hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with
an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on
its three parts; for as they were of a triangular figure, every
angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you
turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about
without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was
enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but
that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately
adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to
sight, and to the view of the spectators; for which reason it was
that both those sides which were extant above the rest were
acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were
three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned
about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones
inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden
buttons, which had ouches in them; but the parts which were on
the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were
adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most
excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid
close, and encompassed the table round about. But under these
oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all
round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented,
insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had
made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before
mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast
with gold round the whole table. The like disposition of the oval
figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown,
that the table might on each side show the same appearance of
variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the
position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different,
although the table were turned on the other side, but that the
prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as
far as the feet; for there was made a plate of gold four fingers
broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they
inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons
and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that
so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might
exhibit the very same view of  the exquisite workmanship, and of
the vast expeses bestowed upon it: but upon the table itself they
engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the
middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the
emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the
spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most
curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind.
Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the
middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted
rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the
appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw
them. The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of
lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table,
but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them.
Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the
bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and
eight fingers in breadth. Now they had engraven upon it with a
very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy
and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that
you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils;
for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their
extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one
believe that they were the product of nature, and not the
representation of art. They also made the entire workmanship of
the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several
parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places
where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness
of the table was not less than half a cubit. So that this gift,
by the king's great generosity, by the great value of the
materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the
artificer's skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at
length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous,
that though in largeness it were not to be different from that
which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite
workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the
splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be
more illustrious than that was.

10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture
was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with
various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. Next to
which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was
composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was
the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a
texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin, while
small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of
four fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of
the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the
convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. And
this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each
containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much
more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in
them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the
other. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the
parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were
shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially
engraven. And these were the vessels that were after an
extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the
skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but
much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, who not
only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great
generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public
audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and
saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen
were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to
the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the
more indefatigably kept close to the work.

11. And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem,
and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had
devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that
brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the
king, he dismissed them. And when they were come to Alexandria,
and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders
were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his
ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which
they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the
questions he put to them by word of mouth. He then made haste to
meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation
of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on
other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing
surprising, and what he did not use to do; for those that were
drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the
fifth day, but ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had
sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar;
but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high
priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the
membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden
letters (7) he put questions to them concerning those books; and
when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up,
they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the
thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures,
which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one
with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then
said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still
greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God
whose laws they appeared to be. Then did the elders, and those
that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished
all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the
violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to
afford the same indications in great joy that they do under
sorrows. And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that
were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that
it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand
they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves.
He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they
came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole
course of his life; for their coming to him, and the victory
which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very
same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and
gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings
provided for them in the upper part of the city.

12. Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of
strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it
was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one
of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of
living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: he
took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not
use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared
for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that,
being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of
living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy
at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse.
And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who
was put into this office because of his great skill in such
matters belonging to common life; for he took care of all such
matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed
them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had
commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their
seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind
his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that
could be shown them. And when they were thus set down, he bid
Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from
Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which
cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the
sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to
one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who w
a priest, and desired him to say grace; (8) who then stood in the
midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the
king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation
was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and
when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the
enjoyment of what was set before them. And at a little interval
afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been
interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he
asked every one of them a philosophical question (9) and such a
one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had
explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king
about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This
took up the twelve days in which they were treated; and he that
pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of
Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion.

13. And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus
also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by
Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such
force or beauty was discovered in these men's words, they then
left off asking any more such questions. But the king said that
he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he
had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he
ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should
have every one three talents given them, and that those that were
to conduct them to their lodging should do it. Accordingly, when
three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the
causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an
island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to
the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which
was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet
place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work.
When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had
all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of
their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in
their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation,
with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do
till the ninth hour of the day; after which time they relaxed,
and took care of their body, while their food was provided for
them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's command,
brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king
himself. But in the morning they came to the court and saluted
Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when
they had washed their hands, (10) and purified themselves, they
betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. Now when the
law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over,
which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius
gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were
translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over.
The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the
interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his
proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their
happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their
rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest
and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their
commonwealth, made it their request, that since the
interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the
state it now was, and might not be altered. And when they all
commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if
any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing
omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid
before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs,
that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might
continue for ever.

14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this
nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he
was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was
astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And
he began to discourse with Demetrius, "How it came to pass, that
when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the
poets or of the historians, had made mention of it." Demetrius
made answer, "that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the
description of these laws, because they were Divine and
venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted
by God." He also told him, that "Theopompus was desirous of
writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his
mind for above thirty days' time; and upon some intermission of
his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer], as suspecting that
his madness proceeded from that cause." Nay, indeed, he further
saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged
too great a curiosity about Divine matters, and was desirous of
publishing them among common men; but when he left off that
attempt, he recovered his understanding again. Moreover, he
informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it
was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he
was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the
sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and
that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper,
and appeasing God [by prayer], he was freed from that affliction.

15. And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as
we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great
care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted.
He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out
of Judea, and that both on account of the respects that he would
pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for
he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of
their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should
obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what
his generosity was able to give them. So he then sent them away,
and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort,
and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent,
and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And
these were the things he presented to them. But by them he sent
to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the
furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty
talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very
beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen;
as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden
cisterns to be dedicated to God. He also desired him, by an
epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of
them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a
conversation with men of such learning, and should be very
willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what
came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from
Ptolemy Philadelphus.




CHAPTER 3.

How The Kings Of Asia Honored The Nation Of The Jews And Made
Them Citizens Of Those Cities Which They Built.


1. The Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they
became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens
in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria,
and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges
equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the
inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue to this very
day: an argument for which you have in this, that whereas the
Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, (11) they
receive a certain sum of money from the proper officers belonging
to their exercises as the value of that oil; which money, when
the people of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last
war, Mucianus, who was then president of Syria, preserved it to
them. And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch did after
that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus his son governed the
habitable earth, pray that these privileges of citizens might be
taken away, they did not obtain their request in which behavior
any one may discern the equity and generosity of the Romans, (12)
especially of Vespasian and Titus, who, although they had been at
a great deal of pains in the war against the Jews, and were
exasperated against them, because they did not deliver up their
weapons to them, but continued the war to the very last, yet did
not they take away any of their forementioned privileges
belonging to them as citizens, but restrained their anger, and
overcame the prayers of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who
were a very powerful people, insomuch that they did not yield to
them, neither out of their favor to these people, nor out of
their old grudge at those whose wicked opposition they had
subdued in the war; nor would they alter any of the ancient
favors granted to the Jews, but said, that those who had borne
arms against them, and fought them, had suffered punishment
already, and that it was not just to deprive those that had not
offended of the privileges they enjoyed.

2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition
towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at
them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have
those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of
Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on
them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers
with them, they might be obliged to worship the gods they
themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the
trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of
their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of
Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate.
And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let
him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and
twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to
this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired,
for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans.
But one may well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian
and Titus, that after so great wars and contests which they had
from us, they should use such moderation. But I will now return
to that part of my history whence I made the present digression.

3. Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who
ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of
Celesyria, suffered greatly, and their land was sorely harassed;
for while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his
son, who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations
were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat
the others: so that they were very like to a ship in a storm,
which is tossed by the waves on both sides; and just thus were
they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus's
prosperity and its change to adversity. But at length, when
Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon Judea; and when
Philopater was dead, his son sent out a great army under Scopas,
the general of his forces, against the inhabitants of Celesyria,
who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation;
which when he fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was it not
long afterward when Antiochus overcame Scopas, in a battle fought
at the fountains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his
army. But afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities of
Celesyria which Scopas had gotten into his possession, and
Samaria with them, the Jews, of their own accord, went over to
him, and received him into the city [Jerusalem], and gave
plentiful provision to all his army, and to his elephants, and
readily assisted him when he besieged the garrison which was in
the citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore Antiochus thought it but just
to requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in his service. So he
wrote to the generals of his armies, and to his friends, and gave
testimony to the good behavior of the Jews towards him, and
informed them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them for
that their behavior. I will set down presently the epistles
themselves which he wrote to the generals concerning them, but
will first produce the testimony of Polybius of Megalopolis; for
thus does he speak, in the sixteenth book of his history: "Now
Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the
superior parts of the country, and in the winter time overthrew
the nation of the Jews?' He also saith, in the same book, that
"when Seopas was conquered by Antiochus, Antiochus received
Batanea, and Samaria, and Abila, and Gadara; and that, a while
afterwards, there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near
that temple which was called Jerusalem; concerning which,
although I have more to say, and particularly concerning the
presence of God about that temple, yet do I put off that history
till another opportunity." This it is which Polybius relates. But
we will return to the series of the history, when we have first
produced the epistles of king Antiochus.

King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting.

"Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country,
demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to
their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and
came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of
provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with
us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the
citadel, we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the
condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by
such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring
those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. And, in
the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety
towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their
sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and
oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of
silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one
thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three
hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt. And these payments I
would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would
also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters,
and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for
the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself
and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and
the same I would have observed as to those other materials which
will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious;
and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their
own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes
of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from
poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. And that the
city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge
from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to
such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperheretus. We also
discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes,
that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all
those citizens that have been carried away, and are become
slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give
order that their substance be restored to them."

4. And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published
a decree through all his kingdom in honor of the temple, which
contained what follows: "It shall be lawful for no foreigner to
come within the limits of the temple round about; which thing is
forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to
their own custom, have purified themselves. Nor let any flesh of
horses, or of mules, or of asses, he brought into the city,
whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or
hares; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for
the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let
any such animal be bred up in the city. Let them only be
permitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers,
with which they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements
to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders, let him
pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver." Moreover,
this Antiochus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an
epistle of his, written when he was informed of a sedition in
Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the superior
provinces, wherein he commanded Zenxis, the general of his
forces, and his most intimate friend, to send some of our nation
out of Babylon into Phrygia. The epistle was this:

King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting.

"If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. Having
been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I
thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with
my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper
to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out
of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie
most convenient; for I am persuaded that they will be
well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their
piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have
borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity
do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a
laborious work, that thou remove these Jews, under a promise,
that they shall be permitted to use their own laws. And when thou
shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt
give everyone of their families a place for building their
houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for
the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from
paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; and let
them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintenance of their
servants, until they receive bread corn out of the earth; also
let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in
the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our
humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready
about our affairs. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as
thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them
by any one." Now these testimonials which I have produced are
sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great
bare to the Jews.




CHAPTER 4.

How Antiochus Made A League With Ptolemy And How Onias Provoked
Ptolemy Euergetes To Anger; And How Joseph Brought All Things
Right Again, And Entered Into Friendship With Him; And What Other
Things Were Done By Joseph, And His Son Hyrcanus.


1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and league with
Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded
up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by
way of dowry. And upon the division of the taxes between the two
kings, all the principal men framed the taxes of their several
countries, and collecting the sum that was settled for them, paid
the same to the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans were
in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting
off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened
when Onias was high priest; for after Eleazar's death, his uncle
Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life,
Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was
called The Just: which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I
said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great
lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that
tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to
these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy
Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater. Euergetes
sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did
not pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not receive
them, he would seize upon their land, and send soldiers to live
upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were
confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of
things nature made him ashamed.

2. There was now one Joseph, young in age, but of great
reputation among the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence,
and justice. His father's name was Tobias; and his mother was the
sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him of the coming
of the ambassador; for he was then sojourning at a village named
Phicol, (13) where he was born. Hereupon he came to the city
[Jerusalem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of the
preservation of his countrymen, but bringing the nation into
dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation of
them, he told him he had received the authority over them, and
had been made high priest; but that, in case he was so great a
lover of money, as to endure to see his country in danger on that
account, and his countrymen suffer the greatest damages, he
advised him to go to the king, and petition him to remit either
the whole or a part of the sum demanded. Onias's answer was this:
That he did not care for his authority, and that he was ready, if
the thing were practicable, to lay down his high priesthood; and
that he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself
at all about such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would not
give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of the nation. He
replied, that he would give him leave. Upon which Joseph went up
into the temple, and called the multitude together to a
congregation, and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor
aftrighted, because of his uncle Onias's carelessness, but
desired them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with fear
about it; for he promised them that he would be their ambassador
to the king, and persuade him that they had done him no wrong.
And when the multitude heard this, they returned thanks to
Joseph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy's
ambassador in a hospitable manner. He also presented him with
rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for many days, and then
sent him to the king before him, and told him that he would soon
follow him; for he was now more willing to go to the king, by the
encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to
come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care that he
should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was
highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the
gravity of his deportment.

3. When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the
king of the thoughtless temper of Onias; and informed him of the
goodness of the disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to
him to excuse the multitude, as not having done him any harm, for
that he was their patron. In short, he was so very large in his
encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed both the king and
his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before he came. So
Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of
them, and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments
and cups, and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty
thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria. Now it happened that
at this time all the principal men and rulers went up out of the
cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes; for every
year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power in every
city. So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed
at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he came to
Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went
up thither to meet with him; which happened as the king was
sitting in his chariot, with his wife, and with his friend
Athenion, who was the very person who had been ambassador at
Jerusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore
as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how
good and generous a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted him
first, and desired him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph
sat there, he began to complain of the management of Onias: to
which he answered, "Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou
canst not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old men and
infants have their minds exactly alike; but thou shalt have from
us, who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have
no cause to complain." With this good humor and pleasantry of the
young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as
though he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater
affection for him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet in the
king's palace, and be a guest at his own table every day. But
when the king was come to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria
saw him sitting with the king, and were much offended at it.

4. And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes
of the cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of
dignity in their several countries were to bid for them, the sum
of the taxes together, of Celesyria, and Phoenicia, and Judea,
with Samaria, [as they were bidden for,] came to eight thousand
talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders, as having agreed
together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low a rate;
and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for
them: but for those who did not pay, he would send the king home
their whole substance; for this privilege was sold together with
the taxes themselves. The king was pleased to hear that offer;
and because it augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm
the sale of the taxes to him. But when he asked him this
question, Whether he had any sureties that would be bound for the
payment of the money? he answered very pleasantly, "I will give
such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and
which you shall have no reason to distrust." And when he bid him
name them who they were, he replied, "I give thee no other
persons, O king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this thy
wife; and you shall be security for both parties." So Ptolemy
laughed at the proposal, and granted him the farming of the taxes
without any sureties. This procedure was a sore grief to those
that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly
disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country
with shame.

5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot soldiers from the
king, for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to
force such as were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing
of the king's friends at Alexandria five hundred talents, he made
haste back into Syria. And when he was at Askelon, and demanded
the taxes of the people of Askelon, they refused to pay any
thing, and affronted him also; upon which he seized upon about
twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what
they had together, and sent it all to the king, and informed him
what he had done. Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man,
and commended him for what he had done, and gave him leave to do
as he pleased. When the Syrians heard of this, they were
astonished; and having before them a sad example in the men of
Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, and willingly
admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes. And when the inhabitants
of Scythopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay him
those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing
about them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent
their effects to the king. By this means he gathered great wealth
together, and made vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and
he made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order to
support his authority, as thinking it a piece of prudence to keep
what had been the occasion and foundation of his present good
fortune; and this he did by the assistance of what he was already
possessed of, for he privately sent many presents to the king,
and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were
powerful about the court, and thereby purchased their good-will
to himself.

6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years, and was
become the father of seven sons by one wife; he had also another
son, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius's daughter,
whom he married on the following occasion. He once came to
Alexandria with his brother, who had along with him a daughter
already marriageable, in order to give her in wedlock to some of
the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with the king,
and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty, and
came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it,
and entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to
come near to a foreigner, to conceal his offense; and to be kind
and subservient to him, and to give him an opportunity of
fulfilling his desires. Upon which his brother willingly
entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned his own
daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his
bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who she
was, and so lay with his brother's daughter; and this did he many
times, and loved her exceedingly; and said to his brother, that
he loved this actress so well, that he should run the hazard of
his life [if he must part with her], and yet probably the king
would not give him leave [to take her with him]. But his brother
bid him be in no concern about that matter, and told him he might
enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her
for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and
assured him that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused,
than to overlook him, and se him come to [public] disgrace. So
Joseph commended him for this his brotherly love, and married his
daughter; and by her begat a son, whose name was Hyrcanus, as we
said before. And when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen
years old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and was
greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much above
them, and such a one as they might well envy, Joseph had once a
mind to know which of his sons had the best disposition to
virtue; and when he sent them severally to those that had then
the best reputation for instructing youth, the rest of his
children, by reason of their sloth and unwillingness to take
pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned. After them he sent
out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of
oxen, and bid him go two days' journey into the wilderness, and
sow the land there, and yet kept back privately the yokes of the
oxen that coupled them together. When Hyrcanus came to the place,
and found he had no yokes with him, he contenmed the drivers of
the oxen, who advised him to send some to his father, to bring
them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to lose his
time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he
invented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age older than
his own; for he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their
flesh among the laborers, and cut their hides into several
pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with
them; by which means he sowed as much land as his father had
appointed him to sow, and returned to him. And when he was come
back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and
commended the sharpness of his understanding, and his boldness in
what he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he were his
only genuine son, while his brethren were much troubled at it.

7. But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and
that all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries
subject to him, were to keep a festival, on account of the
child's birthday, and went away in haste with great retinues to
Alexandria, he was himself indeed hindered from going by old age;
but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them would be
willing to go to the king. And when the elder sons excused
themselves from going, and said they were not courtiers good
enough for such conversation, and advised him to send their
brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that advice, and called
Hyrcanus, and asked him whether he would go to the king, and
whether it was agreeable to him to go or not. And upon his
promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want
much money for his journey, because he would live moderately, and
that ten thousand drachmas would be sufficient, he was pleased
with his son's prudence. After a little while, the son advised
his father not to send his presents to the king from thence, but
to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria, that he might
furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most
excellent and most precious. So he thinking that the expense of
ten talents would be enough for presents to be made the king, and
commending his son, as giving him good advice, wrote to Arion his
steward, that managed all his money matters at Alexandria; which
money was not less than three thousand talents on his account,
for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria to Alexandria. And
when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes to the king
came, he wrote to Arion to pay them. So when the son had asked
his father for a letter to the steward, and had received it, he
made haste to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren
wrote to all the king's friends, that they should destroy him.

8. But when he was come to Alexaudria, he delivered his letter to
Arion, who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he
would ask for no more than ten, or a little more); he said he
wanted a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry, and
rebuked him, as one that intended to live extravagantly; and he
let him know how his father had gathered together his estate by
painstaking, and resisting his inclinations, and wished him to
imitate the example of his father: he assured him withal, that he
would give him but ten talents, and that for a present to the
king also. The son was irritated at this, and threw Arion into
prison. But when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of this,
with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child for what he
had done, (for Arion was in great esteem with her,) Cleopatra
informed the king of it. And Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus, and told
him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that
he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward
in prison. And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to
him, and give an account of the reason of what he had done. And
they report that the answer he made to the king's messenger was
this: That "there was a law of his that forbade a child that was
born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had been at the temple
and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning he did
not himself come to him in expectation of the present he was to
make to him, as to one who had been his father's benefactor; and
that he had punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for
that it mattered not Whether a master was little or great: so
that unless we punish such as these, thou thyself mayst also
expect to be despised by thy subjects." Upon hearing this his
answer he fell a laughing, and wondered at the great soul of the
child.

9. When Arion was apprized that this was the king's disposition,
and that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a
thousand talents, and was let out of prison. So after three days
were over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen. They saw
him with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging manner, out of
the respect they bare to his father. So he came to the merchants
privately, and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and were
in the flower of their ages, each at a talent apiece; as also he
bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other.
And when he was invited to feast with the king among the
principal men in the country, he sat down the lowest of them all,
because he was little regarded, as a child in age still; and this
by those who placed every one according to their dignity. Now
when all those that sat with him had laid the bones Of the
several parts on a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves
taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the table where he
sat was filled full with them, Trypho, who was the king's jester,
and was appointed for jokes and laughter at festivals, was now
asked by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him to
laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, "Dost thou not see,
my lord, the bones that lie by Hyrcanus? by this similitude thou
mayst conjecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he
hath made these bones." And the king laughing at what Trypho
said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many bones
before him? he replied," Very rightfully, my lord; for they are
dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy
guests have done, (looking in the mean time at those guests,) for
there is nothing before them; but they are men that eat the
flesh, and cast away the hones, as I, who am also a man, have now
done." Upon which the king admired at his answer, which was so
wisely made; and bid them all make an acclamation, as a mark of
their approbation of his jest, which was truly a facetious one.
On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's friends,
and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still
inquired of the servants what present they would make the king on
his son's birthday; and when some said that they would give
twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity would every
one give according to the quantity of their riches, he pretended
to every one of them to be grieved that he was not able to bring
so large a present; for that he had no more than five talents.
And when the servants heard what he said, they told their
masters; and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be
disapproved, and would make the king angry, by the smallness of
his present. When the day came, the others, even those that
brought the most, offered the king not above twenty talents; but
Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and hundred
maidens that he had bought a talent apiece, for them to carry,
and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to
Cleopatra; every body wondering at the unexpected richness of the
presents, even the king and queen themselves. He also presented
those that attended about the king with gifts to the value of a
great number of talents, that he might escape the danger he was
in from them; for to these it was that Hyrcanus's brethren had
written to destroy him. Now Ptolemy admired at the young man's
magnanimity, and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But
he desired nothing else to be done for him by the king than to
write to his father and brethren about him. So when the king had
paid him very great respects, and had given him very large gifts,
and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his
commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away. But when
his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favors from
the king, and was returning home with great honor, they went out
to meet him, and to destroy him, and that with the privity of
their father; for he was angry at him for the [large] sum of
money that he bestowed for presents, and so had no concern for
his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at
his son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus's brethren
came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with
them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of
them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came
to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for
himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode,
but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes.

10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over
Asia, being the son of Antiochus the Great. And [now] Hyrcanus's
father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great
magnanimity; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and
meanness, to one that was more splendid. He retained the farm of
the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria twenty-two years.
His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left the high
priesthood to his son Simeon. And when he was dead, Onias his son
succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of
the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy
whereof here follows:

"Areus, King Of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting.

"We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered
that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and
are derived from the kindred of Abraham (14) It is but just
therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about
any of your concerns as you please. We will also do the same
thing, and esteem your concerns as our own, and will look upon
our concerns as in common with yours. Demoteles, who brings you
this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is
four-square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon in his
claws."

11. And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent
from the king of the Lacedemonians. But, upon the death of
Joseph, the people grew seditious, on account of his sons. For
whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the
youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude was divided, but the
greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the
high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus
determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated
himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the
Arabians, and slew many of them, and took many of them captives.
He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white
stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magnitude
engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of
water. He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by
hollowing a rock that was over against him; and then he made
large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for sleeping and
living in. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters which ran
along it, and which were very delightful and ornamental in the
court. But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the caves
so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them at
once. And the reason why he built them after that manner was a
good one; it was for his own preservation, lest he should be
besieged by his brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by
them. Moreover, he built courts of greater magnitude than
ordinary, which he adorned with vastly large gardens. And when he
had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre. This place
is between Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far from the
country of Heshbon. And he ruled over those parts for seven
years, even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. But
when he was dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called
Epiphanes, took the kingdom. Ptolemy also, the king of Egypt,
died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and
both young in age; the elder of which was called Philometer, and
the youngest Physcon. As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus
had a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and
brought to punishment for what he had done to the Arabians, he
ended his life, and slew himself with his own hand; while
Antiochus seized upon all his substance.




CHAPTER 5.

How, Upon The Quarrels One Against Another About The High
Priesthood Antiochus Made An Expedition Against Jerusalem, Took
The City And Pillaged The Temples. And Distressed The Jews' As
Also How Many Of The Jews Forsook The Laws Of Their Country; And
How The Samaritans Followed The Customs Of The Greeks And Named
Their Temple At Mount Gerizzim The Temple Of Jupiter Hellenius.


1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they
gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which
Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its
proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances
that befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the brother of
Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was
angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name
also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which
the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. This
Jesus changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus.
Now as the former high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against
Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided
between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of
Menelaus, but the greater part of the people assisted Jason; and
by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed,
and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were
desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the Jewish way
of living according to them, and to follow the king's laws, and
the Grecian way of living. Wherefore they desired his permission
to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem. (15) And when he had
given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their
genitals, that even when they were naked they might appear to be
Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged
to their own country, and imitated the practices of the other
nations.

2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of
his kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both
because he had a desire to gain it, and because he contemned the
son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage
affairs of such consequence; so he came with great forces to
Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy Philometor by treachery, and
seized upon Egypt. He then came to the places about Memphis; and
when he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes of
taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy, who reigned there.
But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but out of all Egypt,
by the declaration of the Romans, who charged him to let that
country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly declared. I
will now give a particular account of what concerns this king,
how he subdued Judea and the temple; for in my former work I
mentioned those things very briefly, and have therefore now
thought it necessary to go over that history again, and that with
great accuracy.

3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt (16) for fear of the
Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem; and when
he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom
of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of
his own party opening the gates to him. And when he had gotten
possession of Jerusalem, he slew many of the opposite party; and
when he had plundered it of a great deal of money, he returned to
Antioch.

4. Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and
fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us
called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred
and fifty-third olympiad, that the king came up to Jerusalem,
and, pretending peace, he got possession of the city by
treachery; at which time he spared not so much as those that
admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the
temple; but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there
was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been
dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order to plunder its
wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made. So he left
the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the
golden altar [of incense], and table [of shew-bread], and the
altar [of burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from even the
veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied
it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining;
and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation, for he
forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used to
offer to God, according to the law. And when he had pillaged the
whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried
captive, together with their wives and children, so that the
multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to
about ten thousand. He also burnt down the finest buildings; and
when he had overthrown the city walls, he built a citadel in the
lower part of the city, (17) for the place was high, and
overlooked the temple; on which account he fortified it with high
walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians.
However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the
[Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens
suffered many and sore calamities. And when the king had built an
idol altar upon God's altar, he slew swine upon it, and so
offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish
religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to
forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore
those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and
raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon
them every day. He also commanded them not to circumcise their
sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have
transgressed his injunction. He also appointed overseers, who
should compel them to do what he commanded. And indeed many Jews
there were who complied with the king's commands, either
voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced.
But the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard
him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their
country than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to
the disobedient; on which account they every day underwent great
miseries and bitter torments; for they were whipped with rods,
and their bodies were torn to pieces, and were crucified, while
they were still alive, and breathed. They also strangled those
women and their sons whom they had circumcised, as the king had
appointed, hanging their sons about their necks as they were upon
the crosses. And if there were any sacred book of the law found,
it was destroyed, and those with whom they were found miserably
perished also.

5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they
no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the
temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was
according to their nature, as we have already shown. And they now
said that they were a colony of Medes and Persians; and indeed
they were a colony of theirs. So they sent ambassadors to
Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: "To king
Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who
live at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues,
and as following a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of
observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath. (18)
And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called
Gerrizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper
sacrifices. Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews,
those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to
them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to the same
accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident
from the public records. We therefore beseech thee, our
benefactor and Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor
of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the procurator of
thy affairs, to give us no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge
what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their
nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at
present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter
Hellenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer
disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with
quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee." When the
Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them back the
following answer, in an epistle: "King Antiochus to Nicanor. The
Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial
enclosed. When therefore we were advising with our friends about
it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are
no way concerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but
choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we
declare them free from such accusations, and order that,
agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of
Jupiter Hellenius." He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius,
the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth
year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom.




CHAPTER 6.

How, Upon Antiochus's Prohibition To The Jews To Make Use Of The
Laws Of Their Country Mattathias, The Son Of Asamoneus, Alone
Despised The King, And Overcame The Generals Of Antiochus's Army;
As Also Concerning The Death Of Mattathias, And The Succession Of
Judas.


1. Now at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, who
dwelt at Modin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of
Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of
Jerusalem. He had five sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and
Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was called
Maccabeus, (19) and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan,
who was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias lamented to his
children the sad state of their affairs, and the ravage made in
the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the calamities
the multitude were under; and he told them that it was better for
them to die for the laws of their country, than to live so
ingloriously as they then did.

2. But when those that were appointed by the king were come to
Modin, that they might compel the Jews to do what they were
commanded, and to enjoin those that were there to offer
sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they desired that
Mattathias, a person of the greatest character among them, both
on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous
and so deserving a family of children, would begin the sacrifice,
because his fellow citizens would follow his example, and because
such a procedure would make him honored by the king. But
Mattathias said he would not do it; and that if all the other
nations would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear,
or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the
religious worship of their country. But as soon as he had ended
his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them,
and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias
had great indignation, and ran upon him violently, with his sons,
who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that
sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who compelled them to
sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol
altar, and cried out, "If," said he," any one be zealous for the
laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow
me." And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert
with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. Many
others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives
into the desert, and dwelt in caves. But when the king's generals
heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the citadel
at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the desert; and when they
had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavored to
persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most for their
advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using them
according to the law of war. But when they would not comply with
their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they
fought against them on the sabbath day, and they burnt them as
they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much
as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to
defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to
break in upon the honor they owed the sabbath, even in such
distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day.
There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who
were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that
escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be
their ruler, who taught them to fight, even on the sabbath day;
and told them that unless they would do so, they would become
their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while
their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they
would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then
hinder but they must all perish without fighting. This speech
persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day,
that if there be a necessity, we may fight on sabbath days. So
Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol
altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he
could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among
the nations round about them for fear of him. He also commanded
that those boys which were not yet circumcised should be
circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to
hinder such their circumcision.

3. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a
distemper, he called for his sons, and set them round about him,
and said, "O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I
recommend to you my resolution, and beseech you not to be
negligent in keeping it, but to be mindful of the desires of him
who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of
your country, and to recover your ancient form of government,
which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried
away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of
necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are worthy of
me; to be above all force and necessity, and so to dispose your
souls, as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to die for
your laws; as sensible of this, by just reasoning, that if God
see that you are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will
have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you again
what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which
you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own customs. Your bodies
are mortal, and subject to fate; but they receive a sort of
immortality, by the remembrance of what actions they have done.
And I would have you so in love with this immortality, that you
may pursue after glory, and that, when you have undergone the
greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to
lose your lives. I exhort you, especially, to agree one with
another; and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another,
to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage
of every one's own virtues. Do you then esteem Simon as your
father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be
governed by him in what counsels be gives you. Take Maccabeus for
the general of your army, because of his courage and strength,
for he will avenge your nation, and will bring vengeance on your
enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, and augment
their power."

4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had
prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people
their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was
buried at Modin; all the people making great lamentation for him.
Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of
public affairs, in the hundred fbrty and sixth year; and thus, by
the ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast
their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own
country to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified the
land of all the pollutions that were in it.




CHAPTER 7.

How Judas Overthrew The Forces Of Apollonius And Seron And Killed
The Generals Of Their Armies Themselves; And How When, A Little
While Afterwards Lysias And Gorgias Were Beaten He Went Up To
Jerusalem And Purified The Temple.


1. When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard
this, he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who
met him, and joined battle with him, and beat him, and slew many
of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general,
whose sword being that which he happened then to wear, he seized
upon, and kept for himself; but he wounded more than he slew, and
took a great deal of prey from the enemy's camp, and went his
way. But when Seron, who was general of the army of Celesyria,
heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had
about him an army sufficient for fighting, and for making war, he
determined to make an expedition against him, as thinking it
became him to endeavor to punish those that transgressed the
king's injunctions. He then got together an army, as large as he
was able, and joined to it the runagate and wicked Jews, and came
against Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village of Judea,
and there pitched his camp; upon which Judas met him; and when he
intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were
backward to fight, because their number was small, and because
they wanted food, for they were fasting, he encouraged them, and
said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not
derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of
piety towards God; and that they had the plainest instances in
their forefathers, who, by their righteousness, exerting
themselves on behalf of their own laws, and their own children,
had frequently conquered many ten thousands, - for innocence is
the strongest army. By this speech he induced his men to contenm
the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon Seron. And upon
joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians; and when their
general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as
thinking that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued
them unto the plain, and slew about eight hundred of the enemy;
but the rest escaped to the region which lay near to the sea.

2. When king Antiochus heard of these things, he was very angry
at what had happened; so he got together all his own army, with
many mercenaries, whom he had hired from the islands, and took
them with him, and prepared to break into Judea about the
beginning of the spring. But when, upon his mustering his
soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient, and
there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not
paid, by reason of the seditions there had been among the nations
he having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that what he had
was not sufficient for him, he therefore resolved first to go
into Persia, and collect the taxes of that country. Hereupon he
left one whose name was Lysias, who was in great repute with him
governor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt, and of
the Lower Asia, and reaching from the river Euphrates, and
committed to him a certain part of his forces, and of his
elephants, and charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all
possible care, until he came back; and that he should conquer
Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy
Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation. And when king Antiochus
had given these things in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia;
and in the hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over
Euphrates, and went to the superior provinces.

3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, and
Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent men among the king's friends,
and delivered to them forty thousand foot soldiers, and seven
thousand horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came as far
as the city Emmaus, and pitched their camp in the plain country.
There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria, and the country
round about; as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides these
came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives,
(having bonds with them to bind those that should be made
prisoners,) with that silver and gold which they were to pay for
their price. And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous
their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good
courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in
God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of
their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their
usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby
to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies.
So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their
forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other
officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as
those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not
fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in
order to enjoy those blessings. When he had thus disposed his
soldiers, he encouraged them to fight by the following speech,
which he made to them: "O my fellow soldiers, no other time
remains more opportune than the present for courage and contempt
of dangers; for if you now fight manfully, you may recover your
liberty, which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men,
so it proves to be to us much more desirable, by its affording us
the liberty of worshipping God. Since therefore you are in such
circumstances at present, you must either recover that liberty,
and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, which is that
according to our laws, and the customs of our country, or to
submit to the most opprobrious sufferings; nor will any seed of
your nation remain if you be beat in this battle. Fight therefore
manfully; and suppose that you must die, though you do not fight;
but believe, that besides such glorious rewards as those of the
liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you
shall then obtain everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves,
therefore, and put yourselves into such an agreeable posture,
that you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it is
day tomorrow morning."

4. And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them.
But when the enemy sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and one
thousand horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had
for that purpose certain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son
of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall upon those
enemies that were in their camp, now their forces were divided.
When they had therefore supped in good time, and had left many
fires in their camp, he marched all night to those enemies that
were at Emmaus. So that when Gorgias found no enemy in their
camp, but suspected that they were retired, and had hidden
themselves among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek them
wheresoever they were. But about break of day Judas appeared to
those enemies that were at Emmaus, with only three thousand men,
and those ill armed, by reason of their poverty; and when he saw
the enemy very well and skillfully fortified in their camp, he
encouraged the Jews, and told them that they ought to fight,
though it were with their naked bodies, for that God had
sometimes of old given such men strength, and that against such
as were more in number, and were armed also, out of regard to
their great courage. So he commanded the trumpeters to sound for
the battle; and by thus falling upon the enemies when they did
not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their
minds, he slew many of those that resisted him, and went on
pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the plains of Idumea, and
Ashdod, and Jamnia; and of these there fell about three thousand.
Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous of the
spoils, for that still they must have a contest and battle with
Gorgias, and the forces that were with him; but that when they
had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the
camp, because they were the only enemies remaining, and they
expected no others. And just as he was speaking to his soldiers,
Gorgias's men looked down into that army which they left in their
camp, and saw that it was overthrown, and the camp burnt; for the
smoke that arose from it showed them, even when they were a great
way off, what had happened. When therefore those that were with
Gorgias understood that things were in this posture, and
perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight
them, they also were affrighted, and put to flight; but then
Judas, as though he had already beaten Gorgias's soldiers without
fighting, returned and seized on the spoils. He took a great
quantity of gold, and silver, and purple, and blue, and then
returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for their good
success; for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery of
their liberty.

5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which
he had sent, and the next year he got together sixty thousand
chosen men. He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon
Judea; and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur, a village
of Judea, and pitched his camp there, where Judas met him with
ten thousand men; and when he saw the great number of his
enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined
battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them,
and slew about five thousand of them, and thereby became terrible
to the rest of them. Nay, indeed, Lysias observing the great
spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than
lose their liberty, and being afraid of their desperate way of
fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the rest of the
army back with him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed
foreigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon Judea with
a greater army.

6. When therefore the generals of Antiochus's armies had been
beaten so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told
them, that after these many victories which God had given them,
they ought to go up to Jerusalem, and purify the temple, and
offer the appointed sacrifices. But as soon as he, with the whole
multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted,
and its gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple of
their own accord, on account of its desertion, he and those that
were with him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the
sight of the temple; so he chose out some of his soldiers, and
gave them order to fight against those guards that were in the
citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When therefore
he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the
candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of
incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the
gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of
burnt-offering], and built a new one of stones that he gathered
together, and not of such as were hewn with iron tools. So on the
five and twentieth day of the month Casleu, which the Macedonians
call Apeliens, they lighted the lamps that were on the
candlestick, and offered incense upon the altar [of incense], and
laid the loaves upon the table [of shew-bread], and offered
burnt-offerings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering]. Now it so
fell out, that these things were done on the very same day on
which their Divine worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a
profane and common use, after three years' time; for so it was,
that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so continued
for three years. This desolation happened to the temple in the
hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the
month Apeliens, and on the hundred fifty and third olympiad: but
it was dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the
month Apeliens, on the hundred and forty-eighth year, and on the
hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad. And this desolation came to
pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four
hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the
Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time].

7. Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the
sacrifices of the temple for eight days, and omitted no sort of
pleasures thereon; but he feasted them upon very rich and
splendid sacrifices; and he honored God, and delighted them by
hymns and psalms. Nay, they were so very glad at the revival of
their customs, when, after a long time of intermission, they
unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they
made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep a
festival, on account of the restoration of their temple worship,
for eight days. And from that time to this we celebrate this
festival, and call it Lights. I suppose the reason was, because
this liberty beyond our hopes appeared to us; and that thence was
the name given to that festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls
round about the city, and reared towers of great height against
the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also
fortified the city Bethsura, that it might serve as a citadel
against any distresses that might come from our enemies.




CHAPTER 8.

How Judas Subdued The Nations Round About; And How Simon Beat The
People Of Tyre And Ptolemais; And How Judas Overcame Timotheus,
And Forced Him To Fly Away, And Did Many Other Things After
Joseph And Azarias Had Been Beaten


1. When these things were over, the nations round about the Jews
were very uneasy at the revival of their power, and rose up
together, and destroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over
them by laying snares for them, and making secret conspiracies
against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions against these men,
and endeavored to restrain them from those incursions, and to
prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon the
Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great
many of them, and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of
Bean, that laid wait for the Jews; and he sat down about them,
and besieged them, and burnt their towers, and destroyed the men
[that were in them]. After this he went thence in haste against
the Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous army, of which
Timotheus was the commander. And when he had subdued them, he
seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives and their children
captives, and burnt the city, and then returned into Judea. But
when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned,
they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and
came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled
to the garrison of Dathema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that
Timotheus was endeavoring to take the place whither they were
fled. And as these epistles were reading, there came other
messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants
of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee,
were gotten together.

2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done,
with relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave
order that Simon his brother should take three thousand chosen
men, and go to the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, while he
and another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the land
of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers. And he left Joseph, the
son of Zacharias, and Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces;
and charged them to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no
battles with any persons whomsoever until his return.
Accordingly, Simon-went into Galilee, and fought the enemy, and
put them to flight, and pursued them to the very gates of
Ptolemais, and slew about three thousand of them, and took the
spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they had
made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home.

3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother Jonathan, they
passed over the river Jordan; and when they had gone three days
journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them
peaceably, and who told them how the affairs of those in the land
of Gilead stood; and how many of them were in distress, and
driven into garrisons, and into the cities of Galilee; and
exhorted him to make haste to go against the foreigners, and to
endeavor to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To this
exhortation Judas hearkened, and returned to the wilderness; and
in the first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took
the city, and beat the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males,
and all that were able to fight, and burnt the city. Nor did he
stop even when night came on, but he journeyed in it to the
garrison where the Jews happened to be then shut up, and where
Timotheus lay round the place with his army. And Judas came upon
the city in the morning; and when he found that the enemy were
making an assault upon the walls, and that some of them brought
ladders, on which they might get upon those walls, and that
others brought engines [to batter them], he bid the trumpeter to
sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheerfully to
undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren and kindred; he
also parted his army into three bodies, and fell upon the backs
of their enemies. But when Timotheus's men perceived that it was
Maccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage and good
success in war they had formerly had sufficient experience, they
were put to flight; but Judas followed them with his army, and
slew about eight thousand of them. He then turned aside to a city
of the foreigners called Malle, and took it, and slew all the
males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed from thence,
and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of the
land of Gilead.

4. But not long after this, Timotheus prepared a great army, and
took many others as auxiliaries; and induced some of the
Arabians, by the promise of rewards, to go with him in this
expedition, and came with his army beyond the brook, over against
the city Raphon; and he encouraged his soldiers, if it came to a
battle with the Jews, to fight courageously, and to hinder their
passing over the brook; for he said to them beforehand, that "if
they come over it, we shall be beaten." And when Judas heard that
Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he took all his own army,
and went in haste against Timotheus his enemy; and when he had
passed over the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of them
met him, whom he slew, and others of them he so terrified, that
he compelled them to throw down their arms and fly; and some of
them escaped, but some of them fled to what was called the Temple
of Camaim, and hoped thereby to preserve themselves; but Judas
took the city, and slew them, and burnt the temple, and so used
several ways of destroying his enemies.

5. When he had done this, he gathered the Jews together, with
their children and wives, and the substance that belonged to
them, and was going to bring them back into Judea; but as soon as
he was come to a certain city, whose name was Ephron, that lay
upon the road, (and it was not possible for him to go any other
way, so he was not willing to go back again,) he then sent to the
inhabitants, and desired that they would open their gates, and
permit them to go on their way through the city; for they had
stopped up the gates with stones, and cut off their passage
through it. And when the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to
this proposal, he encouraged those that were with him, and
encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and, lying round it
by day and night, took the city, and slew every male in it, and
burnt it all down, and so obtained a way through it; and the
multitude of those that were slain was so great, that they went
over the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan, and arrived at
the great plain, over against which is situate the city Bethshah,
which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis. (20) And going away
hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and
hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are
usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered
thank-offerings, both for their good success, and for the
preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in
these battles.(21)

6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom
Judas left generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time
when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of
Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in
the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being
courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army
that was under their command, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias,
the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining
battle with him, they lost two thousand of their army, (22) and
fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea. And
this misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what
injunctions Judas had given them, not to fight with any one
before his return. For besides the rest of Judas's sagacious
counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune
that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he
understood would happen, if they broke any of the injunctions he
had given them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave off
fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on all sides,
and took from them the city of Hebron, and demolished all its
fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burnt the
country of the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came also
to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took away a great
deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to
Judea.




CHAPTER 9.

Concerning The Death Of Antiochus Epiphane. How Antiochus Eupator
Fought Against Juda And Besieged Him In The Temple And Afterwards
Made Peace With Him And Departed; Of Alcimus And Onias.


1. About this time it was that king Antiochus, as he was going
over the upper countries, heard that there was a very rich city
in Persia, called Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of
Diana, and that it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated
to it; as also weapons and breastplates, which, upon inquiry, he
found had been left there by Alexander, the son of Philip, king
of Macedonia. And being incited by these motives, he went in
haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those
that were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his
siege, but opposed him very courageously, he was beaten off his
hopes; for they drove him away from the city, and went out and
pursued after him, insomuch that he fled away as far as Babylon,
and lost a great many of his army. And when he was grieving for
this disappointment, some persons told him of the defeat of his
commanders whom he had left behind him to fight against Judea,
and what strength the Jews had already gotten. When this concern
about these affairs was added to the former, he was confounded,
and by the anxiety he was in fell into a distemper, which, as it
lasted a great while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he
at length perceived he should die in a little time; so he called
his friends to him, and told them that his distemper was severe
upon him; and confessed withal, that this calamity was sent upon
him for the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation, while
he plundered their temple, and contemned their God; and when he
had said this, he gave up the ghost. Whence one may wonder at
Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though otherwise a good man, yet
saith that "Antiochus died because he had a purpose to plunder
the temple of Diana in Persia;" for the purposing to do a thing,
(23) but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But
if Polybius could think that Antiochus thus lost his life on that
account, it is much more probable that this king died on account
of his sacrilegious plundering of the temple at Jerusalem. But we
will not contend about this matter with those who may think that
the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopolis is nearer the
truth than that assigned by us.

2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was
one of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom;
and gave him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and
charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus;
and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve
the kingdom for him. (24) This Antiochus died in the hundred
forty and ninth year; but it was Lysias that declared his death
to the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to be king, (of
whom at present he had the care,) and called him Eupator.

3. At this time it was that the garrison in the citadel of
Jerusalem, with the Jewish runagates, did a great deal of harm to
the Jews; for the soldiers that were in that garrison rushed out
upon the sudden, and destroyed such as were going up to the
temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this citadel
adjoined to and overlooked the temple. When these misfortunes had
often happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garrison;
whereupon he got all the people together, and vigorously besieged
those that were in the citadel. This was in the hundred and
fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleucidse. So he made
engines of war, and erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed
on to take the citadel. But there were not a few of the runagates
who were in the place that went out by night into the country,
and got together some other wicked men like themselves, and went
to Antiochus the king, and desired of him that he would not
suffer them to be neglected, under the great hardships that lay
upon them from those of their own nation; and this because their
sufferings were occasioned on his father's account, while they
left the religious worship of their fathers, and preferred that
which he had commanded them to follow: that there was danger lest
the citadel, and those appointed to garrison it by the king,
should be taken by Judas, and those that were with him, unless he
would send them succors. When Antiochus, who was but a child,
heard this, he was angry, and sent for his captains and his
friends, and gave order that they should get an army of
mercenaries together, with such men also of his own kingdom as
were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected of
about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen,
and thirty-two elephants.

4. So the king took this army, and marched hastily out of
Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command of the whole, and came
to Idumea, and thence went up to the city Bethsnra, a city that
was strong, and not to be taken without great difficulty. He set
about this city, and besieged it. And while the inhabitants of
Bethsura courageously opposed him, and sallied out upon him, and
burnt his engines of war, a great deal of time was spent in the
siege. But when Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the
siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched his camp in
certain straits, at a place called Bethzachriah, at the distance
of seventy furlongs from the enemy; but the king soon drew his
forces from Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And as
soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array, and made his
elephants follow one another through the narrow passes, because
they could not be set sideways by one another. Now round about
every elephant there were a thousand footmen, and five hundred
horsemen. The elephants also had high towers [upon their backs],
and archers [in them]. And he also made the rest of his army to
go up the mountains, and put his friends before the rest; and
gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked the
enemy. He also exposed to sight their golden and brazen shields,
so that a glorious splendor was sent from them; and when they
shouted the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, he was
not terrified, but received the enemy with great courage, and
slew about six hundred of the first ranks. But when his brother
Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw the tallest of all the
elephants armed with royal breastplates, and supposed that the
king was upon him, he attacked him with great quickness and
bravery. He also slew many of those that were about the elephant,
and scattered the rest, and then went under the belly of the
elephant, and smote him, and slew him; so the elephant fell upon
Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death. And thus did
this man come to his end, when he had first courageously
destroyed manyof his enemies.

5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, retired to
Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he
sent part of his army to Bethsura, to besiege it, and with the
rest of his army he came against Jerusalem; but the inhabitants
of Bethsura were terrified at his strength; and seeing that their
provisions grew scarce, they delivered themselves up on the
security of oaths that they should suffer no hard treatment from
the king. And when Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them
no other harm than sending them out naked. He also placed a
garrison of his own in the city. But as for the temple of
Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long time, while they within
bravely defended it; for what engines soever the king set against
them, they set other engines again to oppose them. But then their
provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground they had laid
up were spent and the land being not ploughed that year,
continued unsowed, because it was the seventh year, on which, by
our laws, we are obliged to let it lay uncultivated. And withal,
so many of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that
but a few only were left in the temple.

6. And these happened to be the circumstances of such as were
besieged in the temple. But then, because Lysias, the general of
the army, and Antiochus the king, were informed that Philip was
coming upon them out of Persia, and was endeavoring to get the
management of public affairs to himself, they came into these
sentiments, to leave the siege, and to make haste to go against
Philip; yet did they resolve not to let this be known to the
soldiers or to the officers: but the king commanded Lysias to
speak openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a
word about the business of Philip; and to intimate to them that
the siege would be very long; that the place was very strong;
that they were already in want of provisions; that many affairs
of the kingdom wanted regulation; and that it was much better to
make a league with the besieged, and to become friends to their
whole nation, by permitting them to observe the laws of their
fathers, while they broke out into this war only because they
were deprived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had
discoursed thus to them, both the army and the officers were
pleased with this resolution.

7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were
besieged with them, and promised to give them peace, and to
permit them to make use of, and live according to, the laws of
their fathers; and they gladly received his proposals; and when
they had gained security upon oath for their performance, they
went out of the temple. But when Antiochus came into it, and saw
how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered his
army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and
when he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also carried with
him Onias the high priest, who was also called Menelaus; for
Lysias advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he would have the
Jews be quiet, and cause him no further disturbance, for that
this man was the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done
them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave the
religion of their fathers. So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a
city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been
high priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man;
and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his
nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus,
Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made high priest. But
when king Antiochus found that Philip had already possessed
himself of the government, he made war against him, and subdued
him, and took him, and slew him. Now as to Onias, the son of the
high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child
when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his
uncle Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was
not of the high priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to
translate that dignity from his family to another house, he fled
to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; and when he found he was in great
esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and
obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a
temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall
hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it.




CHAPTER 10.

How Bacchides, The General Of Demetrius's Army, Made An
Expedition Against Judea, And Returned Without Success; And How
Nicanor Was Sent A Little Afterward Against Judas And Perished,
Together With His Army; As Also Concerning The Death Of Alcimus
And The Succession Of Judas.


1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away
from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem
on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers
together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received
by all, who delivered themselves up to him. And when they had
taken Autiochus the king, and Lysias, they brought them to him
alive; both which were immediately put to death by the command of
Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have
already elsewhere related. But there were now many of the wicked
Jewish runagates that came together to him, and with them Alcimus
the high priest, who accused the whole nation, and particularly
Judas and his brethren; and said that they had slain all his
friends, and that those in his kingdom that were of his party,
and waited for his return, were by them put to death; that these
men had ejected them out of their own country, and caused them to
be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that he would
send some one of his own friends, and know from him what mischief
Judas's party had done.

2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent Bacchides, a friend
of Antiochus Epiphanes, (25) a good man, and one that had been
intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him an army, and
committed Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave him
charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him. So Bacchides
made haste, and went out of Antioch with his army; and when he
was come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his brethren, to
discourse with them about a league of friendship and peace, for
he had a mind to take him by treachery. But Judas did not give
credit to him, for he saw that he came with so great an army as
men do not bring when they come to make peace, but to make war.
However, some of the people acquiesced in what Bacchides caused
to be proclaimed; and supposing they should undergo no
considerable harm from Alcimus, who was their countryman, they
went over to them; and when they had received oaths from both of
them, that neither they themselves, nor those of the same
sentiments, should come to any harm, they intrusted themselves
with them. But Bacchides troubled not himself about the oaths he
had taken, but slew threescore of them, although, by not keeping
his faith with those that first went over, he deterred all the
rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing it. But as
he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at the village called
Bethzetho, he sent out, and caught many of the deserters, and
some of the people also, and slew them all; and enjoined all that
lived in the country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there,
with some part of the army, that he might have wherewith to keep
the country in obedience and returned to Antioch to king
Demetrius.

3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion more firmly
assured to him; and understanding that, if he could bring it
about that the multitude should be his friends, he should govern
with greater security, he spake kind words to them all, and
discoursed to each of them after an agreeable and pleasant
manner; by which means he quickly had a great body of men and an
army about him, although the greater part of them were of the
wicked, and the deserters. With these, whom he used as his
servants and soldiers, he went all over the country, and slew all
that he could find of Judas's party. But when Judas saw that
Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed many of the
good and holy men of the country, he also went all over the
country, and destroyed those that were of the other party. But
when Alcimus saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor was
equal to him in strength, he resolved to apply himself to king
Demetrius for his assistance; so he came to Antioch, and
irritated him against Judas, and accused him, alleging that he
had undergone a great many miseries by his means, and that he
would do more mischief unless he were prevented, and brought to
punishment, which must be done by sending a powerful force
against him.

4. So Demetrius, being already of opinion that it would be a
thing pernicious to his own affairs to overlook Judas, now he was
becoming so great, sent against him Nicanor, the most kind and
most faithful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away
with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him as many forces
as he thought sufficient for him to conquer Judas withal, and bid
him not to spare the nation at all. When Nicanor was come to
Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but
judged it better to get him into his power by treachery; so he
sent him a message of peace, and said there was no manner of
necessity for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that he
would give him his oath that he would do him no harm, for that he
only came with some friends, in order to let him know what king
Demetrius's intentions were, and what opinion he had of their
nation. When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his
brethren complied with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave
him assurances of friendship, and received Nicanor and his army;
but while he was saluting Judas, and they were talking together,
he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon which they
were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived the treachery, and ran
back to his own soldiers, and fled away with them. So upon this
discovery of his purpose, and of the snares laid for Judas,
Nicanor determined to make open war with him, and gathered his
army together, and prepared for fighting him; and upon joining
battle with him at a certain village called Capharsalama, he beat
Judas, (26) and forced him to fly to that citadel which was at
Jerusalem.

5. And when Nicanor came down from the citadel unto the temple,
some of the priests and elders met him, and saluted him; and
showed him the sacrifices which they offered to God for the king:
upon which he blasphemed, and threatened them, that unless the
people would deliver up Judas to him, upon his return he would
pull down their temple. And when he had thus threatened them, he
departed from Jerusalem. But the priests fell into tears out of
grief at what he had said, and besought God to deliver them from
their enemies But now for Nicanor, when he was gone out of
Jerusalem, and was at a certain village called Bethoron, he there
pitched his camp, another army out of Syria having joined him.
And Judas pitched his camp at Adasa, another village, which was
thirty furlongs distant from Bethoron, having no more than one
thousand soldiers. And when he had encouraged them not to be
dismayed at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how
many they were against whom they were going to fight, but to
consider who they themselves were, and for what great rewards
they hazarded themselves, and to attack the enemy courageously,
he led them out to fight, and joining battle with Nicanor, which
proved to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew many
of them; and at last Nicanor himself, as he was fighting
gloriously, fell:-- upon whose fall the army did not stay; but
when they had lost their general, they were put to flight, and
threw down their arms. Judas also pursued them and slew them, and
gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the neighboring
villages that he had conquered the enemy; which, when the
inhabitants heard, they put on their armor hastily, and met their
enemies in the face as they were running away, and slew them,
insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this battle, who
were in number nine thousand This victory happened to fall on the
thirteenth day of that month which by the Jews is called Adar and
by the Macedonians Dystrus; and the Jews thereon celebrate this
victory every year, and esteem it as a festival day. After which
the Jewish nation were, for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed
peace; but afterward they returned into their former state of
wars and hazards.

6. But now as the high priest Alcimus, was resolving to pull down
the wall of the sanctuary, which had been there of old time, and
had been built by the holy prophets, he was smitten suddenly by
God, and fell down. (27) This stroke made him fall down
speechless upon the ground; and undergoing torments for many
days, he at length died, when he had been high priest four years.
And when he was dead, the people bestowed the high priesthood on
Judas; who hearing of the power of the Romans, and that they had
conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and Libya;
and that, besides these, they had subdued Greece, and their
kings, Perseus, and Philip, and Antiochus the Great also; he
resolved to enter into a league of friendship with them. He
therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the son of
John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by them desired the
Romans that they would assist them, and be their friends, and
would write to Demetrius that he would not fight against the
Jews. So the senate received the ambassadors that came from Judas
to Rome, and discoursed with them about the errand on which they
came, and then granted them a league of assistance. They also
made a decree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It
was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass. The
decree itself was this: "The decree of the senate concerning a
league of assistance and friendship with the nation of the Jews.
It shall not be lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to
make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do
so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money; and if any
attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall assist them, as
far as they are able; and again, if any attack be made upon the
Romans, the Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have a mind
to add to, or to take away any thing from, this league of
assistance, that shall be done with the common consent of the
Romans. And whatsoever addition shall thus be made, it shall be
of force." This decree was written by Eupolemus the son of John,
and by Jason the son of Eleazar, (28) when Judas was high priest
of the nation, and Simon his brother was general of the army. And
this was the first league that the Romans made with the Jews, and
was managed after this manner.




CHAPTER 11.

That Bacchides Was Again Sent Out Against Judas; And How Judas
Fell As He Was Courageously Fighting.


1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and
of the destruction of the army that was with him, he sent
Bacchides again with an army into Judea, who marched out of
Antioch, and came into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a
city of Galilee; and having besieged and taken those that were
there in caves, (for many of the people fled into such places,)
he removed, and made all the haste he could to Jerusalem. And
when he had learned that Judas had pitched his camp at a certain
village whose name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him:
they were twenty thousand foot-men, and two thousand horsemen.
Now Judas had no more soldiers than one thousand. (29) When these
saw the multitude of Bacchides's men, they were afraid, and left
their camp, and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now when
Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and the enemy pressed
upon him, and gave him no time to gather his army together, he
was disposed to fight with Bacchides's army, though he had but
eight hundred men with him; so he exhorted these men to undergo
the danger courageously, and encouraged them to attack the enemy.
And when they said they were not a body sufficient to fight so
great an army, and advised that they should retire now, and save
themselves and that when he had gathered his own men together,
then he should fall upon the enemy afterwards, his answer was
this: "Let not the sun ever see such a thing, that I should show
my back to the enemy and although this be the time that will
bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle, I will rather
stand to it courageously, and bear whatsoever comes upon me, than
by now running away bring reproach upon my former great actions,
or tarnish their glory." This was the speech he made to those
that remained with him, whereby he encouraged them to attack the
enemy.

2. But Bacchldes drew his army out of their camp, and put them in
array for the battle. He set the horsemen on both the wings, and
the light soldiers and the archers he placed before the whole
army, but he was himself on the right wing. And when he had thus
put his army in order of battle, and was going to join battle
with the enemy, he commanded the trumpeter to give a signal of
battle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall on the enemy.
And when Judas had done the same, he joined battle with them; and
as both sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued till
sun-set, Judas saw that Bacehides and the strongest part of the
army was in the right wing, and thereupon took the most
courageous men with him, and ran upon that part of the army, and
fell upon those that were there, and broke their ranks, and drove
them into the middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued
them as far as to a mountain called Aza: but when those of the
left wing saw that the right wing was put to flight, they
encompassed Judas, and pursued him, and came behind him, and took
him into the middle of their army; so being not able to fly, but
encompassed round about with enemies, he stood still, and he and
those that were with him fought; and when he had slain a great
many of those that came against him, he at last was himself
wounded, and fell and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like
to his former famous actions. When Judas was dead, those that
were with him had no one whom they could regard [as their
commander]; but when they saw themselves deprived of such a
general, they fled. But Simon and Jonathan, Judas's brethren,
received his dead body by a treaty from the enemy, and carried it
to the village of Modin, where their father had been buried, and
there buried him; while the multitude lamented him many days, and
performed the usual solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this
was the end that Judas came to. He had been a man of valor and a
great warrior, and mindful of the commands of their father
Matrathins; and had undergone all difficulties, both in doing and
suffering, for the liberty of his countrymen. And when his
character was so excellent [while he was alive], he left behind
him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for
his nation, and delivering them from slavery under the
Macedonians. And when he had retained the high priesthood three
years, he died.




BOOK XIII.

Containing The Interval Of Eighty-Two Years,

From The Death Of Judas Maccabeus To The Death Of Queen
Alexandra.

CHAPTER 1.

How Jonathan Took The Government After His Brother Judas; And How
He, Together With His Brother Simon, Waged War Against Bacchides.


1. By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom
when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and
what struggles, and how great battles, Judas, the general of
their army, ran through, till he was slain as he was fighting for
them, hath been related in the foregoing book; but after he was
dead, all the wicked, and those that transgressed the laws of
their forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon them,
and distressed them on every side. A famine also assisted their
wickedness, and afflicted the country, till not a few, who by
reason of their want of necessaries, and because they were not
able to bear up against the miseries that both the famine and
their enemies brought upon them, deserted their country, and went
to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides gathered those Jews
together who had apostatized from the accustomed way of living of
their forefathers, and chose to live like their neighbors, and
committed the care of the country to them, who also caught the
friends of Judas, and those of his party, and delivered them up
to Bacchides, who when he had, in the first place, tortured and
tormented them at his pleasure, he, by that means, at length
killed them. And when this calamity of the Jews was become so
great, as they had never had experience of the like since their
return out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of
Judas, seeing that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a
miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan, and desired him
that he would imitate his brother, and that care which he took of
his countrymen, for whose liberty in general he died also; and
that he would not permit the nation to be without a governor,
especially in those destructive circumstances wherein it now was.
And where Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them, and
esteemed no inferior to his brother, he was appointed to be the
general of the Jewish army.

2. When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might
be very troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had
been before him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery.
But this intention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to his
brother Simon; but when these two were apprized of it, they took
all their companions, and presently fled into that wilderness
which was nearest to the city; and when they were come to a lake
called Asphar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was sensible
that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he hasted
to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp
beyond Jordan, he recruited his army. But when Jonathan knew that
Bacchides Was coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was
also called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge
his baggage with them until the battle with Bacchides should be
over, for they were the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri laid
an ambush for John from the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and
upon those that were with him, and plundered all that they had
with them. They also slew John, and all his companions. However,
they were sufficiently punished for what they now did by John's
brethren, as we shall relate presently.

3. But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp
among the lakes of Jordan, he observed when their sabbath day
came, and then assaulted him, [as supposing that he would not
fight because of the law for resting on that day]: but he
exhorted his companions [to fight]; and told them that their
lives were at stake, since they were encompassed by the river,
and by their enemies, and had no way to escape, for that their
enemies pressed upon them from before, and the river was behind
them. So after he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he
joined battle with the enemy, of whom he overthrew many; and as
he saw Bacchides coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his
right hand to smite him; but the other foreseeing and avoiding
the stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped into the river,
and swam over it, and by that means escaped beyond Jordan while
the enemies did not pass over that river; but Bacchides returned
presently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two
thousand of his army. He also fortified many cities of Judea,
whose walls had been demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus, and
Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and Pharatho, and Tecoa, and
Gazara, and built towers in every one of these cities, and
encompassed them with strong walls, that were very large also,
and put garrisons into them, that they might issue out of them,
and do mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the citadel at
Jerusalem more than all the rest. Moreover, he took the sons of
the principal Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the citadel,
and in that manner guarded it.

4. About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother
Simon, and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a
marriage, and bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was
the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians,
and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp, and splendor,
and much riches: so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared to
be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their
brother, and that they had forces sufficient for receiving
satisfaction from them for his death, they made haste to Medaba,
and lay in wait among the mountains for the coming of their
enemies; and as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin, and
her bridegroom, and such a great company of their friends with
them as was to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of
their ambush, and slew them all, and took their ornaments, and
all the prey that then followed them, and so returned, and
received this satisfaction for their brother John from the sons
of Ambri; for as well those sons themselves, as their friends,
and wives, and children that followed them, perished, being in
number about four hundred.

5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the
river, and abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all
Judea with his garrisons, returned to the king; and then it was
that the affairs of Judea were quiet for two years. But when the
deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were
with him lived in the country very quietly, by reason of the
peace, they sent to king Demetrius, and excited him to send
Bacchides to seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to be done
without any trouble, and in one night's time; and that if they
fell upon them before they were aware, they might slay them all.
So the king sent Bacchides, who, when he was come into Judea,
wrote to all his friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they
should seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him; and when, upon
all their endeavors, they were not able to seize upon Jonathan,
for he was sensible of the snares they laid for him, and very
carefully guarded against them, Bacchides was angry at these
deserters, as having imposed upon him, and upon the king, and
slew fifty of their leaders: whereupon Jonathan, with his
brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla, a
village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides.
He also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and
took care that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing of
which Bacchides led his own army along with him, and besides took
his Jewish auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and made an
assault upon his fortifications, and besieged him many days; but
Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides used
in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And while he left his
brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went
privately out himself into the country, and got a great body of
men together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp in
the night time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother
Simon knew also of this his falling upon them, because he
perceived that the enemies were slain by him; so he sallied out
upon them, and burnt the engines which the Macedonians used, and
made a great slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw himself
encompassed with enemies, and some of them before and some behind
him, he fell into despair and trouble of mind, as confounded at
the unexpected ill success of this siege. However, he vented his
displeasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters who sent
for him from the king, as having deluded him. So he had a mind to
finish this siege after a decent manner, if it were possible for
him so to do, and then to return home.

6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent
ambassadors to him about a league of friendship and mutual
assistance, and that they might restore those they had taken
captive on both sides. So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent
way of retiring home, and made a league of friendship with
Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more make war
one against another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and
took his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch;
and after this his departure, he never came into Judea again.
Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet state of
things, and went and lived in the city Michmash; and there
governed the multitude, and punished the wicked and ungodly, and
by that means purged the nation of them.




CHAPTER 2.

How Alexander [Bala] In His War With Demetrius, Granted Jonathan
Many Advantages And Appointed Him To Be High Priest And Persuaded
Him To Assist Him Although Demetrius Promised Him Greater
Advantages On The Other Side. Concerning The Death Of Demetrius.


1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that
Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, (1) came up into
Syria, and took Ptolemais the soldiers within having betrayed it
to him; for they were at enmity with Demetrius, on account of his
insolence and difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in a
palace of his that had four towers which he had built himself,
not far from Antioch and admitted nobody. He was withal slothful
and negligent about the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his
subjects was the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere
already related. When therefore Demetrius heard that Alexander
was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army, and led it against him;
he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan about a league of mutual
assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with
Alexander, lest the other should treat with him first, and gain
assistance from him; and this he did out of the fear he had lest
Jonathan should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly treated
him, and should join with him in this war against him. He
therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to raise an
army, and should get armor made, and should receive back those
hostages of the Jewish nation whom Baechides had shut up in the
citadel of Jerusalem. When this good fortune had befallen
Jonathan, by the concession of Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem,
and read the king's letter in the audience of the people, and of
those that kept the citadel. When these were read, these wicked
men and deserters, who were in the citadel, were greatly afraid,
upon the king's permission to Jonathan to raise an army, and to
receive back the hostages. So he delivered every one of them to
his own parents. And thus did Jonathan make his abode at
Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, and reforming the
buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls of the
city should be rebuilt with square stones, that it might be more
secure from their enemies. And when those that kept the garrisons
that were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled to
Antioch, excepting those that were in the city Bethsura, and
those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part
of these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on that
account these did not deliver up their garrisons.

2. When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan,
and withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done
when he fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had
undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the
general of Demetrius's army, he told his friends that he could
not at present find any one else that might afford him better
assistance than Jonathan, who was both courageous against his
enemies, and had a particular hatred against Demetrius, as having
both suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard
things against him. If therefore they were of opinion that they
should make him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for
their advantage to invite him to assist them now than at another
time. It being therefore determined by him and his friends to
send to Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle: "King Alexander
to his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard
of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent to
thee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual
assistance. We therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest
of the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I have also
sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a golden crown, and
desire that, now thou art by us honored, thou wilt in like manner
respect us also."

3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the
pontifical robe at the time of the feast of tabernacles, (2) four
years after the death of his brother Judas, for at that time no
high priest had been made. So he raised great forces, and had
abundance of armor got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius when
he heard of it, and made him blame himself for his slowness, that
he had not prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of
Jonathan, but had given him time so to do. However, he also
himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the
contents whereof are these: "King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to
the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have
preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted
by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them, I both
commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in
the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive
rewards from us; for I will free you from the greatest part of
the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my
predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those
tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the
tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to
offer to me (3) and instead of the third part of the fruits [of
the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish
my part of them from this day: and as to the poll-money, which
ought to be given me for every head of the inhabitants of Judea,
and of the three toparchies that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and
Galilee, and Peres, that I relinquish to you for this time, and
for all time to come. I will also that the city of Jerusalem be
holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes,
unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the
citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it,
that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for
fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us.
I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and
slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the
Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and
all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free
from any imposition. In the same manner, I set free the Jews that
are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no injury be done
them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to list
themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as
thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go,
shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I
will place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own
body, and as rulers over those that are in my court. I give them
leave also to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe
them; and I will that they have power over the three toparchies
that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the power of the high
priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other temple
for worship but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath also, out of
my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices,
one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to
spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release to you
those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the
temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister in
that temple. And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem,
or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money, or
are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let
their goods be in safety. I also give you leave to repair and
rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also
allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high
towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be
any fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish
country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses."

4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by
this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary
soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and
made an expedition against Demetrius. And when it was come to a
battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who opposed them to
flight, and pursued them a great way, and slew many of them, and
spoiled their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened
to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But
Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the
enemy; but as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse
carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and
there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down, he could
not escape being killed; for when his enemies saw what had
befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Demetrius
round, and they all threw their darts at him; but he, being now
on foot, fought bravely. But at length he received so many
wounds, that he was not able to bear up any longer, but fell. And
this is the end that Demetrius came to, when he had reigned
eleven years, (4) as we have elsewhere related.




CHAPTER 3.

The Friendship That Was Between Onias And Ptolemy Philometor; And
How Onias Built A Temple In Egypt Like To That At Jerusalem.


1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same
name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was
called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said
already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the
Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire to purchase to
himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king
Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might
build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might
ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. The chief
reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the
prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and
foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to
Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated
with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy
and Cleopatra: "Having done many and great things for you in the
affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in
Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to
Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, where I found
that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper
manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against
another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the
multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about
Divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that
hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of
materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals;
I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this
holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and
to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of
that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for
the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those
Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come
and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he
subservient to thy advantages; for the prophet Isaiah foretold
that "there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God; (5) and
many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place."

2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may
observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by
that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the
blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias.
And this was their reply: "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to
Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou
desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is
fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which
is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot
but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple
erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. But
since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago,
we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your
law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God
herein."

3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to
God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I
do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or
its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book
of the Wars of the Jews. However, Onias found other Jews like to
himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed
Divine service. But we have said enough about this temple.

4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those
Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in
the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition
one against another, and disputed about their temples before
Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of
Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the
Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They
desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the
debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were
baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the
Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people
of Jerusalem; and they took an oath by God and the king to make
their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of
Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what
they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the
king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down,
in order to hear what the pleaders said. Now the Jews that were
at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it
was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very
ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple,
which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable
earth. Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to
Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the
law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they
every one in succession from his father had received that
dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia
had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most
splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he
made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a
being. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded
the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built
according to the laws of Moses, (6) and to put Sabbeus and
Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the
Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.




CHAPTER 4.

How Alexander Honored Jonathan After An Extraordinary Manner; And
How Demetrius, The Son Of Demetrius, Overcame Alexander And Made
A League Of Friendship With Jonathan.


1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above
related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to
Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in marriage; and
said it was but just that he should be joined an affinity to one
that had now received the principality of his forefathers, and
had been promoted to it by God's providence, and had conquered
Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being
related to him. Ptolemy received this proposal of marriage
gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account of his
having received the principality of his forefathers; and
promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage;
and assured him that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and
desired that he would there meet him, for that he would accompany
her from Egypt so far, and would there marry his child to him.
When Ptolemy had written thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and
brought his daughter Cleopatra along with him; and as he found
Alexander there before him, as he desired him to come, he gave
him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as much
silver and gold as became such a king to give.

2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the
high priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he
came to these kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he
was honored by them both. Alexander compelled him also to put off
his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him sit
with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that they
should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim,
that it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or to
give him any disturbance. And when the captains had thus done,
those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him
ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by
proclamation, and that by the king's order, ran away, and were
afraid lest some mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander
was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the
principal of his friends.

3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius,
the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of
mercenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him,
and sailed to Cilicia. This thing cast Alexander into great
concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made haste
immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that he might
put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should come.
He also left Apollonius Daus (7) governor of Celesyria, who
coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the high
priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone should
live at rest, and with authority, and not be subject to the king;
that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he
had not yet made him subject to the king. "Do not thou therefore
deceive thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and pretend
to have forces with thee; but if thou hast any dependence on thy
strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies be
compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate
which of us is the most courageous. However, take notice, that
the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these
are the very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let
us have the battle in such a place of the country where we may
fight with weapons, and not with stones, and where there may be
no place whither those that are beaten may fly."

4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten
thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with
his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the
outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their
gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city put there
by Apollonius. But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them,
they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they opened
the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa was
taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight
thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made
his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made
as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into
the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and
having his hopes of victory principally in them. However,
Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as
soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he
came back and gave him battle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand
horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their
enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was
under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand in a
square battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy
on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both
before and behind; and while the fight lasted till the evening,
he gave part of his forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him
to attack the enemies; but for himself, he charged those that
were with him to cover themselves with their armor, and receive
the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were commanded; so
that the enemy's horsemen, while they threw their darts till they
had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were
thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the
shields that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of
which easily overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about
without any effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing
their darts from morning till late at night, Simon perceived
their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him; and
because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to
flight. And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran away,
neither did they stay themselves, but they being very weary, by
the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from
the footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great
confusion also, till they were separated one from another, and
scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them as
far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the
rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon,
which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the first
onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it; nor did he
abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and
destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of
the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the
temple, were eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had overcome
so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon;
and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of
Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents,
and honoring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and
returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which he
brought thence when he conquered his enemies. But when Alexander
heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he
pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan
his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent
to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him
honorary rewards, as a golden button, (8) which it is the custom
to give the king's kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its
toparchy for his own inheritance.

5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called
Philometor, led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and
came to Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who was his
son-in-law; and accordingly all the cities received him
willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and conducted
him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud complaints about
the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of
having laid it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with
fire, and slain a great number of them. Ptolemy heard these
accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy
as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable presents, and
those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks of honor; and
when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus,
he returned again to Jerusalem.

6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most
unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his
life by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend;
and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander,
and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign
punishment, informing him what snares had been laid for him by
Ammonius, and desiring that he might be accordingly punished for
it. But when Alexander did not comply with his demands, he
perceived that it was he himself who laid the design, and was
very angry at him. Alexander had also formerly been on very ill
terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered very much
by his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment
his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed in an
opprobrious manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal
himself in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related.

7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter
in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him
to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to
him, and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent to
Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance and
friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter
in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his
fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and
accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter.
But Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to
persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they
were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his
father Demetrius had done them; yet did he bring this about; for
as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius's account,
as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed with to cast
him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into
Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its
inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two
diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: but being naturally
a good and a righteous man, and not desirous of what belonged to
others, and besides these dispositions, being also a wise man in
reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of
the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to an
assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius; and assured
them that he would not be mindful of what they did to his father
in case he should be now obliged by them; and he undertook that
he would himself be a good monitor and governor to him, and
promised that he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions;
but that, for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of
Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of Antioch to
receive Demetrius.

8. But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army,
and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country
belonging to Antioch, and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his
son-in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him, (for he had
already given him his daughter in marriage,) and beat Alexander,
and put him to flight; and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now
it happened in the time of the battle that Ptolemy' horse, upon
hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and
threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his
enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head,
and brought him into danger of death; for when his guards caught
him up, he was so very ill, that for four days' time he was not
able either to understand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince
among the Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to
Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and returning to his
understanding, on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable
hearing, and saw a most agreeable sight, which were the death and
the head of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the
death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he
also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas,
reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere related.

9. But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, (9) had taken the
kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very
hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that
was between them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by
Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his wicked
treatment to Alexandria; but Demetrius kept his elephants. But
Jonathan the high priest levied an army out of all Judea, and
attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was held
by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those wicked men who
had deserted the customs of their forefathers. These men at first
despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place, as
depending on its strength; but some of those wicked men went out
by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the
citadel was besieged; who was irritated with what he heard, and
took his army, and came from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when
he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come to
him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which Jonathan did not intermit
the siege of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the
people, and the priests, and carried with him gold, and silver,
and garments, and a great number of presents of friendship, and
came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and thereby
pacified the king's anger. So he was honored by him, and received
from him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had
possessed it by the grants of the kings his predecessors. And
when the Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from
giving credit to them, that when he petitioned him that he would
demand no more than three hundred talents for the tribute of all
Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and
Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and gave him a letter
confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows:
"King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the
Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of that epistle
which we have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know
its contents. "King Demetrus to Lasthenes our father, sendeth
greeting. I have determined to return thanks, and to show favor
to the nation of the Jews, which hath observed the rules of
justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three
prefectures, Apherims, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been
added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurtenances; as also
what the kings my predecessors received from those that offered
sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the
earth, and of the trees, and what else belongs to us; with the
salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be presented to us. Nor
shall they be compelled to pay any of those taxes from this time
to all futurity. Take care therefore that a copy of this epistle
be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent
place of their holy temple.'" And these were the contents of this
writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace every
where, and that there was no danger, nor fear of war, he
disbanded the greatest part of his army, and diminished their
pay, and even retained in pay no others than such foreigners as
came up with him from Crete, and from the other islands. However,
this procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers; on whom
he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings before him
used to pay them in time of peace as they did before, that they
might have their good-will, and that they might be very ready to
undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should require
it.




CHAPTER 5.

How Trypho After He Had Beaten Demetrius Delivered The Kingdom To
Antiochus The Son Of Alexander, And Gained Jonathan For His
Assistant; And Concerning The Actions And Embassies Of Jonathan.


1. Now there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an
Apanemian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called
Trypho, took notice the ill-will of the soldiers bare to
Demetrius, and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up
Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-will the
army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus,
because he would make him king, and recover to him the kingdom of
his father. Malchus at the first opposed him in this attempt,
because he could not believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at him
for a long time, he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho's
intentions and entreaties. And this was the state Trypho was now
in.

2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of
those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish
deserters, and wicked men, as well as of those in all the
garrisons in the country, sent presents and ambassadors to
Demetrius, and entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the
strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made answer, that after the war,
which he was now deeply engaged in, was over, he would not only
grant him that, but greater things than that also; and he desired
he would send him some assistance, and informed him that his army
had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his
soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius.

3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account of
what mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his
enemies also on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly
abused them; so they watched some opportunity which they might
lay hold on to fall upon him. And when they were informed of the
assistance that was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and
considered at the same time that he would raise a numerous army,
unless they prevented him, and seized upon him, they took their
weapons immediately, and encompassed his palace in the way of a
siege, and seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they sought
to subdue their king. And when he saw that the people of Antioch
were become his bitter enemies and that they were thus in arms,
he took the mercenary soldiers which he had with them, and those
Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochians;
but he was overpowered by them, for they were many ten thousands,
and was beaten. But when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were
superior, they went up to the top of the palace, and shot at them
from thence; and because they were so remote from them by their
height, that they suffered nothing on their side, but did great
execution on the others, as fighting from such an elevation, they
drove them out of the adjoining houses, and immediately set them
on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the whole city,
and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness
of the houses, and because they were generally built of wood. So
the Antioehians, when they were not able to help themselves, nor
to stop the fire, were put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from
the top of one house to the top of another, and pursued them
after that manner, it thence happened that the pursuit was so
very surprising. But when the king saw that the Antiochians were
were busy in saving their children and their wives, and so did
not fight any longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages,
and fought them, and slew a great many of them, till at last they
were forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver themselves
up to Demetrius. So he forgave them this their insolent behavior,
and put an end to the sedition; and when he had given rewards to
the Jews out of the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned
them thanks, as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to
Jerusalem to Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance
they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan
afterward, and broke the promises he had made; and he threatened
that he would make war upon him, unless he would pay all that
tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of
Syria]. And this he had done, if Trypho had not hindered him, and
diverted his preparations against Jonathan to a concern for his
own preservation; for he now returned out of Arabia into Syria,
with the child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth, and
put the diadem on his head; and as the whole forces that had left
Demetrius, because they had no pay, came to his assistance, he
made war upon Demetrius, and joining battle with him, overcame
him in the fight, and took from him both his elephants and the
city Antioch.

4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the
child Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and
made him his friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the
high priesthood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures which
had been added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups
of gold, and a purple garment, and gave him leave to use them. He
also presented him with a golden button, and styled him one of
his principal friends, and appointed his brother Simon to be the
general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre unto Egypt. So
Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus,
that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed
himself to be their friend and confederate, and said he would
join with him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he
had made no proper returns for the kindness he had done him; for
that when he had received many marks of kindness from him, when
he stood in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had
requited him with further injuries.

5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous
army out of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against
Demetrius's generals; whereupon he went in haste to the several
cities which received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces
into his hands. And when he was come from thence to Askelon, the
inhabitants of Askelon came and brought him presents, and met him
in a splendid manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the
cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join with
Antiochus; and, in assisting him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius
for what offenses he had been guilty of against themselves; and
told them there were many reasons for that their procedure, if
they had a mind so to do. And when he had persuaded those cities
to promise their assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in
order to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but he
found the inhabitants of Gaza much more alienated from him than
he expected, for they had shut their gates against him; and
although they had deserted Demetrius, they had not resolved to
join themselves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to besiege
them, and to harass their country; for as he set a part of his
army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their
land, and spoiled it, and burnt what was in it. When the of Gaza
saw themselves in this state of affliction, and that no
assistance came to them from Demetrius, that what distressed them
was at hand, but what should profit them was still at a great
distance, and it was uncertain whether it would come at all or
not, they thought it would be prudent conduct to leave off any
longer continuance with them, and to cultivate friendship with
the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would be
his friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper of
men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions,
they do not understand what is for their advantage; but when they
find themselves under such afflictions, they then change their
minds, and what it had been better for them to have done before
they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, but not till
after they have suffered such damages. However, he made a league
of friendship with them, and took from them hostages for their
performance of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he
went himself over all the country, as far as Damascus.

6. But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were
come to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, (the place lies
between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee,)for they supposed
they should hereby draw him out of Syria, in order to preserve
Galilee, and that he would not overlook the Galileans, who were
his own people, when war was made upon them, he went to meet
them, having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army as
he was able out of the country, and then sat down before
Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all
Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already
related. But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines
of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of
it, the garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken of
Simon by force, and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon,
and desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no
harm from him, and that they would leave the place, and go away
to Demetrius. Accordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them
out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of his own.

7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which
are called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came
into the plain that is called Asor, without knowing that the
enemy was there. When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day
beforehand that Jonathan was coming against them, they laid an
ambush in the mountain, who were to assault him on the sudden,
while they themselves met him with an army in the plain; which
army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready
his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was able; but those
that were laid in ambush by Demetrius's generals being behind
them, the Jews were afraid lest they should be caught in the
midst between two bodies, and perish; so they ran away in haste,
and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but a few there were, in
number about fifty, who staid with him, and with them Mattathias,
the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were
commanders of the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men
desperate, against the enemy, and so pushed them, that by their
courage they daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands
they put them to flight. And when those soldiers of Jonathan that
had retired saw the enemy giving way, they got together after
their flight, and pursued them with great violence; and this did
they as far as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.

8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two
thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that
all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the
providence of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being
desirous of renewing that friendship which their nation had with
them formerly. He enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they
came back, they should go to the Spartans, and put them in mind
of their friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors came to
Rome, they went into their senate, and said what they were
commanded by Jonathan the high priest to say, how he had sent
them to confirm their friendship. The senate then confirmed what
had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the
Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and
Europe, and to the governors of the cities, that they might
safely conduct them to their own country. Accordingly, as they
returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which
they had received of Jonathan to them; a copy of which here
follows: "Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the
senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and
senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be
well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to
your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. When
in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our
high priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by
Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a
copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the
epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although
we did not need such a demonstration, because we were satisfied
about it from the sacred writings (10) yet did not we think fit
first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should
seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is now
given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to
you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days,
offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and
victory. As to ourselves, although we have had many wars that
have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our
neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to
you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have now
overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son
of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both
honorable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave
them this epistle to you also, that they might renew that
friendship which is between us. You will therefore do well
yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you
stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to
act according to your desires." So the Lacedemonians received the
ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual
assistance, and sent it to them.

9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had
different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called
the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and
the other the sect of the Essens. Now for the Pharisees, (11)
they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate,
and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable
to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essens
affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls
men but what is according to its determination. And for the
Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing,
and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but
they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that
we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is
evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact
account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War.

10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover
the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than
they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was
informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the
country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of
coming into Judea; so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs'
distance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of
their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. When his
spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some of
them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, he,
thus apprized beforehand, provided for his security, and placed
watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his forces armed all
night; and he gave them a charge to be of good courage, and to
have their minds prepared to fight in the night time, if they
should be obliged so to do, lest their enemy's designs should
seem concealed from them. But when Demetrius's commanders were
informed that Jonathan knew what they intended, their counsels
were disordered, and it alarmed them to find that the enemy had
discovered those their intentions; nor did they expect to
overcome them any other way, now they had failed in the snares
they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle,
they did not think they should be a match for Jonathan's army, so
they resolved to fly; and having lighted many fires, that when
the enemy saw them they might suppose they were there still, they
retired. When Jonathan came to give them battle in the morning in
their camp, and found it deserted, and understood they were fled,
he pursued them; yet he could not overtake them, for they had
already passed over the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger.
So when Jonathan was returned thence, he went into Arabia, and
fought against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal of
their prey, and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and
there sold off what he had taken. About the same time it was that
Simon his brother went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as
Askelon, and fortified the strong holds; and when he had made
them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in the
garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when he had taken
it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard that the
people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city to
Demetrius's generals.

11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they
returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people
together, and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and
to rebuild the wall that encompassed the temple, which had been
thrown down, and to make the places adjoining stronger by very
high towers; and besides that, to build another wall in the midst
of the city, in order to exclude the market-place from the
garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder
them from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the
fortresses that were in the country much stronger and more
defensible than they were before. And when these things were
approved of by the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonathan
himself took care of the building that belonged to the city, and
sent Simon away to make the fortresses in the country more secure
than formerly. But Demetrius passed over [Euphrates], and came
into Mesopotamia, as desirous to retain that country still, as
well as Babylon; and when he should have obtained the dominion of
the upper provinces, to lay a foundation for recovering his
entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians who dwelt there
frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he
would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and
assist him in fighting against Arsaces, (12) the king of the
Parthians. So he was elevated with these hopes, and came hastily
to them, as having resolved, that if he had once overthrown the
Parthians, and gotten an army of his own, he would make war
against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the people of
that country received him with great alacrity. So he raised
forces, with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his
army, and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere related.




CHAPTER 6.

How Jonathan Was Slain By Treachery; And How Thereupon The Jews
Made Simon Their General And High Priest: What Courageous Actions
He Also Performed Especially Against Trypho.


1. Now when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no
longer firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him,
and then take possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he was
in of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan
was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he resolved first to
take Jonathan out of the way, and then to set about his design
relating to Antiochus; but he judging it best to take him off by
deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which by the
Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met him
with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came to
fight him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to
fight, he attempted to gain him by presents and kind treatment,
and gave order to his captains to obey him, and by these means
was desirous to give assurance of his good-will, and to take away
all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make him
careless and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was
unguarded. He also advised him to dismiss his army, because there
was no occasion for bringing it with him when there was no war,
but all was in peace. However, he desired him to retain a few
about him, and go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would
deliver the city up to him, and would bring all the fortresses
that were in the country under his dominion; and he told him that
he came with those very designs.

2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his
management, but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of
kindness, and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed
his army, and retained no more than three thousand of them with
him, and left two thousand in Galilee; and he himself, with one
thousand, came with Trypho to Ptolemais. But when the people of
Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it had been commanded by
Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with
him. He also sent soldiers against those two thousand that were
left in Galilee, in order to destroy them; but those men having
heard the report of what had happened to Jonathan, they prevented
the execution; and before those that were sent by Trypho came,
they covered themselves with their armor, and went away out of
the country. Now when those that were sent against them saw that
they were ready to fight for their lives, they gave them no
disturbance, but returned back to Trypho.

3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was
taken, and that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed,
they deplored his sad fate; and there was earnest inquiry made
about him by every body, and a great and just fear fell upon
them, and made them sad, lest, now they were deprived of the
courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations about them should
bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on account of
Jonathan they should now rise up against them, and by making war
with them, should force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed
what they suspected really befell them; for when those nations
heard of the death of Jonathan, they began to make war with the
Jews as now destitute of a governor and Trypho himself got an
army together, and had intention to go up to Judea, and make war
against its inhabitants. But when Simon saw that the people of
Jerusalem were terrified at the circumstances they were in, he
desired to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them more
resolute in opposing Trypho when he should come against them. He
then called the people together into the temple, and thence began
thus to encourage them: "O my countrymen, you are not ignorant
that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured to hazard
our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty;
since I have therefore such plenty of examples before me, and we
of our family have determined with ourselves to die for our laws,
and our Divine worship, there shall no terror be so great as to
banish this resolution from our souls, nor to introduce in its
place a love of life, and a contempt of glory. Do you therefore
follow me with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not
destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do
the greatest things for you; for neither am I better than my
brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far
worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most
honorable of all things, - I mean, to undergo death for your
laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar to you; I
will therefore give such proper demonstrations as will show that
I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect that I
shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver you all
with your wives and children from the injuries they intend
against you, and, with God's assistance, to preserve your temple
from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you
in contempt, as being without a governor, and that they thence
are encouraged to make war against you."

4. By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with
courage; and as they had been before dispirited through fear,
they were now raised to a good hope of better things, insomuch
that the whole multitude of the people cried out all at once that
Simon should be their leader; and that instead of Judas and
Jonathan his brethren, he should have the government over them;
and they promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever
he should command them. So he got together immediately all his
own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding
the walls of the city, and strengthening them by very high and
strong towers, and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of
Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabitants
out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up
the city to Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem.

5. But Trypho removed from Ptoeinais with a great army, and came
into Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also
met him with his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill,
and beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that
Simon was by the Jews made their governor, he sent to him, and
would have imposed upon him by deceit and trencher, and desired,
if he would have his brother Jonathan released, that he would
send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons
as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make
Judea revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in
bonds on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and
now owed it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho;
and although he knew that if he gave him the money he should lose
it, and that Trypho would not set his brother free and withal
should deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he
was afraid that he should have a calumny raised against him among
the multitude as the cause of his brother's death, if he neither
gave the money, nor sent Jonathan's sons, he gathered his army
together, and told them what offers Trypho had made; and added
this, that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and yet
that it was more eligible to send the money and Jonathan's sons,
than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with
Trypho's offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother.
Accordingly, Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but
when Trypho had received them, he did not keep his promise, nor
set Jonathan free, but took his army, and went about all the
country, and resolved to go afterward to Jerusalem by the way of
Idumea, while Simon went over against him with his army, and all
along pitched his own camp over against his.

6. But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho,
and besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them
provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at
Jerusalem that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell
in the night, that it covered the roads, and made them so deep,
that there was no passing, especially for the cavalry. This
hindered him from coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed
thence, and came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the
land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given
order for his burial, he returned himself to Antioch. However,
Simon sent some to the city Basca to bring away his brother's
bones, and buried them in their own city Modin; and all the
people made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected a very
large monument for his father and his brethren, of white and
polished stone, and raised it a great height, and so as to be
seen a long way off, and made cloisters about it, and set up
pillars, which were of one stone apiece; a work it was wonderful
to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids also for his parents
and his brethren, one for each of them, which were made very
surprising, both for their largeness and beauty, and which have
been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who
bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the
building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died
when he had been high priest four years (13) and had been also
the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that
concerned his death.

7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the
very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from
their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay
tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute
they obtained after a hundred and seventy years (14) of the
kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was
called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. Now the affection of
the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts
one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, "in
the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;"
for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that
were round about them; for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and
Joppa, and Jamhis. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by
siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any
more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do
them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done
this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage,
to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened
to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. And indeed,
when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded
them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind
what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish
deserters, and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case
any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into
that citadel. This speech induced the multitude to a compliance,
because he exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own
good: so they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the
mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without any
intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was
removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the
rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all
the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon
it stood, were demolished. And these actions were thus performed
under Simon.




CHAPTER 7.

How Simon Confederated Himself With Antiochus Pius, And Made War
Against Trypho, And A Little Afterward, Against Cendebeus, The
General Of Antiochus's Army; As Also How Simon Was Murdered By
His Son-In-Law Ptolemy, And That By Treachery.


1. (15) Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into
captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, (16) the son
of Alexander, who was also called The God, (17) and this when he
had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under
the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those
that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and promised
that he would give them a great deal of money if they would make
him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was made a captive
by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's brother Atitiochus, if he
came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief, in way
of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the soldiers,
in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the
kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had
gained the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition
to be wicked; for while he was a private person, he cultivated
familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great
moderation, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he
pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside
any further dissimulation, and was the true Trypho; which
behavior made his enemies superior to him; for the soldiery hated
him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius,
who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children. But as
Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not
admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho, Cleopatra
sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the
kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were these:
That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she was afraid for
herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver up
the city to Trypho.

2. As Antlochuswas now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased
every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in
the battle, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia,
and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora which was a
fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent
ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high priest, about a league of
friendship and mutual assistance; who readily accepted of the
invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and
provisions for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied
them very plentifully, so that for a little while he was looked
upon as one of his most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled
from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and put
to death, when he had reigned three years.

3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had
afforded him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and
wicked disposition, and committed an army of soldiers to his
friend Cendebeus, and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to
seize Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking his league
with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked with the
unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a
resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a
young man to act as general of his army. He also sent his sons
before among the most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself
marched on with his army another way, and laid many of his men in
ambushes in the narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he
fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was too hard for
his enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of his life
in peace, and did also himself make a league with the Romans.

4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a
feast came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his
son-in-law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his
sons, and kept them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John the
third son, whose name was Hyrcanus; but the young man perceiving
them coming, he avoided the danger he was in from them, (18) and
made haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will
of the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from
his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bare to
Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter the city
by another gate, they drove him away, as having already admitted
Hyrcanus.




CHAPTER 8.

Hyrcanus Receives The High Priesthood, And Ejects Ptolemy Out Of
The Country. Antiochus Makes War Against Hyrcanus And Afterwards
Makes A League With Him.


1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above
Jericho, which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the
high priesthood that had been his father's before, and in the
first place propitiated God by sacrifices, he then made an
expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the
place, in other points he was too hard for him, but was rendered
weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for his mother and
brethren, and by that only; for Ptolemy brought them upon the
wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that
he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave
off the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to
the siege and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to
those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his
zeal about it was cooled. However, his mother spread out her
hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her
account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that
he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get
their enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon him what he
had done to those that were dearest to himself; for that death
would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of
theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings
to them. Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the
fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to
pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize
with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as
the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on
which the Jews used to rest came on; for the Jews observe this
rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day; so that
Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, (19) he slew
the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so
done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the
tyrant of the city Philadelphia.

2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon
had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of
his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in
the hundred and sixty-second olympiad. (20) And when he had burnt
the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he
encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at
the first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of
the valor of the besieged, although they were once in want of
water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of
rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades (21) However,
about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was
upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred
towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon
them; and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double
ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as
within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make frequent
sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their
guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of
mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the
city with ease. But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience
of so great a number of men in the city, while the provisions
were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to suppose,
those great numbers did nothing, he separated the useless part,
and excluded them out of the city, and retained that part only
which were in the flower of their age, and fit for war. However,
Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who
therefore wandering about between the wails, and consuming away
by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was
at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and
received them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and
desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the
festival, he gave way to this piety towards God, and made that
truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent
sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet
spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So those that were at
the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them,
and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his
army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus
Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon
the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their
flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion
they derived from their forefathers; for which reason our nation
made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him; but for
this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the
great zeal he had about religion.

3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and
when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he
sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the
settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected
the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the
nation, (23) by reason of their way of living, which was to
others unsociable, and did not regard what they said. But being
persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind, he
answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up
their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which
bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms
he would make war against them no longer. But the Jews, although
they were content with the other conditions, did not agree to
admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other
people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of
the admission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and five
hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred,
and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus accepted.
One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he broke
down the fortifications that encompassed the city. And upon these
conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed.

4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all
other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents.
He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth,
maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship
and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus
admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his
army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity, and
marched along with him when he made an expedition against the
Parthians; of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who
in his history writes thus: "When Antiochus had erected a trophy
at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of
the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of
Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them
from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow
them to travel." And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so;
for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to
be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to
journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day (24) But
when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin,
he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his
brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the
permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the
same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly
related elsewhere.




CHAPTER 9.

How, After The Death Of Antiochus, Hyrcanus Made An Expedition
Against Syria, And Made A League With The Romans. Concerning The
Death Of King Demetrius And Alexander.


1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he
presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping
to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able
to defend them. However, it was not till the sixth month that he
took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his
army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and
besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the
Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple
which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat,
the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who
was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly
related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it
was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea,
and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that
country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of
the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous of living in the
country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of
circumcision, (25) and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living;
at which time therefore this befell them, that they were
hereafter no other than Jews.

2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league
of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an
embassage to them; and when the senate had received their
epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the
manner following: "Fanius, the son of Marcus, the praetor,
gathered the senate together on the eighth day before the Ides of
February, in the senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son of
Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of
Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion was,
that the ambassadors sent by the people of the Jews (26) Simon,
the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and
Diodorus, the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had
somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual
assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans, and about
other public affairs, who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and
Gazara, and the springs [of Jordan], and the several other cities
and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in
the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored
to them; and that it might not be lawful for the king's troops to
pass through their country, and the countries of those that are
subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during
that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void;
and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that
restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them,
and that they should make an estimate of the country that had
been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them
letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to
their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed, as to these
points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assistance
with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly
people." But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that
the senate would consult about that matter when their own affairs
would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the time
to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that
their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public
treasury to bear their expenses home. And thus did Fanius dismiss
the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public
treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to
conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in
safety.

3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as
for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus,
there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians
and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man.
But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called
Physcon, that he would send them one of the family at Seleueus,
in order to take the kingdom, and he had sent them Alexander, who
was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle
between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled to
Cleopatra his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive
him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he
had suffered much from his enemies before his death, he was slain
by them. So Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with
Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward fought with Antiochus the
son of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, was also beaten in the
fight, and slain.




CHAPTER 10.

How Upon The Quarrel Between Antiochus Grypus And AntiocHus
Cyzicenus About The Kingdom Hyrcanus Tooksamaria, And Utterly
Demolished It; And How Hyrcaus Joined Himself To The Sect Of The
Sadducees, And Left That Of The Pharisees.


1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make
war against Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same
mother, who was also called Antiochus, was raising an army
against him out of Cyzicum; so he staid in his own land, and
resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his
brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up
in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter,
who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father
of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same
Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have
related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria,
continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived
all this while in peace; for after the death of Antlochus, he
revolted from the Macedonians, (27) nor did he any longer pay
them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend;
but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing
condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under
these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave
Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly,
insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. How ever, when
Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed
what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of
Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an
ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he
despised them both.

2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very
strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by
Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack
against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he
was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they
had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and
confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of
Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double
wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set
his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought
the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were
forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for
Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their
assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was
pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away.
So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall,
till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a second
time to help them, who procured about six thousand men from
Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's
consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his
government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun
and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber,
for he durst not meet him in the face to fight with him, as not
having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this
supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force
Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into
snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to
Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the
Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.

3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and
was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to
Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed
Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not
able to make them raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyrcanus
had taken that city, which was not done till after a year's
siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he
demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it,
for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay,
he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city
there. Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest
Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that
on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus
Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering
incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome
Antiochus. And this he openly declared before all the multitude
upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved
true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus.

4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who
were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those
of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; for
Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was
called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and
Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the
prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have
elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army,
and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia
attests, when he saith thus, "Now the greater part, both those
that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward
thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were
called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful, because
their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in chief favor with
the queen." These are the words of Strabo.

5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to
envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were
the Pharisees, (28) who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we
have informed you already. These have so great a power over the
multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or
against the high priest, they are presently believed. Now
Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them.
And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them
very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to
them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and
to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the
profession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired, that if
they observed him offending in any point, and going out of the
right way, they would call him back and correct him. On which
occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which
commendation he was well pleased. But still there was one of his
guests there, whose name was Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and
delighting in seditious practices. This man said," Since thou
desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest,
lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil
government of the people," And when he desired to know for what
cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other
replied, "We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been
a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. (29)" This
story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all
the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him.

6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's,
but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite
contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar
had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common
sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made
manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment
they thought this man deserved? for that he might depend upon it,
that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if
they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the
Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but
that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And
indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to
be severe in punishments. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was
very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their
approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and
influenced him so far, that he made him leave the party of the
Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the
people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source
arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the
multitude: but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I
would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to
the people a great many observances by succession from their
fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that
reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are
to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the
written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the
tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these things it is
that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while
the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have
not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the
multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of
the Essens, I have treated accurately in the second book of
Jewish affairs.

7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after
that lived happily, and administered the government in the best
manner for thirty-one years, and then died, (30) leaving behind
him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of three of the
greatest privileges, - the government of his nation, the dignity
of the high priesthood, and prophecy; for God was with him, and
enabled him to know futurities; and to foretell this in
particular, that, as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that
they would not long continue in the government of public affairs;
whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description, that we
may thence learn how very much they were inferior to their
father's happiness.




CHAPTER 11.

How Aristobulus, When He Had Taken The Government First Of All
Put A Diadem On His Head, And Was Most Barbarously Cruel To His
Mother And His Brethren; And How, After He Had Slain Antigonus,
He Himself Died.


1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son
Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom,
for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head,
four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the
people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were
returned to their own country again. This Aristobulus loved his
next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his equal; but the
others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into prison,
because she disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had
left her to be mistress of all. He also proceeded to that degree
of barbarity, as to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was
alienated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him
to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for
him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in the
kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to,
partly because he loved him, and so did not give heed to what was
said against him, and partly because he thought the reproaches
were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus
was once returned from the army, and that feast was then at hand
when they make tabernacles to [the honor of God,] it happened
that Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus went up most
splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their
armor, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put up many
prayers for the recovery of his brother, when some wicked
persons, who had a great mind to raise a difference between the
brethren, made use of this opportunity of the pompous appearance
of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had done, and
went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show of
his at the feast, and pretended that all these circumstances were
not like those of a private person; that these actions were
indications of an affectation of royal authority; and that his
coming with a strong body of men must be with an intention to
kill him; and that his way of reasoning was this: That it was a
silly thing in him, while it was in his power to reign himself,
to look upon it as a great favor that he was honored with a lower
dignity by his brother.

2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both
that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself
might not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his
guards to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark;
(he himself then lying sick in the tower which was called
Antonia;) and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in
to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed,
they should kill him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired
that he would come unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined
with her in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger
to tell him the direct contrary: how his brother had heard that
he had made himself a fine suit of armor for war, and desired him
to come to him in that armor, that he might see how fine it was.
So Antigonus suspecting no treachery, but depending on the
good-will of his brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as he used
to be, with his entire armor, in order to show it to him; but
when he was come to a place which was called Strato's Tower,
where the passage happened to be exceeding dark, the guards slew
him; which death of his demonstrates that nothing is stronger
than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more certainly
divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those
passions. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas,
who was of the sect of the Essens, (31) and who never missed the
truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus
passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends,
who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of
foretelling things to come?" That it was good for him to die now,
since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive,
and I see him passing by, although he had foretold he should die
at the place called Strato's Tower that very day, while yet the
place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he
should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already
past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet." As he
was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came
that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself
was called also Strato's Tower, or of the same name with that
Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet
into a great disorder.

3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his
brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and he
was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness,
insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable
pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of the servants
that attended upon him, and was carrying his blood away, did, by
Divine Providence, as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed
part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of
Antigonus's blood, there slain, still remaining; and when there
was a cry made by the spectators, as if the servant had on
purpose shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and
inquired what the matter was; and as they did not answer him, he
was the more earnest to know what it was, it being natural to men
to suspect that what is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his
threatening, and forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length
told him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in that
disorder of mind which arose from his consciousness of what he
had done, and gave a deep groan, and said, "I am not therefore, I
perceive, to be concealed from God, in the impious and horrid
crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment is coming
upon me for the shedding the blood of my relations. And now, O
thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul
that ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother
and my mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why
do I deliver up my blood drop by drop to those whom I have so
wickedly murdered?" In saying which last words he died, having
reigned a year. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had
conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against
Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the
inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be
circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. He was
naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears
witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: "This man was a
person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added
a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the
Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the
circumcision of their genitals."




CHAPTER 12.

How Alexander When He Had Taken The Government Made An Expedition
Against Ptolemais, And Then Raised The Siege Out Of Fear Of
Ptolemy Lathyrus; And How Ptolemy Made War Against Him, Because
He Had Sent To Cleopatra To Persuade Her To Make War Against
Ptolemy, And Yet Pretended To Be In Friendship With Him, When He
Beat The Jews In The Battle.


1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the
Greeks, was called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison,
(for Aristobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have said
already,) and made Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior
in age and in moderation. This child happened to be hated by his
father as soon as he was born, and could never be permitted to
come into his father's sight till he died. (32) The occasion of
which hatred is thus reported: when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the
two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared
to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should
be his successor. Upon God's representing to him the countenance
of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all
his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However,
God did not deceive Hyrcanus; for after the death of Aristobulus,
he certainly took the kingdom; and one of his brethren, who
affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other, who chose to live a
private and quiet life, he had in esteem.

2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the
manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against
Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up
in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the
maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be
conquered, besides Strato's Tower and Dora, which were held by
the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus
who was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another,
and destroying one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais
could have no assistance from them; but when they were distressed
with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora,
and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the
contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and
brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor
indeed had the kings such a friendship for them, as that they
should hope for any advantage from them. Both those kings were in
the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves deficient in
strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the fight by
laziness, and by lying still as long as they can. The only hope
they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy
Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was
driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So
the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and
desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they
were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. And as the
ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into
Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of
Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the
Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated
at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.

3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to
persuade men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the
populace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said
to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject to
the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery by delivering
themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a
war at present, but to expect a much greater war from Egypt; for
that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for
himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with
a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to
eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail
of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will
be left in the greatest danger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he
had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais,
yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country
called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. This army of
his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty
thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there
pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither
received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he
was under a very great concern.

4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and
desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by
the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear
of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own
country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting
Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to
desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; and
promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired
that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant,
and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with
pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and
subdued Zoilus; but when he afterwards heard that he had privily
sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which
yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and
besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However,
leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with
the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea
waste; and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy's
intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out
of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty
thousand (33) He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy;
but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by
force on the sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand
slaves, and a great deal of other prey.

5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from
that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he
then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the
river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from
the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy. He had
however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled
Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank
of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But
Ptolemy's soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of
Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards;
but Philostephanus, the camp-master, put great courage into them,
and ordered them to pass the river, which was between their
camps. Nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over
it; for he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten the river
on their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners,
when they could not flee out of the battle: in the beginning of
which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their
alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the
armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus
opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were
giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to
that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled,
and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them.
However, Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite otherwise; for they
followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that
slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run
away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were
blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; for the
report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes
says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of
them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own
country.

6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when
night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when
he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to
strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them
into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as
sacrifices. This commandment was given, that such as fled from
the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were
cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might on that account be
still more terrified at them upon such a sight. And both Strabo
and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people
after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took
Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere.




CHAPTER 13.

How Alexander, upon the League of Mutual Defense Which Cleopatra
Had Agreed with Him, Made an Expedition Against Coelesyria, and
Utterly Overthrew the City of Gaza; and How He Slew Many Ten
Thousands of Jews That Rebelled Against Him. Also Concerning
Antiochus Grypus, Seleucus Antiochus Cyziceius, and Antiochus
Pius, and Others.


1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid
Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza
under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did,
when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he
was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of
the dominion over the Egyptians; but she immediately marched
against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and
made Chelcias and Ananias the Jews generals of her whole army,
while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her
grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos (34)
Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great
fleet to Phoenicia; and when that country had revolted, she came
to Ptolemais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not receive
her, she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and
made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute
of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At
this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to die
in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.

2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt, and that his
Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his
expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him
out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again,
he abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra took
the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city;
and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such
marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he
endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were
some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to
overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still
and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. But
Ananias's counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that she would
do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of
that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is
related to us; "for (said he) I would not have thee ignorant of
this, that what in justice thou dost to him will make all us
that are Jews to be thy enemies. This desire of Ananias Cleopatra
complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league
of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of
Celesyria.

3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of
Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Coelesyria. He
also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also
Areathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants
above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief
treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell
unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and
seized upon Alexander's baggage. Yet did not this misfortune
terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime
parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which
king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that
by force. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from
Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt,
he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited
Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged
their country. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of
Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand
foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night
lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to
believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was
come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the
truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of
Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. But as those of Gaza
stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want
of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain, (for
they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under
the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a
person then very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with
alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their
assistance; but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was
slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great
reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got
the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, who,
when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army
upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them;
so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the
inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but
opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the
Jews; and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt
their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils;
nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and
their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for
them; but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to
Apollo's temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they
were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly
overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a
year in that siege.

4. About this very time Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died
(35) His death was caused by Heracleon's treachery, when he had
lived forty-five years, and had reigned twenty-nine. (36) His son
Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made war with
Antiochus, his father's brother, who was called Antiochus
Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him prisoner, and slew him. But
after a while Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, who was called
Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head, and
made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out of all
Syria. But when he fled out of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia
again, and levied money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestin
had indignation at what he did, and burnt down his palace, and
slew him, together with his friends. But when Antiochus, the son
of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus, (37) the brother of
Seleucus, made war upon him, and was overcome, and destroyed, he
and his army. After him, his brother Philip put on the diadem,
and reigned over some part of Syria; but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent
for his fourth brother Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, from
Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus. Both these brothers did
Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was
come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, (38)
when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was
fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip
governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.

5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him;
for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon
the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him,
and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands,
because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of
tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and
citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also
reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his
dignity and of sacrificing. At this he was in a rage, and slew of
them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood
round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within
which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this
means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. He also
maintained foreigners of Pisidie and Cilicia; for as to the
Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He
also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites,
and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus,
while Theodorus (39) durst not fight with him; but as he had
joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an
ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be
traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the
multitude of the camels at Gadurn, a village of Gilead, and
hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem,
where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him,
and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than
fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would
desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the
more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had
asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought
to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired
him to make a league of mutual defense with them.




CHAPTER 14.

How Demetrius Eucerus Overcame Alexander And Yet In A Little Time
Retired Out Of The Country For Fear; As Also How Alexander Slew
Many Of The Jews And Thereby Got Clear Of His Troubles.
Concerning The Death Of Demetrius.


1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited
him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which
Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and
about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against
Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand
footmen. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides, -
Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with
Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to
bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when
neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a
battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander's
mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of
their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius's
soldiers were slain also.

2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the
Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity
at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid,
and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought
against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers
in the several battles which they had; and when he had shut up
the most powerful of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them
therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into
his power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most
barbarous actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting
with his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered
about eight hundred of them to be crucified; and while they were
living, he ordered the throats of their children and wives to be
cut before their eyes. This was indeed by way of revenge for the
injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an
inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much
distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he
had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his
life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by
themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners
also for the same purpose; nay, at length they reduced him to
that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to
the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had
subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not
join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten
thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him.
However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity,
on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews
(40) whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being
about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued
fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed
from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his
time in the utmost tranquillity.

3. But when Demetrius was departed out of Judea, he went to
Berea, and besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten
thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen. However Strato, the
tyrant of Berea, the confederate of Philip, called in Zizon, the
ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the ruler of
the Parthians, who coming with a great number of forces, and
besieging Demetrius in his encampment, into which they had driven
them with their arrows, they compelled those that were with him
by thirst to deliver up themselves. So they took a great many
spoils out of that country, and Demetrius himself, whom they sent
to Mithridates, who was then king of Parthis; but as to those
whom they took captives of the people of Antioch, they restored
them to the Antiochinus without any reward. Now Mithridates, the
king of Parthis, had Demetrius in great honor, till Demetrius
ended his life by sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight
was over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria.




CHAPTER 15.

How Antiochus, Who Was Called Dionysus, And After Him Aretas Made
Expeditions Into Judea; As Also How Alexander Took Many Cities
And Then Returned To Jerusalem, And After A Sickness Of Three
Years Died; And What Counsel He Gave To Alexandra.


1. After this, Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, (41) and was
Philip's brother, aspired to the dominion, and came to Damascus,
and got the power into his hands, and there he reigned; but as he
was making war against the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of
it, and came to Damascus, where Milesius, who had been left
governor of the citadel, and the Damascens themselves, delivered
up the city to him; yet because Philip was become ungrateful to
him, and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes whereof
he had received him into the city, but had a mind to have it
believed that it was rather delivered up out of fear than by the
kindness of Milesius, and because he had not rewarded him as he
ought to have done, he became suspected by him, and so he was
obliged to leave Damascus again; for Milesius caught him marching
out into the Hippodrome, and shut him up in it, and kept Damascus
for Antiochus [Eucerus], who hearing how Philip's affairs stood,
came back out of Arabia. He also came immediately, and made an
expedition against Judea, with eight thousand armed footmen, and
eight hundred horsemen. So Alexander, out of fear of his coming,
dug a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now called
Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which part only his army
could be brought against him. He also raised a wall, and erected
wooden towers, and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and
fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the coming of
Antiochus; but he soon burnt them all, and made his army pass by
that way into Arabia. The Arabian king [Aretas] at first
retreated, but afterward appeared on the sudden with ten thousand
horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting, and fought
desperately; and indeed when he had gotten the victory, and was
bringing some auxiliaries to that part of his army that was in
distress, he was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled
to the village Cana, where the greatest part of them perished by
famine.

2. After him (42) Arems reigned over Celesyria, being called to
the government by those that held Damascus, by reason of the
hatred they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an
expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle, near a
place called Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions agreed on
between them, retire out of Judea.

3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and
then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of
Zeno's treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three
walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to
Golan and Seleucia; and when he had taken these cities, he,
besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of
Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused
Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and
turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war,
he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received
him upon this his good success.

4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following
cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and
Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa,
Jamhis, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; in the
middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adorn, and Marissa; near
the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor,
Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia
and Gabala; in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba,
and Oronas, Gelithon, Zorn, the valley of the Cilices, and Pollo;
which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would
not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to
the Jews. (43) The Jews also possessed others of the principal
cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.

5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper
by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three
years, yet would not leave off going out with his army, till he
was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the
bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. But when his queen
saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of
surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed
herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be
left in; and said to him, "To whom dost thou thus leave me and my
children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when
thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?" But he
gave her the following advice: That she need but follow what he
would suggest to her, in order to retain the kingdom securely,
with her children: that she should conceal his death from the
soldiers till she should have taken that place; after this she
should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put
some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that
they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would
reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great
authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated,
and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly
disposed; for that they are then believed best of all by the
multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though
it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their
means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom
indeed he had injured. "Do thou, therefore," said he, "when thou
art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and
show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give
them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will
dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely
suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer
any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt
do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. If thou
dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more
glorious Funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me;
and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do
it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety." (44) So when
he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned
twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one.




CHAPTER 16.

How Alexandra By Gaining The Good-Will Of The Pharisees, Retained
The Kingdom Nine Years, And Then, Having Done Many Glorious
Actions Died.


1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, acted as her
husband had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put
all things into their power, both as to the dead body, and as to
the affairs of the kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger
against Alexander, and made them bear goodwill and friendship to
him; who then came among the multitude, and made speeches to
them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, and told
them that they had lost a righteous king; and by the commendation
they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in
heaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than
had any of the kings before him. Alexander left behind him two
sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but committed the kingdom to
Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable
to manage public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet life;
but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man; and
for this woman herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the
multitude, because she seemed displeased at the offenses her
husband had been guilty of.

2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder,
but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and
permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she
ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again
those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to
the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law,
Hyrcanus, had abrogated. So she had indeed the name of the
regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who
restored such as had been banished, and set such as were
prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in
nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the
affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of
mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree,
that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took
hostages of them: and the country was entirely at peace,
excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed the queen, and
desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander to slay
the eight hundred men; after which they cut the throat of one of
them, Diogenes; and after him they did the same to several, one
after another, till the men that were the most potent came into
the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be
displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly, that if he
had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so.
These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone
through, and great things they had done, whereby they had
demonstrated the firmness of their fidelity to their master,
insomuch that they had recieved the greatest marks of favor from
him; and they begged of her, that she would not utterly blast
their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the
hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut
off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts,
without any help whatsoever. They said also, that if their
adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain
already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account
of their natural love to their governors; but if they must expect
the same for the future also, they implored of her a dismission
from her service; for they could not bear to think of attempting
any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather
die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not
forgive them. And that it was a great shame, both for themselves
and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they
should come under the lash of her husband's enemies; for that
Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs, would give any
reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries, to
whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps
be terrible; but if they could not obtain this their second
request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before
them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in
her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite
against Alexander's house, they would be willing to bear their
part, and to live in a private station there.

3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander's ghost for
commiseration of those already slain, and those in danger of it,
all the bystanders brake out into tears. But Aristobulus chiefly
made manifest what were his sentiments, and used many
reproachful expressions to his mother, [saying,] "Nay, indeed,
the case is this, that they have been themselves the authors of
their own calamities, who have permitted a woman who, against
reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over them, when there
were sons in the flower of their age fitter for it." So
Alexandra, not knowing what to do with any decency, committed the
fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania, and Alexandrium, and
Macherus, where her principal treasures were. After a little
while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus
against Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a bad
neighbor to the city; but he did nothing considerable there, and
so returned home.

4. About this time news was brought that Tigranes, the king of
Armenia, had made an irruption into Syria with five hundred
thousand soldiers, (45) and was coming against Judea. This news,
as may well be supposed, terrified the queen and the nation.
Accordingly, they sent him many and very valuable presents, as
also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging Ptolemais; for
Selene the queen, the same that was also called Cleopatra, ruled
then over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude
Tigranes. So the Jewish ambassadors interceded with him, and
entreated him that he would determine nothing that was severe
about their queen or nation. He commended them for the respects
they paid him at so great a distance, and gave them good hopes of
his favor. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken, news came to
Tigranes, that Lucullus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could not
light upon him, who was fled into Iberia, but was laying waste
Armenia, and besieging its cities. Now when Tigranes knew this,
he returned home.

5. After this, when the queen was fallen into a dangerous
distemper, Aristobulus resolved to attempt the seizing of the
government; so he stole away secretly by night, with only one of
his servants, and went to the fortresses, wherein his friends,
that were such from the days of his father, were settled; for as
he had been a great while displeased at his mother's conduct, so
he was now much more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole
family should be under the power of the Pharisees; for he saw the
inability of his brother, who was to succeed in the government;
nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but only his wife,
whom he left at Jerusalem with their children. He first of all
came to Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the potent men before
mentioned, and was received by him. When it was day, the queen
perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for some time she
supposed that his departure was not in order to make any
innovation; but when messengers came one after another with the
news that he had secured the first place, the second place, and
all the places, for as soon as one had begun they all submitted
to his disposal, then it was that the queen and the nation were
in the greatest disorder, for they were aware that it would not
be long ere Aristobulus would be able to settle himself firmly in
the government. What they were principally afraid of was this,
that he would inflict punishment upon them for the mad treatment
his house had had from them. So they resolved to take his wife
and children into custody, and keep them in the fortress that was
over the temple. (46) Now there was a mighty conflux of people
that came to Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that he had a
kind of royal attendants about him; for in a little more than
fifteen days he got twenty-two strong places, which gave him the
opportunity of raising an army from Libanus and Trachonitis, and
the monarchs; for men are easily led by the greater number, and
easily submit to them. And besides this, that by affording him
their assistance, when he could not expect it, they, as well as
he, should have the advantages that would come by his being king,
because they had been the occasion of his gaining the kingdom.
Now the eiders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto
the queen, and desired that she would give them her sentiments
about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristobulus was in
effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so many
strong holds, and that it was absurd for them to take any counsel
by themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and
that the danger would be upon them in no long time. But she bid
them do what they thought proper to be done; that they had many
circumstances in their favor still remaining, a nation in good
heart, an army, and money in their several treasuries; for that
she had small concern about public affairs now, when the strength
of her body already failed her.

6. Now a little while after she had said this to them, she died,
when she had reigned nine years, and had in all lived
seventy-three. A woman she was who showed no signs of the
weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to the greatest degree
in her ambition of governing; and demonstrated by her doings at
once, that her mind was fit for action, and that sometimes men
themselves show the little understanding they have by the
frequent mistakes they make in point of government; for she
always preferred the present to futurity, and preferred the power
of an imperious dominion above all things, and in comparison of
that had no regard to what was good, or what was right. However,
she brought the affairs of her house to such an unfortunate
condition, that she was the occasion of the taking away that
authority from it, and that in no long time afterward, which she
had obtained by a vast number of hazards and misfortunes, and
this out of a desire of what does not belong to a woman, and all
by a compliance in her sentiments with those that bare ill-will
to their family, and by leaving the administration destitute of a
proper support of great men; and, indeed, her management during
her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the
palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However,
although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the
nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of,
Alexandra.




BOOK XIV.

Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Two Years.

From The Death Of Queen Alexandra To The Death Of Antigonus.

CHAPTER 1.

The War Between Aristobulus And Hyrcanus About The Kingdom; And
How They Made Anagreement That Aristobulus Should Be King, And
Hyrcanus Live A Private Life; As Also How Hyrcanus A Little
Afterward Was Persuaded By Antipater To Fly To Aretas.


1. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death,
in the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and
was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed,
that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit
no facts, either through ignorance or laziness; (1) for we are
upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest
part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our
times; and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far
as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed, and
from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the
pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain the knowledge of
what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But
the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the
rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the
satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted with such
transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform
them of.

2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of
the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius
and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were
consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war
against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho,
many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother;
upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus's
wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have
said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries
that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So
when he had sent a message to his brother about agreeing the
matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these
conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live
without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the
estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in
the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the
giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another
in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one,
Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to
the former house of Aristobulus.

3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called
Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a
seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had
differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It
is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of
the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into
Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was
his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came
afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you
in its proper place hereafter. However, this Antipater was at
first called Antipas, (2) and that was his father's name also; of
whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him
general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship
with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of
his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his
fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of
the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he
might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the
most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them
privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of
Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and
ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to
retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the
same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that
his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and
got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of
Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him,
as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality.
Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a
gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of
calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him
to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him
to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while.
Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of
a great and generous soul.

4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to
what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned
crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if
he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he
advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of
Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he
would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus
heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to
Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However,
Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to
receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the
manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his
enemies. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned
to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and
stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and
came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace
of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king,
he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this
persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He
also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he
prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised
him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his
kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities
which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which
were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone,
Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.




CHAPTER 2.

How Aretas And Hyrcanus Made An Expedition Against Aristobulus
And Besieged Jerusalem; And How Scaurus The Roman General Raised
The Siege. Concerning The Death Of Onias.


1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an
expedition against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand
horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that
victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was
left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the king of
Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple,
and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting
Hyreanus, and assisting him in the siege, while none but the
priests continued with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces
of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the
siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of
unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the
principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into
Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man
he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed
to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God
had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself,
because he saw that this sedition would last a great while.
However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that
as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he
would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those
of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that
he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he
stood up in the midst of them, and said, "O God, the King of the
whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people,
and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee,
that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against
these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those."
Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had
made this prayer, stoned him to death.

2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity,
and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner
following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it
happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it
is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; but
those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired
that their countrymen without would furnish them with such
sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for
them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a
thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the
priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and
those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them.
But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the
sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break
the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety
towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with
sacrifices. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and
that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to
God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he
delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm
of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a
modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.

3. In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was
himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when
Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus
had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea. And
when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them.
And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus
four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of
Aristobulus's promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and
desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the
other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible promises in
hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to
take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to
eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of
Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an
agreement with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and
took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to
depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So
Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great
army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a
place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle, and slew about
six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the
brother of Antipater.




CHAPTER 3.

How Aristobulus And Hyrcanus Came To Pompey In Order To Argue Who
Ought To Have The Kingdom; And How Upon The Plight Of Aristobulus
To The Fortress Alexandrium Pompey Led His Army Against Him And
Ordered Him To Deliver Up The Fortresses Whereof He Was
Possessed.


1. A Little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over
Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all
Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent
him a great present, which was a golden vine (3) of the value of
five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this
present in these words: "There came also an embassage out of
Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold;
and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine
or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. However,
we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, 'The gift of
Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred
talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the
Jews, sent it."

2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him,
Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which
last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and
then Scaurus, - the one three hundred talents, and the other four
hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies,
besides those he had before. And when Pompey had ordered those
that had controversies one with another to come to him in the
beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter
quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he
went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which
Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance of the country
of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius
of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by
marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a
thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their
wages. He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas
a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of
Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the
limit of Colesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there it
was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with
another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not
desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of
government they received from their forefathers was that of
subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and
[they complained], that though these two were the posterity of
priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their
nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus
complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was
deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that
he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus
having taken away the rest from him by force. He also accused
him, that the incursions which had been made into their
neighbors' countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were
owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless
Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and
there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem
among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was
procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against him, that
it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that
account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the
government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it
upon him, for fear lest it should be transferred to others. And
that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his
father had taken [before him]. He also called for witnesses of
what he said some persons who were both young and insolent; whose
purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were
detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as
though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but
as if they were marching in a pompous procession.

3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had
condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake
civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he
came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs,
after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans.
In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated
Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and
hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without
expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised
them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.

4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that
army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the
auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of
Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he
made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella
and Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first entrance
into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he
came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a
mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and
thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to
him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he would not
make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed
with his brother about the right to the government, he went up
again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he
did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of
having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he
would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the
same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress
himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case
it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer the
government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to
deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to
their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had
been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other commands, he
submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to
Jerusalem, and made preparation for war. A little after this,
certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he
was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that
Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces.




CHAPTER 4.

How Pompey When The Citizens Of Jerusalem Shut Their Gates
Against Him Besieged The City And Took It By Force; As Also What
Other Things He Did In Judea.


1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the
palm tree grows,
and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious,
which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone,
distills out thence like a juice,) (4) he marched in the morning
to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing,
and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money, and
received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off
the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his
entreaty, forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him,
to receive the money and the city: yet was no part of this
performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the
city, and receiving none of the money promised, because
Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be
executed. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into
prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every
side, excepting the north, which was not so well fortified, for
there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city (5)
and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed
about with a very strong stone wall.

2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city,
who did not agree what was to be done in their present
circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city
to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the
gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the
others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which
reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a
siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up
both the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his
lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the
city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses
that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant
and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of
accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply
with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout
with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all
occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the
north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even
on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug,
and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards
the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had
gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by
day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down
materials for it from the places round about. And when this bank
was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but
poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his mechanical
engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the
bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown
against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of
our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could
never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews
would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend
ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault
us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while
they do any thing else.

3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we
call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any
pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and
brought their engines into such forwardness, that they might do
execution the next day. And any one may hence learn how very
great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his
laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their
sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did
still twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer
their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those
sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones
that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on
the third month, on the day of the fast, (6) upon the hundred and
seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius
Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut
the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those
that offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by
the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that
were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came
upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that
their laws required of them. And that this is not a mere brag, or
an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but
is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the
acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of
Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the
Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing. (7)

4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest
of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a
part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and
Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of
all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with
those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also
a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men
after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews
being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some
there were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire
to their houses, and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries
they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of
the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle and
father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small
enormities were committed about the temple itself, which, in
former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey
went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and
saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but
only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden
table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great
quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the
treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey
touch nothing of all this, (8) on account of his regard to
religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was
worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that
had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what
offerings the law required to God; and restored the high
priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in
other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country
from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He
also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and
bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted
the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to
the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the
inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the
government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation,
which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds.
Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, (9) which had been demolished a
little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his
freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and
Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa,
and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:
these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been
demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and
Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a
glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed
its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of
freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.

5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem
were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against
the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the
Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by
our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to
the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little
time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which
was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests,
by the right of their family, became the property of private men.
But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now
Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and
Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to
Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with
him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and
as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger,
Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.




CHAPTER 5.

How Scaurus Made A League Of Mutual Assistance With Aretas; And
What Gabinius Did In Judea, After He Had Conquered Alexander, The
Son Of Aristobulus.


1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and
set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great
difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by
famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with
whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus. And
when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because
he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give
Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country,
and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So
Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which
was done as much at Scaurus's desire, as at the desire of Aretas.

2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria,
as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable
actions; and particularly made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus
was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting
to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown,
although the Romans which were there restrained him from that his
design. However, Alexander went over all the country round about,
and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten
thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and
fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Corem, and Macherus,
near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came upon him,
having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These
armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such
Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and
Malichus; and they took with them also their friends that were
with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius himself
followed with his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to the
neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and
it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of their
enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.

3. At which time Gabinius (10) came to Alexandrium, and invited
those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and
promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But
as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the
fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought
bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the
greatest honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order
to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea,
and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that
had been demolished; at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod,
Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza,
and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to
Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these
cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a
long time.

4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to
Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the place,
Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon
his former offenses; he also delivered up the fortresses,
Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself which
fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who
was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other
children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she
asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he brought
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to
him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the
nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed
the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the
third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at
Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic
authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.




CHAPTER 6.

How Gabinius Caught Aristobulus After He Had Fled From Rome, And
Sent Him Back To Rome Again; And Now The Same Gabinius As He
Returned Out Of Egypt Overcame Alexander And The Nabateans In
Battle.


1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the
rebuilding of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished.
Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, add for their
commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to
hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take
him again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on
account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad
of an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at
Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a
great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when
Aristobulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed those
people, because they were unarmed; for they could not be useful
to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with him
eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the Romans
fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were
beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but
were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom
were slain about five thousand, and the rest being dispersed,
tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves. However,
Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he
fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had
ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he
had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had
received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius,
with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome. And
this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to
Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having been both king and
high priest for three years and six months; and was indeed an
eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate let
his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had
promised their mother so much when she delivered up the
fortresses to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.

2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the
Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his
mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore
Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11) This hath also been related
elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent
against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also
made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and
confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led
into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in
disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by
force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched
over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he
could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called
Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.

3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent
Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious,
to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade
them to return to a better mind; and when he came to them, he
brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what
they ought to do; but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had
an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining
battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men
about Mount Tabor.

4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city
Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went
against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent
away in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were
Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went
abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had
performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the
affairs of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government
to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia,
both describe the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the
Jews, while neither of them say anything new which is not in the
other.




CHAPTER 7.

How Crassus Came Into Judea, And Pillaged The Temple; And Then
Marched Against The Parthians And Perished, With His Army. Also
How Cassius Obtained Syria, And Put A Stop To The Parthians And
Then Went Up To Judea.


1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the
Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in
the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents,
and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it,
which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam, which was
made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae,
each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest
who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was
Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, for
he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the
custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of
admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down
from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering
money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he
gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this
not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else
out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he
should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now
this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was
known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; yet did Crassus
take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else
that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried
away all the gold that was in the temple.

2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our
temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and
those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe,
sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times.
Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor
is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without
ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it,
and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus:
"Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen
Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents
belonging to the Jews." Now we have no public money but only what
appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed
this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable
that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should
send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are
inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were
ill no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo himself bears witness to
the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla
passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates,
he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of
whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he
speaks thus: "There were four classes of men among those of
Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of
strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already
gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the
habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is
not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt and
Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other
nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies
of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater
prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that
nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in
Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted
to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city.
There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation,
and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their
contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the
ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is
powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because
the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to
Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land
adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or
rather was formerly under the same government." And this is what
Strabo says.

3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased,
he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army
perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled
from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment
to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus
made incursions upon it. And as he came back to Tyre, he went up
into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently took it,
and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew
Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices,
and that by the persuasion of Antipater, who proved to have great
interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the
Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the
daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros,
(12) by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was
afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter,
named Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and
mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the
king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he
fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and
marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack
him, as hath been related by others.

4. But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and
after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea,
freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into
Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set
matters right, as being a potent man in that country. But
Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power
that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party
prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's
party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while,
embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and
caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher. But Scipio, upon
Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses
he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his
head; and thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of
Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took
his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to
Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send back with him her son
Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was
Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her, though
afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and
continued to take care of her brethren.




CHAPTER 8.

The Jews Become Confederates With Caesar When He Fought Against
Egypt. The Glorious Actions Of Antipater, And His Friendship With
Caesar. The Honors Which The Jews Received From The Romans And
Athenians.


1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had
gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs,
became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and
that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Pergainus
was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his
march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater
came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He
had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come
to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians
assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their
alacrity for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his
son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus,
and almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria,
and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit
him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here,
and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so
opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and
by this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the
Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not
let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to
Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their
party, because he was of the same people with them, and that
chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest,
wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and
to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which
they wanted; and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the
high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were
desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews
were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come
to them; so he came and received them also into his army.

2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is
called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the
place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing,
and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight, that wing
where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer
extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own
soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy
that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those
Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. He also took
their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also
recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a
great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of
Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle
to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of
this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar
commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of
that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to
be wounded in one of those engagements.

3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war,
and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on
Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from
taxes every where; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went
along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into
Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he
says thus, in the name of Aslnius: "After Mithridates had invaded
Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews." Nay,
the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of
Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone; but that
Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by
him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand
soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of
the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high
priest was also present in this expedition." This is what Strabo
says.

4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to
Caesar, and lamented his father's fate; and complained, that it
was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was taken off by
poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that
he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that
principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and
Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering
injuries to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense
as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated
that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were
seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult
services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and
discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that
Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an
enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to
them, and that his brother had no more than he deserved from
Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this
punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or
injustice by him that did it.

5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus
to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he
himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so
he made him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to
raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of
him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he
sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The
decree of the senate was this that follows: (13) "Lucius
Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the
senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord.
There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius,
the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the
Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of
Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son
of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men,
proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and
friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also
brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at
fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be
given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings,
that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that
no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore pleased
[the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with
them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and
to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done
in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in
the month Panemus." Hyreanus also received honors from the people
of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And
when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here
follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son
of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month
Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their
commanders, when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of
Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on
the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents
was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the
fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people.
Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of
the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general,
and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them
with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to
him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he
receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are
conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former
testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius,
the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of
the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the
good that is in his power, to honor him with a crown of gold, the
usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in
brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this
present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater,
in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and
in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and
that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his
friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all
possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and
generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people
receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he
may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the
honors we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen
out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and
desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor
always to be doing some good to our city." And this shall suffice
us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans
and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.




CHAPTER 9.

How Antipater Committed The Care Of Galilee To Herod, And That Of
Jerusalem To Phasaelus; As Also How Herod Upon The Jews' Envy At
Antipater Was Accused Before Hyrcanus.


1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed
away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria,
he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall
which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he
pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by
both threatening and advising them to be quiet; for that if they
would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead
their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their
own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what
might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they
should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and
Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together
with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that
they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed
to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself
settled the affairs of this country.

2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he
made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the
places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his
next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen
years of age (14) But that youth of his was no impediment to him;
but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an
opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there
was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the
neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized
him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers
that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by
the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their
country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So
they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities,
as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their
possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to
Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was
now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved
with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby
gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in
deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him
the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did
neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority
therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such
respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake
of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this
splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in
him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw
Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the
nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out
of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became
ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted a
friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed
with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and
purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his
own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this his
management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very
glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear,
because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very
desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and
now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, "How long wilt
thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou
not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the
government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given
thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee,
nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of
thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not
now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with
such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; for Herod,
Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with
him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden
to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had
been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15) yet
hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any
authority from thee."

4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers
also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his
indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple,
persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a
trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. Hyrcanus was so
moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his
trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his
father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with
a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had
settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for
his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a
body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so
that he should not come with so great a force as might look like
terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him
naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar,
president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear
Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him
beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the
occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm
from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. But when
Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him,
he aftrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst
after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep
silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood
thus, one whose name was Sameas, (16) a righteous man he was, and
for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, "O you that
are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither
have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one
of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his
trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one,
whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim,
presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in
fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion,
with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment:
but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and
called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in
purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with
his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law,
he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape
death. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he
is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but
my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a
license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great,
and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and
dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you
and your king himself also." Nor did Sameas mistake in any part
of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he
slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself
also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on
account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was
afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people
to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they
would not be able to escape his hands:-- which things will be
related by us in their proper places.

5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were
ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off
the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and
advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he
might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from
the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put
his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that
in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his
trial, he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of
the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs,
and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were
against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but
his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do
nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the
army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the
effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came
and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as
being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before
the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater, and his brother
[Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem.
They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do
no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and
to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity
he had: they also desired him not only to be angry that he was
summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember
withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he
ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not
to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful
for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since
it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great
uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought
of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and
him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him,
and had done nothing itself very severe to him; for that his
accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from
himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any
thing really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these
arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future
hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and
done no more to it - and in this state were the affairs of Judea
at this time.




CHAPTER 10.

The Honors That Were Paid The Jews; And The Leagues That Were
Made By The Romans And Other Nations, With Them.


1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into
Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent
ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that
league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them,
And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all
the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation,
and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it,
that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of
Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been
abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for whereas
many will not believe what hath been written about us by the
Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every
where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us
ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no
contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for
they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are
extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass;
nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the
Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens
of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I
say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate
and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.

2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator
the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon,
sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the
army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered
on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the
high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up
among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed
in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is as
follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high
priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the
senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath
demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and
this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as
many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our
assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17) with fifteen hundred
soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed
himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for
these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his
children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood
of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their
forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and
that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our
particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain
whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or
whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any
time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish
customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not
proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or
that any money should be required of them."

3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath
been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and
his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the
profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself
the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are
injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of
Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with
him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that
a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in
the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the
temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may
also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several
cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors
may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every
where."

4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That
out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man,
and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome,
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high
priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by
the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their
progenitors have held the priesthood."

5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the
Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with
walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself
pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their
tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic
period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay
be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."

6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That
all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute
yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they
call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive
the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that
they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that
sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides
this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons
which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither
president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries
within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them
for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they
be free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they
shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought,
they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city
Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of
friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly
did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have
as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the
country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty
thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the
seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted,
whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their
trees. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the
villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his
forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them
with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also;
and that the same original ordinances remain still in force which
concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they
enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the
concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy
the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the
senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those
places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of
Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which
they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted
to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent
to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those
with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those
shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be
introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of
the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers
shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the
decree of the senate is made about their affairs."

7. "Caius Cqesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul
the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this
speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since
those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have
borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to
the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of
Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them,
it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a
requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to
the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that
suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the
benefits they have bestowed upon us."

8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of
Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of
your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours,
you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers,
and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that
such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates,
whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own
customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy
festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome
itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that
decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the
city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in
their contributions, and to make their common suppers.
Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit
these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the
customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It
will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree
against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same,
by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us."

9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius
Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and
introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what
they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The
senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. I add the
decree itself, that those who read the present work may have
ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The
decree was this:

10. "The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from
the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus
Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the
second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides
of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the
writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian
tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius
Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius,
Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe,
Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius
Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus
Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius,
the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus
Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius
Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made
this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by
the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the
Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the
treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius
Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees
put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors,
that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables.
This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the
temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high
priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan
the son of Onias."

11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who
was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews
from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of
their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them.
And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's letter, without any
further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and
particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of
Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:

12. "When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month
Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of
Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the
high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show
that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they
are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the sabbath days,
nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they
have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers; - I do
therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the
former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of
their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and
religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting
oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you
write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction."

13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our
nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the
consul's decree ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews,
who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites,
and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on
account of the superstition they are under. This was done before
the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and
Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius
Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe;
of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of
Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus,
the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the
Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius
Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of
Caius Sentins, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus
Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth
greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in
Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and
when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius
the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I
obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you
take care that no one give them any disturbance."

14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when
Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon.
While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also
appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many
other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here any
Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any
disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius
Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on
account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore
obliged to submit to the praetor." And the like decree was made
by the Sardians about us also.

15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to
the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know
that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired
they might have those decrees which the senate had made about
them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have
a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate's
decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your
country."

16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: "I have
dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me
to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the
Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.
This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October."

17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and
vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow
citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an
assembly of their own, according to the laws of their
forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of
their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies
with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these
might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their
privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do
accordingly."

18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of
Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We
went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the
son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought
good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and
were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account
of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss
them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October."

19. "In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius
Mercellus were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius
Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus
Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of
Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus,
Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune,
of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of
Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius,
a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus,
the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the
son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the
son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius,
Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe,
Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the
presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I
have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman
citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the
Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under."

20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son
of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador
of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from
thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come
from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an
epistle written concerning their nation, wherein they desire that
the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other
sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and
that they may be under no command, because they are our friends
and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our
provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted
them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou
give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that
thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We
therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from
thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have
laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the
other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care
that no complaint be made against us."

21. "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe,
the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Mileslans, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a
citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a
court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way
different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their
Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from their
forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to
their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger
of your decree, according as your laws require: I would therefore
have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I
gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use
of their own customs."

22. The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was
prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the
praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of
their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all
mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and
friends in happiness, and in firm peace, and since the nation of
the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to
them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of
Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the
son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good
men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate
thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that
Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to
the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the
fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else
he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it
may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own
havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to export any
goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their
havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of
Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that,
according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be
ejected. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and
good man, gave order that we should take care that these things
should be done according to the senate's decree; and that we
should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in
safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and
assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the
decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about
the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how
he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to
every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our
public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also
are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we
could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus
also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they
would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to
signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort
them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be
ready to bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting to
receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember
that our ancestors (19) were friendly to the Jews even in the
days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we
have [also] found it set down in our public records."

23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. "When Memnon, the son
of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest,
on the * * * day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the
people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this:
Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to
holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans,
who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to
us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the
Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed
festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; we have
decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so
to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy
offices, according to Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae
at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers;
and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person,
hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be
applied to the uses of the city."

24. The decree of the Sardians. "This decree was made by the
senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors:
Whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live with us in
this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the
people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the
people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty,
by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together,
according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not
bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be
given them where they may have their congregations, with their
wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers,
their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people
have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days
formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and
that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the
building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for
that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for
the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem
fit for their eating may be imported into the city."

25. The decree of the Ephesians. "When Menophilus was prytanis,
on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by
the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the
representation of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this
city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus,
the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their
Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of
their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor
hath granted their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the
senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans,
no one of them should be hindered from keeping the sabbath day,
nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all
things according to their own laws."

26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators
of the Romans (20) and those different from these before us,
which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as
also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts
of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and
privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we
write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by
the specimens which we have inserted; for since we have produced
evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have
had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are
engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that
axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to
set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; for I cannot
suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we
have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same
by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will
they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since
we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have
we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at
those times had with the Romans.




CHAPTER 11.

How Marcus, Succeeded Sextus When He Had Been Slain By Bassus's
Treachery; And How, After The Death Of Caesar, Cassius Came Into
Syria, And Distressed Judea; As Also How Malichus Slew Antipater
And Was Himself Slain By Herod.


1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of
Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following:
Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design
against Sextus Ceasar, and slew him, and then took his army, and
got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there
arose a great war about Apamia, while Ceasar's generals came
against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these
Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling
to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that
account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and
to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. And as the
war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus (21) came from Rome
to take Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain by
Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the
government three years and six months. This fact however, is
related elsewhere.

2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun,
and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some
another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in
order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and
having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus
to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together
weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and
he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred
talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great
consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that
sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of
it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him,
and part by others. And because Herod did exact what is required
of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor
with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a
friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the
expense of others; whereas the curators of the other cities, with
their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four
cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were
Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay,
Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him,
(for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of
Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby
pacified his anger against him.

3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares
for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the
preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not
unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond
Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of
his own countrymen. However, Malichus, being one of great
cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his
defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that
while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the
weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of
any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that
Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement
with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet
perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea,
proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the
intercession of Antipater, he saved him.

4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he
had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got
together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod,
and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a
fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised
him, that after the war was over they would make him king of
Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger
Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him
out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler
of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by
poison. This being done, and he having armed men with him,
settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod
and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their
father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and
utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died
Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and
justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons,
Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father's death, and
was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder
of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man
into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a
civil war in the country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense
for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand
in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine
monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found
them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed
their differences.

5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a
festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon
Malichus was aftrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him
to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of
excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be
admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod
had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and
entered the city in the night time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet
did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for
Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice;
but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to
contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual
friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.

6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder
of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to
his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his
father's death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his
army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a
very just design of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea,
they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and
money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he
was there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and
designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then
a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal
him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as
Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring
the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself.
But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd
man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither
beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready,
for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in
reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go
out against Malichus, with their daggers. So they went out and
met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed
him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened,
that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he
had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be,
and who it was that slew Malichus; and when he said that it was
done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that
Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against
his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted
on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.

7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose
in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made
a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves
rose in arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus,
and was desirous to run to his brother's assistance, but was
hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by
himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the
tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus
also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a
great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies;
for Malichus's brother had made many places to revolt, and kept
garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest
fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of
his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had
gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also.




CHAPTER 12.

Herod Ejects Antigonus, The Son Of Aristobulus Out Of Judea, And
Gains The Friendship Of Antony, Who Was Now Come Into Syria, By
Sending Him Much Money; On Which Account He Would Not Admit Of
Those That Would Have Accused Herod: And What It Was That Antony
Wrote To The Tyrians In Behalf.


1. Now (22) Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea
Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an
army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this
because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He
had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this
Cussiris was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under,
in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which
lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and
put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he
took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very
civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out
of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched
these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle
with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently,
when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to
Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head;
for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of
Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that
reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add the
granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of
three male and two female children. He had also married before
this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose
name was Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as
others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into
Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was
arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him from all
parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse
Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the
appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but
Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make
his defense against his accusers, on which account his
adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor
Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still, when Antony was
come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent
an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and
desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to
set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and
this without their having fought against him, and to restore them
that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from
them. Antony thought the Jews' desires were just, and wrote
immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the
same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to
the same purpose.

3. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it
is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son
of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and
have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at
Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present
embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and
have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. I am therefore
satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are
well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life
is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But
when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people,
abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe
the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on
account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind
in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been
the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great
wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose it
was that the sun turned away his light from us, (23) as unwilling
to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of
Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which
threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it
is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts;
and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with
spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in
Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for
their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains
to the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a
single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had
condemned those men for their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus,
when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and
became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now
these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may
enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest
from war. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us
common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia
is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means
of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your
nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. I have
also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any
persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the
spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be
set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which
I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to
use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they
now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted
of the crown which thou sentest me."

4. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus,
the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at
Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their
country, which you entered upon under the government of our
adversaries. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the
obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was
agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment
those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had
received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace
with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have
taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your
own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none
of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the
senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by
violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust
proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have received the
punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may
retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without
disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to
Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it
were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war
against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any
force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be
able to dispose of that which is his own; but if you have any
contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful
for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places
concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all
the causes of our confederates."

5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of
which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public
tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in
the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus
Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public
affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this
revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged
not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they
were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews
that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; and
since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our
decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that
those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what
hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies
or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state
of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their
former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply with this
decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if
such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer
condign punishment."

6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the
Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees,
therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have
said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.




CHAPTER 13.

How Antony Made Herod And Phasaelus Tetrarchs, After They Had
Been Accused To No Purpose; And How The Parthians When They
Brought Antigonus Into Judea Took Hyrcanus And Phasaelus
Captives. Herod's Flight; And What Afflictions Hyrcanus And
Phasaelus Endured.


1. When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in
Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came
now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod
and those about him, and set the men of the greatest eloquence
among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of
the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was
Herod's father-in-law (24) already. When Antony had heard both
sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed
the nation best. He replied, Herod and his friends. Hereupon
Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made
with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with
Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and
committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote
letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their
adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained
their pardon.

2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back,
but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there,
whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was
corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him;
and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the
Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to
settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to
them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore
before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because
great mischief would befall them if they went on with their
accusation. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran
upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of
them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in
great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against
Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.

3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son,
and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed
themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now
dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league
of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in
order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great
interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians
a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they
would take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon
him, and withal kill Herod. And although he did not give them
what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition
into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them.
Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander
Barzapharnes through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded
Pacorus, but the Sidontans and those of Ptolemais received him.
However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a
view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and
sent also the king's butler, of the same name with himself. So
when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus,
and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to
get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is
called Drymi; and when some others came and met them, the men
privately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to
them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the
king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's and Herod's
party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young men beat their
enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed
men into the adjoining houses to keep them in, who yet being
destitute of such as should support them, were burnt, and the
houses with them, by the people who rose up against them. But
Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little
afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought
with them, and slew a great number of them.

4. But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for
the coming of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost, a
feast of ours so called; and when that day was come, many ten
thousands of the people were gathered together about the temple,
some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both
the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace,
which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had
the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men,
sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought
courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying
into the city, and some into the temple, and some into the outer
fortifications, for some such fortifications there were in that
place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus,
the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus,
admitted into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under
pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality
to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. And when
Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him
to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done
fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm,
complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent
to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these
barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were
come into the city.

5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but
Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who
were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their
journey; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the
cities there met them in their arms. Barzaphanles also received
them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents,
though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with
his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard
that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand
talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they
soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. Moreover, there was one
who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while
a guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized
upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the
Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and
escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they
were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some
persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away
immediately on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was
one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to
do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the
richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised to
provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them.
But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into
danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act
justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that if
he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and
besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to
him upon the security of their oaths, and that when they had done
them no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no
truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with
nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.

6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached the
Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent
against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls of
the city, and seize upon him; but messengers had been sent by
Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians.
And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to
Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord
of the rest, who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled
with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out
with them before the walls, and meet those which were bringing
him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries,
but were coming to give him an account of the good success
Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what they said;
for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others also;
and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was
his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more
suspicious of the Parthians; for although other people did not
give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of very great
wisdom.

7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to
be done; for they did not think it proper to make an open attempt
upon a person of his character; and while they put off the
determination to the next day, Herod was under great disturbance
of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard
about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what
was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening
came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make any
longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet
certain. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with
him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and
sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother,
the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their
servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and
without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could
any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted,
but would have commiserated his fortune, while the women drew
along their infant children and left their own country, and their
friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad
lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a
melancholy nature.

8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable
state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his
misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be
of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because
that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only
hope of safety that they had. Accordingly, they tried to bear
with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them
to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the
overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of
being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great
concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay,
the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: but as he was
drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those
that were present restrained him, and being so many in number,
were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert
them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not
the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he
was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same
distresses also. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt
alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly
out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit
him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took
all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the
way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the
fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of
the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror
in them all.

9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in
his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of
the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought
hand to hand with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame,
not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one
that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in
great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews
it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace,
and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. And when he
was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph
met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his
affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since
he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary
soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was
too small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the
greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid
them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves
in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their
journey. But he took with him those that were the least
encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the
fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being
eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient
quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went
directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians
plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from
nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. A
great deal of Herod's money escaped, and principally all that the
man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor
indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they
went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the
city Marissa.

10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of
the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his
prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had
escaped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having
promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward:
but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the
Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the
multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the
high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was
maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to
none but such as had all their members entire (25) But now one
cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who,
perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death
any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his
enemy, this he thought a most pitiable and dishonorable thing;
and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, but the
bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he
dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took away his
own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in
such a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power
of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also
reported, that when he had made a great wound in his head,
Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to
infuse poison into the wound, killed him. However, Phasaelus
hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his
brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death
cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge
his death, and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies.




CHAPTER 14.

How Herod Got Away From The King Of Arabia And Made Haste To Go
Into Egypt And Thence Went Away In Haste Also To Rome; And How,
By Promising A Great Deal Of Money To Antony He Obtained Of The
Senate And Of Caesar To Be Made King Of The Jews.


1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage
him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings;
for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been
very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital,
now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would
let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free
gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him;
for not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste
to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give
three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also
took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven
years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage
for the repayment of the money. But there came messengers from
Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that
the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod.
This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not
be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further
induced to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they
might cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father]
Antipater, and which he had committed to their fidelity. He made
answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his
coning thither, but that he desired only to discourse with them
about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest
importance.

2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the
road to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in a certain
temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On
the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was that he
heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malehus soon repented
of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no
manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and
made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary
ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he
went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much
reverence of and great regard to him, he was conducted into the
city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra; yet was
she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he was
making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he
was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and
in great disorder.

3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a
violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss
of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his friends,
Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him; and as he found that city
very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in
necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did
what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built
there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends,
for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he was
come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had
befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized
on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus
was detained captive by them, and how they had made Antigonus
king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a
thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the
principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had
carried off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great
many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also,
that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and
taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and contemned all
these terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as
possible, to him, who was his hope and only succor at this time.

4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had
happened in Herod's condition; (26) and reasoning with himself
that this was a common case among those that are placed in such
great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that
come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance
he desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he
had had with Antipater because Herod offered him money to make
him king, as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch,
and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him
to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was
also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his
assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of war
which he had himself undergone with Antipater his father in
Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the
kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who
was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and
Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and
enlarged upon the benefits they had received from his father, and
put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At
the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him an enemy,
not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he
had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the
Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony
informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the
Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all
the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.

5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for
Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not
expect, (for he did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom
for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would grant him,
who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended
to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his
father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that
he procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did
not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in
all. This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to
have slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But when the
senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate
house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other
magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay
up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the
first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the
kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth
olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second
time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].

6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada,
who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of
water (27) insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's
brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of
his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus
repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to
Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his
going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was
under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were
now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that
plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed a mark of
Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand
with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some openly, with some
privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At the same
time Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria,
to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into
Judea, in pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the
whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get money
of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem,
and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then he
retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the
wickedness he had been guilty of might be found out, he left Silo
there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also
Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause him no
disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come
again and defend him.




CHAPTER 15.

How Herod Sailed Out Of Italy To Judea, And Fought With Antigonus
And What Other Things Happened In Judea About That Time.


1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and
had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his
own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus.
Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded
by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back
Herod. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the
disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the
Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by
Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every
day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but
as he was to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to
endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were
besieged, because they were his relations,) Joppa was a
hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that
place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong
hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he
should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretense for
rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews,
Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the
Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to
defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to
set free those of his family that were in Masada. Now of the
people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship
they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid
appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the
benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest
number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him
afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.

2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus
laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for
them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the
enemy. So Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and
the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery
also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of
the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had
pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that
were set to guard that part shot their arrows and threw their
darts at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to
fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave
orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation
about the wall, that he came for the good of the people, and for
the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at
even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the offenses
which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus, by
way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this
before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not
do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more
than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, (28) whereas
they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their
custom was; for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to
him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having
received it from the Parthians, yet were there many others of his
family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no
way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it
would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said
thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both
sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall to
defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great
alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from the
towers.

3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes;
for he set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the
want of provisions they were in, and to require money to buy them
food; and that it was fit to let them go into places proper for
winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by
reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set
the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away; but Herod
pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and
soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the
senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them
plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a
great abundance of what they required; after which entreaty, he
immediately went out into the country, and left not the least
pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected
quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who
inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil,
and cattle, and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those
might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to
come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over the
country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that
went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of
Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men about
Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that
brought the provisions. However, Herod was not idle in the mean
time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the
Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them,
and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they
found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had
settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and
children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon
the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all
sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and
came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter
quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and
Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for
the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered
at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their
weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things.

4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his
brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen,
and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and
left his mother and his other relations there, for they were
already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, to take
certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and
he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's
garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of
provisions. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those
robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the
country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of
armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village
called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself
with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon
him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a
body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and
recalled his men that ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies,
and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away
by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee,
excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to
every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty
drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them
into winter quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his
commanders with him, because Antigonus would not give them
provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one
month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered
them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to
the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live
upon, and so might perish by famine. But Herod committed the care
of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him
to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the
soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt
Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.

5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at
Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo,
and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish
the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the
war they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in
haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo
away to Ventidius, while he marched against them. These caves
were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle
were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the
caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in
these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families
about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made, in
order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron
chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not
possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the
mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Now these chests
were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by
which they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble
them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests
down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast
depth they were to be let down, although they had their
provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let
down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come
near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt
on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by
which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the
caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the
robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they were
at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were
in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to
them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down
the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed
many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still
there; but, upon this, terror seized the rest, when they heard
the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping.
However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole
work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as
delivered themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The
same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they
went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought
them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set their
caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter
within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one
of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him
to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the
enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always slew that
child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one,
and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down
the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death
rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly
reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was
then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out
his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by
which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely.

6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the
country as his general, he went to Samaria, with six hundred
horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight
Antigonus. But still this command of the army did not succeed
well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee
before attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this,
they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying
waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those
places. But Herod soon returned, and punished them for what they
had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them,
who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them,
and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an
end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a
hundred talents.

7. In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the
Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the
assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand horsemen,
while Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Macheras, at the
instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as
being corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his
affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming,
did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with
throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant.
But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good
advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening
to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he
met with he slew them, whether they were enemies or friends, out
of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone. The
king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria,
and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform
him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more
mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of
himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired
that he would not go to Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that
he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight
against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his
earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his
army, but charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with
Macheras.

8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at
the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops,
both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when he
came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten
together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not
venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men
on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became
their conductor upon the road. Now when they were within two
days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there
to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made
the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there they laid not
a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those
passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now as soon as the
first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those
that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them
on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight, the
king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and
immediately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the
minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on,
insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back, and
the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on
killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a
great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded
on in his march; and whereas there were a great number of those
in the woods that attacked them, and were near the passage that
led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong
body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and
thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and
these called Herod their savior and protector.

9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in
all their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod
this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for
he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made upon him [in
Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having been
made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the
road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire
his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and
saluted him after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the
upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king; and in a
little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and on that
account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the rest to
Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to
Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea to
the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of
the army.

10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner
following: He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him
when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his camp among
the mountains, for Macheras had lent him five regiments, with
these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the corn
thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but newly
raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part
collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught
in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was
fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six
regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the dead
bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother
would have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which
defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took
those of Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great
part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras fortified the
place Gitta [in Samaria].

11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of
what had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch,
they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother;
which yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared to him
in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So
he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he
received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having
already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to
Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night with his army, and
proceeded along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and
fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place of
strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he
attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm
that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew
off his army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the
other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance,
those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and
deserted it in the night time. Then did the king march hastily to
Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the
slaughter of his brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he
made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this
collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired
to his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had
for the king, for the upper part of the house fell down when
nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the
people believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had
escaped such a great and surprising danger.

12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the
tops of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly
terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor came
near, and pelted the king's guards that were come out with darts
and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart.
Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was
Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how
potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them.
He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five
cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand,
and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned
to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called
Isanas; and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea,
near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so
stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he
beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for
the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed
them as they ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men,
(29) and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he
got them under his power, and pulled down the roofs of the
houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers that were
caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw stones down upon
them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them;
nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than
this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay
heaped one upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake
the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what would come; for
there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places
far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away;
and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then
restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem,
as being very courageous at this good success, and the whole work
had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking
about how he might fly away and leave the city.

13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go
to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber
to use the bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he
was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence, he
escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that
followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner
room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled
thither, out of fear, were then in the place; and as he was
bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn,
and went out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third,
armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation, that
they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come
off very well ill suffering no harm themselves in their getting
out of the house. However, on the next day, he cut off the head
of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as
a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for
he was the man that slew him with his own hand.

14. When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army,
and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the
city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at
Rome; and as he removed his camp, and came near that part of the
wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that
camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same
manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three
bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands
about the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the
city; and when he had appointed proper persons to oversee the
works, even while the army lay before the city, he himself went
to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had
betrothed her already, as I have before related.




CHAPTER 16.

How Herod, When He Had Married Mariamne Took Jerusalem With The
Assistance Of Sosius By Force; And How The Government Of He
Asamoneans Was Put An End To


1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia,
having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He
also, who was their commander, came himself, with a great number
of horsemen and footmen. The king also came himself from Samaria,
and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there
before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met
together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north
wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men
on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of
Syria. The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist
Herod, and Herod on his own account, in order to take the
government from Antigonus, who was declared all enemy at Rome,
and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of the
Senate.

2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city
fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole
nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies
about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if
God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; they had
also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not
leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for
beasts; and by private robberies they made the want of
necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed
ambushes in the fittest places against their private robberies,
and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions, and
that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great
plenty of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily erected,
because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it
was summer time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising
their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they
brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city,
and tried all manner of ways to get its; yet did not those within
discover any fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to
oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt not
only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that
were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not
less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them
in skill. They also erected new works when the former were
ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other, and
fought there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of
prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last; and
this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while
they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for
this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the
walls were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius's centurions;
for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in
fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the
temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by
Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And
when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken,
the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the
upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them
from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an
embassage, and desired that they would only permit them to bring
in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted, hoping they were
going to yield; but when he saw that they did nothing of what he
supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the
kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took
it by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were
slain, by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the
siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who
were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive; so they
were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses
by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and
there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did
they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent
about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody
restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a
company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without
distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to either his
past or present circumstances, came down from the citadel, and
fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him, in the
change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and
called him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not
treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty,
but put him into bonds, and kept him in close custody.

3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to
govern those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the
crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred
things in the temple; but the king, thinking a victory to be a
more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things
which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used
entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to
restrain them. He also prohibited the ravage that was made in the
city, and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would empty
the city both of money and men, and leave him king of a desert;
and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole
habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for
such a murder of his citizens'; and when he said that this
plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege
they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one
their reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed
what remained of the city from destruction; and he performed what
he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every
soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a
most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all went away
full of money.

4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus
Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome (30) on the
hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the
solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of
calamities had returned since that which befell the Jews under
Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him on the same day, and this
was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had dedicated
a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and
carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was
afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony,
and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might get his
cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was
himself of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that
therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on
account of the family they were of, in case he had himself
offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod's fear of
this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money,
endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it
were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did
the government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six
years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and
an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their
stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the
glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation;
but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with
another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of
no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but
one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history
tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.




BOOK XV.

Containing The Interval Of Eighteen Years.

From The Death Of Antigonus To The Finishing Of The Temple By
Herod.

CHAPTER 1.

Concerning Pollio And Sameas. Herod Slays The Principal Of
Antigonus's Friends, And Spoils The City Of Its Wealth. Antony
Beheads Antigonus.


1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides
that, how they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in
the foregoing book. We will now proceed in the narration. And
since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his
hands, he promoted such of the private men in the city as had
been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing
every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his
enemies. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his,
were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was
besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which
advice they were well requited. But this Pollio, at the time when
Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way
of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod,
whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict
punishment on them all; which had its completion in time, while
God fulfilled the words he had spoken.

2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power,
carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men
of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped
together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to
Antony, and his friends that were about him. He also slew
forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus's party, and set
guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried
out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead,
and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other
treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of
the miseries he brought upon them; and this distress was in part
occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was
still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which
was still going on, and forced the country to lie still
uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that
year. Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, he
determined to keep him against his triumph; but when he heard
that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to
Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved
to behead him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way be
brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I
have said, when he thus speaks: "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew
to be brought to Antioch, and there to be beheaded. And this
Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who beheaded a
king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the
Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king in his stead;
for by no torments could they he forced to call him king, so
great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought
that this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had
for Antigonus's memory, and at the same time would diminish the
hatred they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo.




CHAPTER 2.

How Hyrcanus Was Set At Liberty By The Parthians, And Returned To
Herod; And What Alexandra Did When She Heard That Ananelus Was
Made High Priest.


1. Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the
high priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to
him again, and was set free from his captivity, in the manner
following: Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the
Parthians, took Hyreanus, who was first made high priest and
afterward king, and Herod's brother, Phasaelus captives, and were
them away into Parthis. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the
reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory
was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own
executioner, as I have formerly related.

2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates
treated him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned
of what an illustrious family he was; on which account he set him
free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon, (1)
where there were Jews in great numbers. These Jews honored
Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did all the Jewish
nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates; which respect was very
much to his satisfaction. But when he was informed that Herod had
received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as having been
himself still of a kind disposition towards him, and expecting
that Herod would bear in mind what favor he had received from
him; and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger
that a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he
delivered him from that danger, and from all punishment.
Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jew that came
often to him with great affection; but they endeavored to retain
him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting
him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that
those honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they
could pay to either their high priests or their kings; and what
was a greater motive to determine him, they said, was this, that
he could not have those dignities [in Judea] because of that maim
in his body, which had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and
that kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses which
they received when they were private persons, the height of their
fortune making usually no small changes in them.

3. Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own
advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also
wrote to him, and persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the
Jews that were there, that they should not grudge him the royal
authority, which he should have jointly with himself, for that
now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the
favors he had received from him, as having been brought up by
him, and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive
it. And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also
Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates, and many presents with
him, and desired him in the most obliging way that he would be no
hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. But this zeal
of Herod's did not flow from that principle, but because he had
been made governor of that country without having any just claim
to it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a
change in his condition, and so made what haste he could to get
Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the
way; which last thing he compassed afterward.

4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the
permission of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the
Jews, who supplied him with money, Herod received him with all
possible respect, and gave him the upper place at public
meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby
deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavored, by all
the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any
treacherous design against him. He also did other things, in
order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition
in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious
person the high priest of God, (2) he sent for an obscure priest
out of Babylon, whose name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high
priesthood upon him.

5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought
Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this
son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called
Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod,
and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra was much
disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding
ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to
have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him.
Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in
taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her
intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood
for her son.

6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend
Dellius (3) came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw
Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and
handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariarune, the king's
wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the
mother of most beautiful children. And when she came to discourse
with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both,
and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would
deny her nothing that she should ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was
elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to
Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these
children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other.
His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures
with them, who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the
wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he
should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the
most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this
withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. When this
letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to
send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his
life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family,
and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the
Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides,
one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power
allowed him without control. He therefore wrote back to him, that
if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a
state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a
change in the government, and to have another king over them.

7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved
that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be
treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him
to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it
was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that
dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his
friends together, and told them that Alexandra privately
conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the
means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be
deprived of the government, and that by Antony's means this youth
might have the management of public affairs in his stead; and
that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the
same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and
would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken
a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary
hazards; that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices,
he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would
even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly
set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a
child. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he
thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the
women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal,
Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected
promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell
a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; and said,
that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for
the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors
to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made
no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she
would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her
son's dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and
she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability
in governing to all the remainder of her family; that she was now
overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor
showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be
entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the
nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she
thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and
imprudently in this matter. So when they had spoken thus to one
another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as
appeared, were vanished away.




CHAPTER 3.

How Herod Upon His Making Aristobulus High Priest Took Care That
He Should Be Murdered In A Little Time; And What Apology He Made
To Antony About Aristobulus; As Also Concerning Joseph And
Mariamne.


1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from
Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but
one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates;
for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had
been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, whence Ananelus
came. He was one of the stock of the high priests (4) and had
been of old a particular friend of Herod; and when he was first
made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him
out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family,
though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of
old] was any one that had once been in that dignity deprived of
it. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and
deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his
stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that
dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the
third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave
it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead.

2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his
family; yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the
case, of people seeming to be reconciled to one another, but
thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to
innovations, so did he fear that she would go on therein, if she
found a fit opportunity for so doing; so he gave a command that
she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no public
affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in
private life every day was concealed. All these hardships put her
out of patience, by little and little and she began to hate
Herod; for as she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree,
she had great indignation at this suspicious guard that was about
her, as desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall
her, than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the
notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state of slavery and
terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long
complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to
do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her
to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into
Egypt. This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for
getting away: She got two coffins made, as if they were to carry
away two dead bodies and put herself into one, and her son into
the other and gave orders to such of her servants as knew of her
intentions to carry them away in the night time. Now their road
was to be thence to the sea-side and there was a ship ready to
carry them into Egypt. Now Aesop, one of her servants, happened
to fall upon Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of this matter
to him, as thinking he had known of it before. When Sabion knew
this, (who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and been esteemed
one of those that laid snares for and gave the poison to [his
father] Antipater,) he expected that this discovery would change
Herod's hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this private
stratagem of Alexandra: whereupon be suffered her to proceed to
the execution of her project, and caught her in the very fact;
but still he passed by her offense; and though he had a great
mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was severe
upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not bear that he
should have her accused, on account of her hatred to him; but
made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and
his great moderation, that made him forgive them. However, he
fully proposed to himself to put this young man out of the way,
by one means or other; but he thought he might in probability be
better concealed in doing it, if he did it not presently, nor
immediately after what had lately happened.

3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which
is a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass
over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very
merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him cause him
to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it;
for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth
year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to
offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high
priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, (5) he
seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were
at that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of
that high family he was sprung from, - a warm zeal and affection
towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the
actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds;
and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they
could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once
rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their
joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of
the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly
proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than
was fit under a monarchy to have done. Upon all this, Herod
resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man.
When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at
Jericho (6) with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was
then very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely
place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile and
ludicrous manner. Now the nature of that place was hotter than
ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a
vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which
there were large ones about the house, they went to cool
themselves [by bathing], because it was in the midst of a hot
day. At first they were only spectators of Herod's servants and
acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young
man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them,
while such of Herod's acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it,
dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in
the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only;
nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated. And thus was
Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen
years, (7) and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high
priesthood Ananelus now recovered again.

4. When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon
changed to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay
before them, and their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of
Jerusalem], upon the spreading of this news, were in very great
grief, every family looking on this calamity as if it had not
belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain. But
Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he
had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was greater than that
of others, by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she
was under the necessity of bearing up under it, out of her
prospect of a greater mischief that might otherwise follow; and
she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill herself with her
own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes she might
live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus privately
committed; nay, she further resolved to endeavor to live longer,
and to give no occasion to think she suspected that her son was
slain on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be in a
capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity. Thus did she
restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining
any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad
should believe that the child's death was caused by any design of
his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs
of sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real
confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on
this occasion, when he saw the child's countenance so young and
so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own
security. So far at least this grief served as to make some
apology for him; and as for his funeral, that he took care should
be very magnificent, by making great preparation for a sepulcher
to lay his body in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and
burying many ornaments together with him, till the very women,
who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and received
in this way some consolation.

5. However, no such things could overcome Alexandra's grief; but
the remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep
and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this
treacherous scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; but
Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to give her what
satisfaction she could, and commiserating Alexandra's
misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be
quiet, but excited him to punish the child's murder; for that it
was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him made king
of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of
such horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in
reality. Antony was persuaded by these arguments; and when he
came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make
his defense, as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such
a treacherous design was not well done, if he had any hand in it.
Herod was now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra's
ill-will to him, which was such that she was ever endeavoring to
make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to obey his
summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left his
uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public
affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should
kill him, he also should kill Mariamne immediately; for that he
had a tender affection for this his wife, and was afraid of the
injury that should be offered him, if, after his death, she, for
her beauty, should be engaged to some other man: but his
intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had
fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of
her beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had
indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to
Antony.

6. But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the
kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne,
both because his business required it, and because of the
respects he ought to pay to the queen, he frequently let himself
into discourses about Herod's kindness, and great affection
towards her; and when the women, especially Alexandra, used to
turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so
over-desirous to demonstrate the kings inclinations, that he
proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and
thence drew his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live
without her; and that if he should come to any ill end, he could
not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead. Thus
spake Joseph. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to
be an instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but of his
severe usage of them, that they could not escape destruction, nor
a tyrannical death, even when he was dead himself. And this
saying [of Joseph] was a foundation for the women's severe
suspicions about him afterwards.

7. At this time a report went about the city Jerusalem among
Herod's enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to
death. This report, as is natural, disturbed those that were
about the palace, but chiefly the women; upon which Alexandra
endeavored to persuade Joseph to go out of the palace, and fly
away with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which then lay
encamped about the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the
command of Julius; for that by this means, if any disturbance
should happen about the palace, they should be in greater
security, as having the Romans favorable to them; and that
besides, they hoped to obtain the highest authority, if Antony
did but once see Mariamne, by whose means they should recover the
kingdom, and want nothing which was reasonable for them to hope
for, because of their royal extraction.

8. But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters
were brought from Herod about all his affairs, and proved
contrary to the report, and of what they before expected; for
when he was come to Antony, he soon recovered his interest with
him, by the presents he made him, which he had brought with him
from Jerusalem; and he soon induced him, upon discoursing with
him, to leave off his indignation at him, so that Cleopatra's
persuasions had less force than the arguments and presents he
brought to regain his friendship; for Antony said that it was not
good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his
government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that
those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to
make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that
it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of
the king's government. Herod wrote an account of these things,
and enlarged upon the other honors which he had received from
Antony; how he sat by him at his hearing causes, and took his
diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those favors from
him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra so severely
laid against him, who having a great desire of his country, and
earnestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to
her, labored with her utmost diligence to have him out of the
way; but that he still found Antony just to him, and had no
longer any apprehensions of hard treatment from him; and that he
was soon upon his return, with a firmer additional assurance of
his favor to him, in his reigning and managing public affairs;
and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's covetous
temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what she
had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got
clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed
upon her.

9. When these letters were brought, the women left off their
attempt for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while
Herod was supposed to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs
a secret; but when the king had conducted Antony on his way
against the Partnians, he returned to Judea, when both his sister
Salome and his mother informed him of Alexandra's intentions.
Salome also added somewhat further against Joseph, though it was
no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal
conversation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was this,
that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had
differences with one another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and
reproached the rest for the meanness of their birth. But Herod,
whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently
disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy,
but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the
love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jealousy
together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of
Joseph; but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an
innocent woman could possibly say in her own defense; so that by
little and little the king was prevailed upon to drop the
suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome with
his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having
seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a
great many acknowledgments of her modest behavior, and professed
the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at
last, as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and
embraced one another with a most tender affection. But as the
king gave more and more assurances of his belief of her fidelity,
and endeavored to draw her to a like confidence in him, Marianme
said, Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any harm came
to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion of it, should
perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?" When these words
were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently
let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with
his own hands, and said, that "now he had an evident
demonstration that Joseph had had criminal conversation with his
wife; for that he would never have uttered what he had told him
alone by himself, unless there had been such a great familiarity
and firm confidence between them. And while he was in this
passion he had like to have killed his wife; but being still
overborne by his love to her, he restrained this his passion,
though not without a lasting grief and disquietness of mind.
However, he gave order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to
come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept
her in custody, as the cause of all this mischief.




CHAPTER 4.

How Cleopatra, When She Had Gotten From Antony Some Parts Of
Judea And Arabia Came Into Judea; And How Herod Gave Her Many
Presents And Conducted Her On Her Way Back To Egypt.


1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by
Cleopatra's constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt
upon every body's dominions; for she persuaded him to take those
dominions away from their several princes, and bestow them upon
her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by reason of his
being enslaved to her by his affections. She was also by nature
very covetous, and stuck at no wickedness. She had already
poisoned her brother, because she knew that he was to be king of
Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old; and she got
her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when she
was a supplicant at Diana's temple at Ephesus; for if there were
but any hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples
and sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed
the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments
it had in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the
most flagitious treatment possible from her, if it could but
contribute somewhat to the covetous humor of this wicked
creature: yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman,
who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that she
wanted every thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain
it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive
others of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went
over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession;
so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his
bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned
Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto,
desired him to take these countries away from their present
governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this
woman, that one would not think her conversation only could do
it, but that he was some way or other bewitched to do whatsoever
she would have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice
make him so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her to
do those flagrant enormities she would have persuaded him to.
That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every
thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man, he
took some parts of each of those countries away from their former
governors, and gave them to her. Thus he gave her the cities that
were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre
and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their
ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on
her also.

2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied
Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she
returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to
Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia,
and those revenues that came to her from the region about
Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most
precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place
bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent
in their kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod,
she endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor
did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of
pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love
to him; or rather, what is most probable, she laid a treacherous
snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation
from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love
to him. Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to
Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all; and at
that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if
this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of
preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were
her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals,
and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether
he should not kill her, now he had her in his power; for that he
should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to
whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still
so for the time to come; and that this very thing would be much
for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly
not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity
should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her
fidelity. But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends
would not let him; and told him that, in the first place, it was
not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby
into the utmost danger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of
him to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony would never bear
it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes
that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of
depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and
treacherous method, would probably set his affections more on a
flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any
thing of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being
against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her
sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be
expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed
in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account
of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it: which
considerations made it very plain that in so doing he would find
his government filled with mischief, both great and lasting, both
to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power
to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come
off honorably at the same time. So by thus affrighting Herod, and
representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run
by this undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated
Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her
way to Egypt.

3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of
Tigranes, in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt,
and made a present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which
he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And Artaxias, the
eldest of his sons, who had escaped at that time, took the
kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archclaus and Nero
Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that
kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward.

4. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra
for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with
her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for
Cleopatra to hate him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute
Herod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him
as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterwards became
very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could hardly be
brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even
them without some deductions.




CHAPTER 5.

How Herod Made War With The King Of Arabia, And After They Had
Fought Many Battles, At Length Conquered Him, And Was Chosen By
The Arabs To Be Governor Of That Nation; As Also Concerning A
Great Earthquake.


1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of
Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after
all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod
made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own; for the
battle at Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred
eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to
fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having
enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long
time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies
therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished
them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for
Antony. But Antony said he had no want of his assistance; but he
commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both
from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was
what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that
these two kings should do one another as great mischief as
possible. Upon this message from Antony, Herod returned back, but
kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So
when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he marched to
Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they
were not unapprized of this war that was coming upon them; and
after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory.
But afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of
the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was
informed of this beforehand; so he came marching against them
with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come
near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast up a
bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking the
enemy; but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the
Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them
against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing
they were in very good order; and those especially were so that
had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had
not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight
with them. And when they were so tumultuous, and showed such
great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the
multitude then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would
not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood
before them all in his armor, all the regiments following him in
their several ranks: whereupon a consternation fell upon the
Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be
conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran
away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed,
had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for
this man was Cleopatra's general over the soldiers she had there,
and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see
what the event of the battle would be. He had also resolved, that
in case the Arabians did any thing that was brave and successful,
he would lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it really
happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of
his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for
him. So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were
fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and
made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their
courage upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy
themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily
beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular
received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of
service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked
them were better acquainted with the places than themselves. And
when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their
spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew those
that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of
slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few
only returned into the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of
the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he
not come time enough to do them any service, though he labored
hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken; so that the
Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained
that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have
gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy's army: whence
afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make
excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden
incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by
any means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass
the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this
matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all
the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state.

2. At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between
Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of
Herod (8) and then it was also that there was an earthquake in
Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and
which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in
that country. About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of
houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no
damage by this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed of
this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves
with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their
spirits, as if their enemy's country was quite overthrown, and
the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained
nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they took the Jewish
ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to
make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity
against their army; but the Jews durst not withstand them, and
were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they
took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair;
for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with
them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their
affairs at home were in such great distress also. When matters
were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his
words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk;
and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the
better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the
multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find
them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes which had
happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the multitude, in
the manner following:

3. "You are not unacquainted, my fellow soldiers, that we have
had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what
we are about, and it is probable that even those that are most
distinguished above others for their courage can hardly keep up
their spirits in such circumstances; but since we cannot avoid
fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but
it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by
one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself
both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some
information; both which parts of my design will tend to this
point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude.
I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war
is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war
of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries;
for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of
alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate, that the
misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we
have the greatest reason to hope for victory. I shall begin with
the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall
say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the
Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all
other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest
barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they
have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and
they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden.
And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of
such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their
own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra,
what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was
the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he
was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these
Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to
undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness:
but when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our
dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by
giving him presents of my own, I might obtain a security to both
nations, while I undertook myself to answer for the money, and
gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two
hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to
this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of, although it was
not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or
allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that was to
be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we
have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have
professed (and that with great integrity and sense of our
kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their
principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our
due, and this while we have been still not their enemies, but
their friends. And whereas observation of covenants takes place
among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely
necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain
to be the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever,
and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it:
is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be
punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so
it ought to be, and hath commanded that we ever should hate
injuries and injustice, which is not only just, but necessary, in
wars between several nations; for these Arabians have done what
both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the
grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they
have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are
sacred and inviolable. (9) And for ourselves, we have learned
from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy
part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings
God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile
enemies one to another. What wickedness then can be greater than
the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what
is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it
possible they can either live securely in common life, or be
successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible; but perhaps
some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is
indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more
courageous or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the
first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for with whom is
what is righteous, with them is God himself; now where God is,
there is both multitude and courage. But to examine our own
circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle;
and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but
ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but
when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war
against us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of
their manhood? or is it not a second instance of their wickedness
and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account
of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why
are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the level,
are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they
gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any one should deem
them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that
very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor
is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able
to overcome the most hardy. But then if the distresses we are
ourselves under, and the miseries that have come by the
earthquake, hath aftrighted any one, let him consider, in the
first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by
their supposal that what hath befallen us is greater than it
really is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that
emboldens them should discourage us; for these men, you see, do
not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their
own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down
by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we
shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and
shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so
insolent when we come to the battle; for our distresses are not
so great, nor is what hath happened all indication of the anger
of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are
accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of
things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we
must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is
satisfied with what hath already happened; for had he been
willing to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed his
mind so soon. And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath
himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that
he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people in the
country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered
nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain
to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives,
been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone
any thing that would have much hurt you. Consider these things,
and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all
times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with a just
bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their
battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always
inferior to you in valor."

4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in
their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod,
when he had offered the sacrifices appointed by the law (10) made
haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in
order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to
that of the enemy. He also thought fit to seize upon a certain
castle that lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for
his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that if
there were occasion for delay, he should by it have his camp
fortified; and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that
place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but
skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a
sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the
Arabian side were beaten and retreated. This was no small
encouragement to the Jews immediately; and when Herod observed
that the enemy's army was disposed to any thing rather than to
come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark
itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their
camp, in order to fight them; for when they were forced out of
their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least
alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to hand,
because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they
were in such a disposition of war that they were under a
necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle,
while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the
Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was made upon their being
routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but
became the authors of their own deaths also, and were trodden
down by the multitude, and the great current of people in
disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so five thousand
men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon
ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of
safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of
water. The Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them, but
sat round about the bulwark, and watched any assistance that
would get in to them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to
it, from running away.

5. When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent
ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of
accommodation, and after that to offer him, so pressing was their
thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would
free them from their present distress; but he would admit of no
ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate
terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust
actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they
were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their
thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be
carried away captives; and in five days' time the number of four
thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to
make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them,
choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish
gradually and ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution,
they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the
fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having
not room to exert themselves, and thought it an advantage to be
killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell
about seven thousand of them, after which stroke they let all the
courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod's
warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they
yielded, and made him ruler of their nation; whereupon he was
greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and returned home,
taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold and
glorious an expedition as he had made.




CHAPTER 6.

How Herod Slew Hyrcanus And Then Hasted Away To Caesar, And
Obtained The Kingdom From Him Also; And How A Little Time
Afterward, He Entertained Caesar In A Most Honorable Manner.


1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not
to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a
danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had
been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at
that time both Herod's enemies and friends despaired of his
affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without
punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony. So it
happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his
escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be
troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as
hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he
saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and
therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer
him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he
himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it
the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make
any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was
more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be
slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that
would otherwise be king after him.

2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain
occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both
then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with
public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left
all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded
him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was
exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to
her father not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of
their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely
might; and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus,
who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure
them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's
affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of
Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that
could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal
family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of:
the multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus
put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a
contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day,
but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and
about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him
to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein
his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor
to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct
him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of
Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust
Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on
him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear
ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he
had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at
Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to
serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had
from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the
letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides
do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by
rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to
Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for
it would be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions
also. And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this
point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that
he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and
even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would,
moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey;
and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire.
Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately
sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had
made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to
the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.

3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the
commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree
with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather
make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by
treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus do they write:
That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given
no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put
this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters
from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters,
but those of salutation only; and when he asked further, whether
he had not received any presents from him? and when he had
replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged
these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave
order that he should be led away and slain. And in order to
demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was
thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had
been, and that even in his youth he had never given any
demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the
same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the
management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater;
and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that
Herod's government was in a secure state. He also came over
Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that
river, though he were to be entirely under Herod's government;
and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise
any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his
temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's contrivance.

4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his
life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune
in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation
in the beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the
government nine years; and when, after his mother's death, he
took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it,
by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by
Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed
them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus,
and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the
Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on
account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came
to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted
with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and,
what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related
already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His
character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate
disposition, and suffered the administration of affairs to be
generally done by others under him. He was averse to much
meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a
kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by
reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from
them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.

5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made
haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of
kindness from him, on account of the friendship he had for
Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take
this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and
introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; so he
committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and
placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole
family at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear
any sad news about him, he should take care of the government.
But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding
between her and his sister, and his sister's mother, which made
it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at
Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer
Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These
two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were
now left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge,
that if they should hear any mischief had befallen him, they
should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve
the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.

6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes,
to meet Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off
his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And
when, upon his meeting him, he desired that he would let him
speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of
a great soul; for he did not betake himself to supplications, as
men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition,
as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave
an account of what he had done; for he spake thus to Caesar: That
he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he
could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed
in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but
that he had sent him both money and corn, which was but too
little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; "for
if a man owns himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be
a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every
faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth
he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient.
However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right,
that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; nor upon
the evident change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes
from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a
valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counselor,
to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that he
had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to
slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room
for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make
a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer.
None of which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own
rash resolution before them, which have happened unprofitably for
him, but profitably for thee. Now, therefore, in case thou
determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony,
according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to
deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that
publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou
wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave
myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I
am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same
to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of
friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by
thee."

7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the
frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was
himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those
very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against
him, procured him Caesar's good-will. Accordingly, he restored
him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as
great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had
him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius
had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in
the affair of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind
reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to
be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by
Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which
Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he
conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even
beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general
behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also desired that
Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a
companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death,
and so he could not obtain that his petition. And now he returned
to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and
affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still
acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by
the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of
Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; and when he
came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal
magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought
them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of
Caesar's most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and
rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well
appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for
the better reception of him and his friends. He also provided
them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry
desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which
last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he
presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to
himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to
them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom
he had obtained could afford; by which means he more and more
demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his
readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage
to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time
also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances
were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done
them.




CHAPTER 7.

How Herod Slew Sohemus And Mariamne And Afterward Alexandra And
Costobarus, And His Most Intimate Friends, And At Last The Sons
Of Babbas Also.


1. However, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his
house all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother
Alexandra very uneasy; for as they supposed (what was easy to be
supposed) that they were not put into that fortress [Alexandrium]
for the security of their persons, but as into a garrison for
their imprisonment, and that they had no power over any thing,
either of others or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy;
and Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was but
hypocritical, and rather pretended (as advantageous to himself)
than real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved
that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he
should come to any harm himself. She also recollected what
commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch that she
endeavored to please her keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well
apprized how all was in his power. And at the first Sohemus was
faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had given
him in charge; but when the women, by kind words and liberal
presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by
degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king's
injunctions, and this on that account principally, that he did
not so much as hope he would come back with the same authority he
had before; so that he thought he should both escape any danger
from him, mid supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women,
who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling of the
government; nay, that they would be able to make him abundant
recompense, since they must either reign themselves, or be very
near to him that should reign. He had a further ground of hope
also, that though Herod should have all the success he could wish
for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in
what she desired, for he knew that the king's fondness for his
wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus
to discover what injunctions had been given him. So Mariamne was
greatly displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers
she was under from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and
wished that he might obtain no favors [from Caesar], and esteemed
it almost an insupportable task to live with him any longer; and
this she afterward openly declared, without concealing her
resentment.

2. And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good
success he had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this
his wife, and told her, and her only, the good news, as
preferring her before the rest, on account of his fondness for
her, and the intimacy there had been between them, and saluted
her; but so it happened, that as he told her of the good success
he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather
was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentments,
but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in
return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared
evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success,
and this till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording him, not
only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her
dissatisfaction. This much troubled him, to see that this
surprising hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but open;
and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear it, on
account of the fondness he had for her, that he could not
continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her,
and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing
one passion for another, he was still in great uncertainty, and
thus was he entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently
disposed to inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards
him; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not
able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he would gladly have
her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he
should, by putting her to death, bring a heavier punishment upon
himself at the same time.

3. When Herod's sister and mother perceived that he was in this
temper with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an
excellent opportunity to exercise their hatred against her and
provoked Herod to wrath by telling him, such long stories and
calumnies about her, as might at once excite his hatred and his
jealousy. Now, though he willingly enough heard their words, yet
had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he
believed them; but still he became worse and worse disposed to
her, and these ill passions were more and more inflamed on both
sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards him, and he
turned his love to her into wrath against her. But when he was
just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news
that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and
Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt;
whereupon he made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the
affairs of his family in their present state. However, Mariamne
recommended Sohemus to him, as he was setting out on his journey,
and professed that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken
of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the government;
upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him
accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was
introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of
his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a
present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra's
guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her
means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom
Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime
cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower.

4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and
conducted Caesar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much
as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign additions that had
been made him, so much the greater were the distresses that came
upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his
wife, wherein he formerly appeared to have been most of all
fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne was no way
inferior to the affections of such as are on that account
celebrated in history, and this very justly. As for her, she was
in other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had
she somewhat of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband
imperiously enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as to
be enslaved to her. She did not also consider seasonably with
herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was at
another's disposal, and accordingly would behave herself after a
saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting
way, and bore with moderation and good temper. She would also
expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the
meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them,
insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and
unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to
greater reproaches of one another than formerly, which suspicions
increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned from
Caesar. However, these misfortunes, which had been kept under
some decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such
an occasion as was now offered; for as the king was one day about
noon lain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne,
out of the great affection he had always for her. She came in
accordingly, but would not lie down by him; and when he was very
desirous of her company, she showed her contempt of him; and
added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her father and her
brother to be slain. (11) And when he took this injury very
unkindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a precipitate
manner, the king's sister Salome, observing that he was more than
ordinarily disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had
been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell
the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in
preparing a love potion for him; and if he appeared to be greatly
concerned, and to ask what that love potion was, to tell him that
she had the potion, and that he was desired only to give it him;
but that in case he did not appear to be much concerned at this
potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he did so, no harm
should thereby come to him. When she had given him these
instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech.
So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he
should say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had
given him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love potion.
And when this moved the king, he said that this love potion was a
composition that she had given him, whose effects he did not
know, which was the reason of his resolving to give him this
information, as the safest course he could take, both for himself
and for the king. When Herod heard what he said, and was in an
ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he
ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to
be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it was
not possible that any thing small or great could be done without
him. And when the man was under the utmost agonies, he could say
nothing concerning the thing he was tortured about, but so far he
knew, that Mariamne's hatred against him was occasioned by
somewhat that Sohemus had said to her. Now as he was saying this,
Herod cried out aloud, and said that Sohemus, who had been at all
other times most faithful to him, and to his government, would
not have betrayed what injunctions he had given him, unless he
had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with Mariamne. So he
gave order that Sohemus should be seized on and slain
immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and got
together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an
elaborate accusation against her for this love potion and
composition, which had been charged upon her by way of calumny
only. However, he kept no temper in what he said, and was in too
great a passion for judging well about this matter. Accordingly,
when the court was at length satisfied that he was so resolved,
they passed the sentence of death upon her; but when the sentence
was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and by
some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put
to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses
belonging to the kingdom: but Salome and her party labored hard
to have the woman put to death; and they prevailed with the king
to do so, and advised this out of caution, lest the multitude
should be tumultuous if she were suffered to live; and thus was
Mariamne led to execution.

5. When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were
small hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment
from Herod, she changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what
might have been expected from her former boldness, and this after
a very indecent manner; for out of her desire to show how
entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamne,
she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter in the
hearing of all the people; and cried out that she had been an ill
woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment
came justly upon her for such her insolent behavior, for that she
had not made proper returns to him who had been their common
benefactor. And when she had for some time acted after this
hypocritical manner, and been so outrageous as to tear her hair,
this indecent and dissembling behavior, as was to be expected,
was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it was
principally by the poor woman who was to suffer; for at the first
she gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevishness,
and only looked at her, yet did she out of a greatness of soul
discover her concern for her mother's offense, and especially for
her exposing herself in a manner so unbecoming her; but as for
herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of mind,
and without changing the color of her face, and thereby evidently
discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in
the last moments of her life.

6. And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character,
both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted
moderation, and had too much of contention in her nature; yet had
she all that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her
majestic appearance in conversation; and thence arose the
greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable
to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might
otherwise have done; for while she was most indulgently used by
the king, out of his fondness for her, and did not expect that he
could do any hard thing to her, she took too unbounded a liberty.
Moreover, that which most afflicted her was, what he had done to
her relations, and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered
by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's mother and
sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also
did the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of
escaping the last of punishments.

7. But when she was once dead, the king's affections for her were
kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old
passion for her we have already described; for his love to her
was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among
other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic
kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation
together brought under his power to manage; but at this time his
love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner,
as looked like Divine vengeance upon him for the taking away her
life; for he would frequently call for her, and frequently lament
for her in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought him of
every thing he could make use of to divert his mind from thinking
of her, and contrived feasts and assemblies for that purpose, but
nothing would suffice; he therefore laid aside the administration
of public affairs, and was so far conquered by his passion, that
he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she were
still alive, and could still hear them. And when he was in this
way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the
greatest part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed
friends, and made all men suspect that this was brought upon them
by the anger of God, for the injustice that had been done to
Mariamne. This circumstance affected the king still more, till at
length he forced himself to go into desert places, and there,
under pretense of going a hunting, bitterly afflicted himself;
yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell
into a most dangerous distemper himself: he had an inflammation
upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with
madness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no
good at all, but proved contrary to his case, and so at length
brought him to despair. All the physicians also that were about
him, partly because the medicines they brought for his recovery
could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet
could be no other than what his disease inclined him to, desired
him to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes
they had of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed
him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at
Samaria, now called Sebaste.

8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being
informed what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get
possession of the fortified places that were about the city,
which were two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other
belonging to the temple; and those that could get them into their
hands had the whole nation under their power, for without the
command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices;
and to think of leaving on those sacrifices is to every Jew
plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose their lives
than to leave off that Divine worship which they have been wont
to pay unto God. Alexandra, therefore, discoursed with those that
had the keeping of these strong holds, that it was proper for
them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest, upon
his death, any other person should seize upon the government; and
that upon his recovery none could keep them more safely for him
than those of his own family. These words were not by them at all
taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful
[to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both
because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort
of impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while he was yet alive,
for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name
was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. They sent messengers
therefore to acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made no
longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still
with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got
clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in
mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon
all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under
his hand. He also slew the most intimate of his friends,
Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Cadias, who was also called
Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following
occasion.

9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal
dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to
the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but
after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government,
and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made
Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister
Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle]
Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related
already. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it
pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and
more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he
exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as
their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use
of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent
to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans had been always
under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it was but
just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for
that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her; and this he
did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra's
government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of
Herod's power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain
himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat
more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no
small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he
had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and
accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. So
Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but failed of her
purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was
thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of
his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon
him entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward
for this his attempt.

10. But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with
Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce (12) and dissolved her
marriage with him, though this was not according to the Jewish
laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a
wife; if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be
married to another, unless her former husband put her away.
However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but
the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told
her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will
to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and
Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him;
as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of
Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the
interval of twelve years; which proved to be true. But when Herod
thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it,
and was the more surprised, because the relation appeared
incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these sons of
Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to
punishment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now
forgotten by him, on account of the length of time [since he had
ordered them to be slain]. Now the cause of his ill-will and
hatred to them arose hence, that while Antigonus was king, Herod,
with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem, where the distress
and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing, that
the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and
already placed their hopes on him. Now the sons of Babas were of
great dignity, and had power among the multitude, and were
faithful to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies against
Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the government to
that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these men
acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own
advantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the
government into his hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder
men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that
those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the
king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that
the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole
multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of
great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he
set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; and
when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he
really knew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the
suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had
publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and had put in
practice all sorts of methods for searching out this matter, he
would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at
first denied it, if the men were found, he should not escape
unpunished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only out of
his good-will to them, but out of a necessary regard to his own
preservation also. But when the king knew the thing, by his
sister's information, he sent men to the places where he had the
intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those
that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that
there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and
the kingdom was entirely in Herod's own power, and there was
nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he
did against the Jewish laws.




CHAPTER 8.

How Ten Men Of The Citizens [Of Jerusalem] Made A Conspiracy
Against Herod, For The Foreign Practices He Had Introduced, Which
Was A Transgression Of The Laws Of Their Country. Concerning The
Building Of Sebaste And Cesarea, And Other Edifices Of Herod.


1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of
his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the
introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought
to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became
guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious
observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now
neglected; for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to
be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a
theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the
plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the
Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to
us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did he celebrate
these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid
manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries,
and called men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also,
and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such games,
were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards
there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there
gained. So the principal persons that were the most eminent in
these sorts of exercises were gotten together, for there were
very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that
performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the
musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains
to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to
come to this contest for victory. He also proposed no small
rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot races, when
they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also
imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in
other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public
demonstration of his grandeur. Inscriptions also of the great
actions of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which he had
conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and
silver, encompassed the theater itself; nor was there any thing
that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious
garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also
exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great
preparation of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great
abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon
strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen. These were
prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were
condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners
were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the
expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here
seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution
of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. (13)
It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety,
to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the
spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to
change their own laws for such foreign exercises: but, above all
the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as
they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that
hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them,
because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to
such images.

2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were
under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with
them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in
order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under;
yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one
accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they
thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of
bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in
their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable
to the laws of their country. Now when Herod saw them in such a
disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution
unless they received satisfaction in this point, he called to him
the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the
theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what sort
of things they took these trophies to be; and when they cried out
that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should
be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and
showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now
without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter
to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of
images themselves in derision.

3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and
had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had
been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change
their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; but
still some of them continued in their displeasure against him,
for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation
of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very
great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of
piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to
seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he
had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that
in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as
indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself
an enemy to their whole nation; on which account ten men that
were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and
sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and
took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of
killing Herod]. Now there was a certain blind man among those
conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the
indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he
was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the
undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if
so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a
very great encourager of the rest of the undertakers.

4. When they had taken this resolution, and that by common
consent, they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first
place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall
upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they
missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were
about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die
for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done
to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus
prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity;
but there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed
for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies
that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair,
and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theater.
So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest
part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose
upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to be
improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called
those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their
several names; and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they
were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape,
they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they
could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute
behavior, for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor
denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers,
and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy
and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain,
or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for
those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were
obliged to observe, or to die for them. This was what these men
said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they
were led away to execution by the king's guards that stood about
them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them
till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had
discovered them was seized on by some of the people, out of the
hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but
pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. This
execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of
them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod's making a strict
scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women
that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors
of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their
entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; yet
did not the obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy
they showed in the defense of their laws, make Herod any easier
to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure
manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every way, lest
such innovations should end in an open rebellion.

5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace
in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress
by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived
to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the
people, and called it Sebaste, supposing that this place would be
a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So
he fortified that place, which was a day's journey distant from
Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep
both the country and the city in awe. He also built another
fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato's
Tower, but was by him named Cesarea. Moreover, he chose out some
select horsemen, and placed them ill the great plain; and built
[for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in
Perea. And these were the places which he particularly built,
while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own
security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that
they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into
tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and
that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while
some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and
might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to
prevent it. And when he went about building the wall of Samaria,
he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been
assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that
neighborhood also, whom he made fellow citizens with the rest.
This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and
out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been
before; but principally because he contrived that it might at
once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence.
He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he
parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind,
among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy
condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. Besides all which,
he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made
use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications
stronger; nor was the compass of the place made now so small as
it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to
the most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in
circumference. Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a
sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned
it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple,
which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and
beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them
with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what was necessary
to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong
for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel;
and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care of
also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste,
and of his beneficence, to future ages.




CHAPTER 9.

Concerning The Famine That Happened In Judea And Syria; And How
Herod, After He Had Married Another Wife, Rebuilt Cesarea, And
Other Grecian Cities.


1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the
reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country;
whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this
misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time (14)
for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for
that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the
same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this
barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of
corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a
pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the
back of another; and these circumstances, that they were
destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the
pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the
more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner
deprived those that surived of all their courage, because they
had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they
were in. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and
whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no
foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary
to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not
only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at
the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by
reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year.
(15) This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity,
to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king
himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being
deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the
ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his
liberality to those whose cities he had built; nor had he any
people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable
state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for
it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the
account of those that govern.

2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to
procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be
done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their
money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little
food at a great price. However, he thought it his best way, by
all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people;
so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of
silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest
vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate
skill of the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius, who had
been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had
already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was
particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects
preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export
corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and
exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only
person, who afforded them what help they had. And Herod taking
care the people should understand that this help came from
himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those
that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration
possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; for, in the
first place, as for those who were able to provide their own
food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the
exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by
reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food
for themselves, he made this provision for them, the bakers
should make their bread ready for them. He also took care that
they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were
in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter
destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they
had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover
themselves withal. And when he had procured these things for his
own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries
for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing
turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable
assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil,
so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. Upon the
whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no
fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the
country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition
of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and
lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the
same calamities; for there was nobody who had been in want that
was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further,
there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private
men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that
account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but
received what they stood in need of, insomuch that it appeared,
upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten
attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to
ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom
was about fourscore thousand. Now it happened that this care of
his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the
Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off
that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs,
during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that
this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest
necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that
nature, as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and
it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a
degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and
to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality
in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all
expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude
towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the
beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by
experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in
supplying their necessities proved him now to be.

3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men
out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom
Aelius Gallus (16) led to the Red Sea, and who were of great
service to him there. When therefore his affairs were thus
improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built
himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very
great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of
gold, and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that
they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments
were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given
them; for one apartment was called Caesar's, another Agrippa's.
He also fell in love again, and married another wife, not
suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The
occasion of this his marriage was as follows: There was one
Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen
of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a
daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time;
and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her
commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what
was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with
her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his
authority to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by
so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he
thought it best to take the damsel to wife. And while Simon was
of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too
considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after
the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family,
and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus,
the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that
dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying
his daughter].

4. When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that
place where he had conquered file Jews when he was driven out of
his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant
from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was strong by
nature, and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate
hill, raised to a further height by the hand of man, till it was
of the shape of a woman's breast. It is encompassed with circular
towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent is
composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred.
Within it are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that
provided both for security and for beauty. About the bottom there
are habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing,
both on other accounts, and also on account of the water which is
brought thither from a great way off, and at vast expenses, for
the place itself is destitute of water. The plain that is about
this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in
largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a
castle.

5. And now, when all Herod's designs had succeeded according to
his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could
arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as
well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in
the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he
had showed towards them, after the most magnanimous manner, when
they were under their distresses. But still he took care to have
external security for his government as a fortress against his
subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine,
and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good
understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on
every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to
him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom
might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs
were every way more and more augmented. But then this magnificent
temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which
he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome,
obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set
aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an
extravagant manner, and erecting temples, - not in Judea indeed,
for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to
pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the
manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country
[properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof (17) The
apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That
all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the
commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and
the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in
his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had
himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very
ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to
posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such
fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them.

6. Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was
very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato's
Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there,
and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and
this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous
palaces and large edifices for containing the people; and what
was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it
with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its
largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had
towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of
excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its
being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such
noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by
materials from other places, and at very great expenses. This
city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt,
between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not
fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat
upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against
the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the
merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in
the sea itself. So Herod endeavored to rectify this
inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as
might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might
lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones
of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth,
and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were
lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. This mole
which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the
half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to
keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was
called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the
other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest
of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great
excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of
Caesar, who died young. There were also a great number of arches
where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or
landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most
agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the
entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on
which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place:
and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter
the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong,
in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand,
as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them
larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood
upright, and were joined together. Now there were edifices all
along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a
certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a
great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had
in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city
itself was called Cesarea, which was also itself built of fine
materials, and was of a fine structure; nay, the very
subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture
bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of
these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to
the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest
together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were
together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux
of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all
clean. Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the
south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of
holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a
prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve
years; (18) during which time the king did not fail to go on both
with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary.




CHAPTER 10.

How Herod Sent His Sons To Rome; How Also He Was Accused By
Zenodorus And The Gadarens, But Was Cleared Of What They Accused
Him Of And Withal Gained To Himself The Good-Will Of Caesar.
Concerning The Pharisees, The Essens And Manahem.


1. When Herod was engaged in such matters, and when he had
already re-edified Sebaste, [Samaria,] he resolved to send his
sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to enjoy the company of
Caesar; who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of
Pollio, (19) who was very fond of Herod's friendship; and they
had leave to lodge in Caesar's own palace, for he received these
sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give
his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all
this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis,
which he gave him on the occasion following: One Zenodorus (20)
had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was
not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the
robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a
larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad
way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus
did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. Now
as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they
complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and
entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of
Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote
back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the
land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries
might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the
Trachonites; for it was not an easy firing to restrain them,
since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they
had no other way to get their living, because they had neither
any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only
some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their
cattle lived in common together. However, they had made
contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries
for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by
issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; for the
entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come
in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made
very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very
high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard
and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the
plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not
straight, but have several revolutions. But when these men are
hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their
custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of
injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this
grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured
skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and
procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people.

2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because
his principality was taken away from him; and still more so,
because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome
to accuse him, but returned back again without success. Now
Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the
government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom
Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had
been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into
Judea again. However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and
accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving
them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare
ill-will to Herod's government, were nettled, and at that time
attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they
thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; for Zenodorus,
despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented
[his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his
principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents;
but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they
contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they
had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon
him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes
by going to law with him. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer
soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a
constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a
sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable
circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although
Herod had been a great while apprized of these attempts, yet did
not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods
aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for
tumults.

3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar
came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the
inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was
heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. These reproaches they
mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took
his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured
that they should be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to
Caesar's province. The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no
small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those
that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod,
who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the
principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in
punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in
remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. And while
they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions
of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his
defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted
nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the
multitude; and indeed these things were alleged the first day,
but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the
inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they
had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king,
some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo,
cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw
themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves
into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord;
which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness
and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no
longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused
of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great
advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus's belly burst, and
a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he
thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; so Caesar
bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay
between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas,
and the country round about. He also made him one of the
procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every
thing with his approbation; and, in short, he arrived at that
pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that
governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and then Agrippa,
who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod
besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than
Herod besides Caesar. And when he had acquired such freedom, he
begged of Caesar a tetrarchy (21) for his brother Pheroras, while
he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out
of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his
brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have
dominion over him. So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea,
and was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of
the whitest stone, in Zenodorus's country, near the place called
Panlure. This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which
there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt,
and prodigiously deep, and frill of a still water; over it hangs
a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the
river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very
remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple,
which he dedicated to Caesar.

4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of
their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the
dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their
good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him,
because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices,
of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their
own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like
those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his
procedure; against which discontents he greatly guarded himself,
and took away the opportunities they might have to disturb him,
and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the
citizens either to meet together, or to walk or eat together, but
watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were
severely punished; and many there were who were brought to the
citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to
death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and
in the roads, who watched those that met together; nay, it is
reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution,
but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private
man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make
trial what opinion they had of his government: and as for those
that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of
government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the
rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to
take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled
them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue
certainly so to do, in his management of the government; and
indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear
of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were
of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at
the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away,
with them. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee,
and Satneas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the
oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they
punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to
Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused
from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do
those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall
discourse more fully elsewhere. However, it is but fit to set
down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essens in such
honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature
required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of
this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these
Essens.

5. Now there was one of these Essens, whose name was Manahem, who
had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an
excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events
given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a
child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews;
but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was
in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but
Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with
his hand, and said," However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt
begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do
thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a
signal of the change of thy fortune. And truly this will be the
best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men],
and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do
I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such
a one, for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an
everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness;
and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the
conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be
mindful of them, and punish time for them." Now at that time
Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no
hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so
fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in
the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him
how long he should reign. Manahem did not tell him the full
length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he
asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He
replied, "Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;" but did not assign the
just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with
these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and
from that time he continued to honor all the Essens. We have
thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how
strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among
us, because many of these Essens have, by their excellent virtue,
been thought worthy of this knowledge of Divine revelations.




CHAPTER 11.

How Herod Rebuilt The Temple And Raised It Higher And Made It
More Magnificent Than It Was Before; As Also Concerning That
Tower Which He Called Antonia.


1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after
the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is,
to build of himself the temple of God, (22) and make it larger in
compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as
esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it
really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be
sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; but as he knew the
multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a
design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to
them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them
together, and spake thus to them: "I think I need not speak to
you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I
came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed
in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to
myself; for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult
times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the
buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as
yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God's
assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of
happiness which they never had before; and for the particular
edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as
also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have
erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of
your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to
you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that
undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and
which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that
can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you.
Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built
this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its
largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which
Solomon built exceed this temple; nor let any one condemn our
fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was
not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were
Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the
measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the
subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their
posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not
the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious
edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; but since I
am now, by God's will, your governor, and I have had peace a long
time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what
is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well
regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of
the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that
imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our
affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make
a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what
blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom,
and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able."

2. And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still
this speech aftrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by
them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage
them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he
would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his
intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger
appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the
undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished. But while
they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told
them he would not pull down their temple till all things were
gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he
promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with
them, but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones
for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful
workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of
the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of
stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build;
but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work.

3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and
erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits,
and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the
sinking of their foundations (23) fell down; and this part it was
that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. Now the
temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each
of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight,
and their breadth about twelve; and the whole structure, as also
the structure of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower,
but the middle was much higher, till they were visible to those
that dwelt in the country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly
to such as lived over against them, and those that approached to
them. The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels over
them, of the same height with the temple itself. They were
adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and
pillars interwoven; and over these, but under the crown-work, was
spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a
great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a
surprising sight to the spectators, to see what vast materials
there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done.
He also encompassed the entire temple with very large cloisters,
contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto; and he laid
out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before him,
till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple
as he had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters,
which wall was itself the most prodigious work that was ever
heard of by man. The hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by
degrees towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an
elevated level. This hill it was which Solomon, who was the first
of our kings, by Divine revelation, encompassed with a wall; it
was of excellent workmanship upwards, and round the top of it. He
also built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was
encompassed by a deep valley; and at the south side he laid rocks
together, and bound them one to another with lead, and included
some of the inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height, and
till both the largeness of the square edifice and its altitude
were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in the front
were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward parts
were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints
immovable for all future times. When this work [for the
foundation] was done in this manner, and joined together as part
of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it all into
one outward surface, and filled up the hollow places which were
about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper
surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round,
and in compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle
containing in length a furlong: but within this wall, and on the
very top of all, there ran another wall of stone also, having, on
the east quarter, a double cloister, of the same length with the
wall; in the midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister
looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by
many kings in former times; and round about the entire temple
were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had
been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those
he had taken from the Arabians.

4. Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel,
whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary
firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean
race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it
the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high
priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was
to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod kept in that
place; and after his death they were under the power of the
Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar; under whose reign
Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to
Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently received by the
multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for the
kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have
those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to
Tiberius Caesar, who granted his request: and this their power
over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the
death of king Agrippa; but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was
president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was procurator of
Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the tower
of Antonia, for that they ought to have them in their power, as
they formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius
Caesar, to intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king
Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and obtained the
power over them from the emperor, who gave command to Vitellius,
who was then commander in Syria, to give it them accordingly.
Before that time they were kept under the seal of the high
priest, and of the treasurers of the temple; which treasurers,
the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the
temple guards, and viewed their own seal, and received the
vestments; and again, when the festival was over, they brought it
to the same place, and showed the captain of the temple guards
their seal, which corresponded with his seal, and reposited them
there. And that these things were so, the afflictions that
happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence.
But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had
fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and
guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and
the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of
Antonia.

5. Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple
there were four gates; the first led to the king's palace, and
went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to
the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city,
where the road descended down into the valley by a great number
of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over
against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was
encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter;
but the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had
indeed itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal
cloisters, with three walks, which reached in length from the
east valley unto that on the west, for it was impossible it
should reach any farther: and this cloister deserves to be
mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the
valley was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you
looked from above into the depth, this further vastly high
elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, insomuch that
if any one looked down from the top of the battlements, or down
both those altitudes, he would be giddy, while his sight could
not reach to such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars
that stood in four rows one over against the other all along, for
the fourth row was interwoven into the wall, which [also was
built of stone]; and the thickness of each pillar was such, that
three men might, with their arms extended, fathom it round, and
join their hands again, while its length was twenty-seven feet,
with a double spiral at its basis; and the number of all the
pillars [in that court] was a hundred and sixty-two. Their
chapiters were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order,
and caused an amazement [to the spectators], by reason of the
grandeur of the whole. These four rows of pillars included three
intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister; two of
which walks were made parallel to each other, and were contrived
after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty
feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet; but
the breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half
of the other, and the height was double, for it was much higher
than those on each side; but the roofs were adorned with deep
sculptures in wood, representing many sorts of figures. The
middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front
was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were
interwoven into it, and that front was all of polished stone,
insomuch that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was
incredible, and to such as had seen it, was greatly amazing. Thus
was the first enclosure. In the midst of which, and not far from
it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this was
encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription,
which forbade any foreigner to go in under pain of death. Now
this inner enclosure had on its southern and northern quarters
three gates [equally] distant one from another; but on the east
quarter, towards the sun-rising, there was one large gate,
through which such as were pure came in, together with their
wives; but the temple further inward in that gate was not allowed
to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of
the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests
alone to enter. The temple itself was within this; and before
that temple was the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and
burnt-offerings to God. Into none of these three did king Herod
enter, (24) for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest.
However, he took care of the cloisters and the outer enclosures,
and these he built in eight years.

6. But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and
six months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and
presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and
in the next place, for the alacrity the king had showed. They
feasted and celebrated this rebuilding of the temple: and for the
king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the rest
every one according to his ability; the number of which
sacrifices is not possible to set down, for it cannot be that we
should truly relate it; for at the same time with this
celebration for the work about the temple fell also the day of
the king's inauguration, which he kept of an old custom as a
festival, and it now coincided with the other, which coincidence
of them both made the festival most illustrious.

7. There was also an occult passage built for the king; it led
from Antonia to the inner temple, at its eastern gate; over which
he also erected for himself a tower, that he might have the
opportunity of a subterraneous ascent to the temple, in order to
guard against any sedition which might be made by the people
against their kings. It is also reported, (25) that during the
time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the
daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the
work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us;
nor is it incredible, if any one have regard to the
manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the
rebuilding of the temple.




BOOK XVI.

Containing The Interval Of Twelve Years.

From The Finishing Of The Temple By Herod To The Death Of
Alexander And Aristobulus.

CHAPTER 1.

A Law Of Herod's About, Thieves. Salome And Pheroras Calumniate
Alexander And Aristobulus, Upon Their Return From Rome For Whom
Yet Herod Provides Wives.


1. As king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his
entire government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts
of injustice which were done by criminals about the city and
country, he made a law, no way like our original laws, and which
he enacted of himself, to expose house-breakers to be ejected out
of his kingdom; which punishment was not only grievous to be
borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution of the
customs of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and
such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity
that they were under to do whatsoever such men should command,
was an offense against our religious settlement, rather than a
punishment to such as were found to have offended, such a
punishment being avoided in our original laws; for those laws
ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold; and that if he
have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners,
nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been
released after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order to
introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece
of insolence of Herod, when he did not act as a king, but as a
tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his
subjects, did he venture to introduce such a punishment. Now this
penalty, thus brought into practice, was like Herod's other
actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of
the hatred he lay under.

2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very
desirous to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at
Rome; and Caesar was not only very obliging to him in other
respects, but delivered him his sons again, that he might take
them home with him, as having already completed themselves in the
sciences; but as soon as the young men were come from Italy, the
multitude were very desirous to see them, and they became
conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of
fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity.
So they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to Salome, the
king's sister, and to such as had raised calumnies against
Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when these came to the
government, they should be punished for the wickedness they had
been guilty of against their mother; so they made this very fear
of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They
gave it out that they were not pleased with their father's
company, because he had put their mother to death, as if it were
not agreeable to piety to appear to converse with their mother's
murderer. Now, by carrying these stories; that had indeed a true
foundation [in the fact], but were only built on probabilities as
to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief,
and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he
had before borne to them; for they did not say these things to
him openly, but scattered abroad such words, among the rest of
the multitude; from which words, when carried to Herod, he was
induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural affection
itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet was
the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural
affection of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his
sons lay under. So he respected them as he ought to do, and
married them to wives, now they were of an age suitable thereto.
To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome's daughter; and
to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of
Cappadocia.




CHAPTER 2.

How Herod Twice Sailed To Agrippa; And How Upon The Complaint In
Ionia Against The Greeks Agrippa Confirmed The Laws To Them.


1. When Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood
that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he
made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his
kingdom, and to partake of what he might justly expect from one
that had been his guest, and was his friend. This request he
greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea;
whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He
entertained him in his new-built cities, and showed him the
edifices he had built, and provided all sorts of the best and
most costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at Sebaste
and Cesarea, about that port that he had built, and at the
fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium,
and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city
Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival
garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also
offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people,
without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be
gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many
days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that
the season of the year made him make haste away; for as winter
was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet
he was of necessity to return again to Ionia.

2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on
the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but
king Herod, when he had passed the winter in his own dominions,
made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he
designed to go to a campaign at the Bosptiorus. So when he had
sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he
should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short here
by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore;
so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a
great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them
royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city was
fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war,
and was very large and fine building, so was it not so easy to
rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not
only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than
sufficient to finish the building; and ordered them not to
overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that so the
city might recover its proper ornaments. And when the high winds
were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to Byzantium; and
when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks,
he made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came up with
him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men
most unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many
friendly salutations there were between them, insomuch that
Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of the king's
kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the king had
come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his
assistance, and had left the government of his own dominions, and
thought it more worth his while to come to him. Accordingly,
Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management of the war,
and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him counsel
as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion for
him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all
things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity
because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those
affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent
thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed
through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then traveled thence
over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed
from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many
benefits on every city that he came to, according as they stood
in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or
kind treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the
former himself out of his own expenses: he also became an
intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after his favor,
and he brought things so about, that the petitioners failed in
none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of a good
disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all such
requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided
they were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the
king was of great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was
himself ready to do good; for he made a reconciliation between
the people of Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money
the people of Chius owed Caesar's procurators, and discharged
them of their tributes; and helped all others, according as their
several necessities required.

3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great
multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and
laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them,
laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they
were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to
prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon
their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used to lay
up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such
other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from
which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had
still permitted them to live according to their own laws. When
this clamor was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would
hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to
plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when Agrippa had
called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and
rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and
pleaded for the Jews, as follows: "It is of necessity incumbent
on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it
in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under;
and for those that now are complainants, they approach you with
great assurance; for as they have formerly often obtained your
favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only
entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that
those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away
from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have
power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are
no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much
subjects as we are; and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed
great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them,
as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those
favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors
not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the hinderance
of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they
affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be
worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne
their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors
already granted may be abrogated. Now if any one should ask these
Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to
part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers,
their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they
celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very
well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather
than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers;
for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that
account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters.
And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all
mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we
are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require,
and yet to live [in peace]; and although they would not be thus
treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to
comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of
impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any
others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own
towards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these
practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to
whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be
the greatest blessing '. Is there any one that can desire to make
void the favors they have granted? No one is certainly so mad;
for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their
favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away
what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of
their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also;
which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for
if they consider the old governments under kings, together with
your present government, besides the great number of benefits
which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their
happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to
be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the
privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances,
are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a
prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with
others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve
our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in
itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of
those that grant it to us; for if the Divinity delights in being
honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored.
And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all
tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; nor
do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our
lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly
conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from
labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws,
(1) we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any
[good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one
therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are
good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some
think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them
cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor
they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them
and observed them. Now our adversaries take these our privileges
away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that
money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and
this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose
tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and
then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts
require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would
put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as
well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to
them involuntary, hatred; for your government over all is one,
tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of
ill-will among such as are disposed to it. This is therefore what
we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be
ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be
hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of
our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves
force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only
according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you.
And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and
the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the
capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were
granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you,
which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for
you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of,
not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater
advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your
government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one
were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every
nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an
end to his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we are not
unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be
sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak
freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy
assessors; and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your
house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath
he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What
occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the
very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses
may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? It
may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the
valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an
expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men,
and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor
in the management of the navy; and what need I say any thing of
how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how
many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And
truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which
Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the
freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are
demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own
deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy
confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them,
though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to
our king's disposition towards you, and your disposition towards
him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were
there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how
thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst
him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast,
and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. We ought
to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation
and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much
of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which
thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been
procured them by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of
these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee,
and make our request for no more but this, that what you have
given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from
us."

4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition
made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in
a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be
offered to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make any
defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had
done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews
inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in
not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their
generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to
their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them.
So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by
violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod's
good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews
whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to
him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing
further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they
were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that
while their request was no more than this, that what privileges
they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed
this to them, that they might continue in the observation of
their own customs, without any one offering them the least
injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly;
upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks
for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took
this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and
embraced him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos;
but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country;
and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his
voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days' time, as having
favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there
gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being
there out of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them
a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of
all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without
injurious treatment for the time to come. He also told them of
the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had
administered the government, and had not neglected any thing
which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now
remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last
year. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech
to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and
wished the king all manner of happiness.




CHAPTER 3

How Great Disturbances Arose In Herods Family On His Preferring
Antipater His Eldest Son Before The Rest, Till Alexander Took
That Injury Very Heinously.


1. But now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more
disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of
Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus], which
descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne];
and as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she
proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavor
that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it
in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also
somewhat of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father
occasioned by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly
suffered, and by their own affectation of dominion. The old
grudge was also renewed; and they east reproaches on Salome and
Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious designs, and
actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now as for this
hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting
that hatred was different; for as for the young men, they were
rash, reproaching and affronting the others openly, and were
inexperienced enough to think it the most generous to declare
their minds in that undaunted manner; but the others did not take
that method, but made use of calumnies after a subtle and a
spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining
that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence
to their father; for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the
pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she suffered
justly, these supposed that might at length exceed all bounds,
and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their
father, though it were by despatching him with their own hands.
At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their
discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness
of the young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was
too hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon them came
to be believed, by means of their own conduct; for they who were
so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while
they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they
vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed was truly
such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also,
because they were forced to live with those that had been her
murderers, and to be partakers with them.

2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence
abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as
soon as Herod was returned, and had made the forementioned speech
to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fill words immediately
as if he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly
threatened that they would not spare him any longer, but revenge
their mother's death upon him. They also added another
circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king
of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his means to come to
Caesar, and accuse their father. Upon hearing such things, Herod
was immediately disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished,
because the same things were related to him by some others also.
He then called to mind his former calamity, and considered that
the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying any
comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom
he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would
soon be heavier and greater than those that were past, he was in
great confusion of mind; for Divine Providence had in reality
conferred upon him a great many outward advantages for his
happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he had at home
were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered him
unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no
one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon
the comparison of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a
success of outward good things for so great misfortunes at home,
or whether he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities
relating to his family, though he had, for a compensation, never
been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.

3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress
these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that
was born to him when he was a private man; his name was
Antipater; yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards,
when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as
he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing the insolence
of the sons of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his so,
that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of
theirs [he thought] would not be so great, if they were once
persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to
them alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced
Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good
provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was
done to the young men, there might be a proper season for
expecting these to be of a better disposition; but the event
proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he
did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man,
when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to
expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but
one single design in his head, and that was to distress his
brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but
to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them
by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought
upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to
pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against
them. Accordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came
from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as if those
discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use
of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and
such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the
good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there were already
not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of
gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all
persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their
good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which from
various foundations supported one another's veracity, the young
men themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also; for
they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury
that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths; and
among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, as
not acting justly by them; all which things were with an evil
intention reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper
opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations,
increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult
into the family; for while the king was very angry at imputations
that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to
humble them, he still increased the honor that he had bestowed on
Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that
he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to
Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him to his
care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after
he had finished his ten years' government in Asia. (2) Herod
sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him
but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take
him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might
become Caesar's friend, insomuch that things already looked as if
he had all his father's favor, and that the young men were
already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom.




CHAPTER 4.

How During Antipater's Abode At Rome, Herod Brought Alexander And
Aristobulus Before Caesar And Accused Them. Alexander's Defense
Of Himself Before Caesar And Reconciliation To His Father.


1. And now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented the
honor to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence
above his brethren; for he had made a great figure in Rome,
because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends
there; only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had
proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren;
and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind,
and entertain a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne;
and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his
purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he
hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his brethren,
under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but
in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to
purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already
great in itself: and thus he did till he had excited such a
degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very
ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to
exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not
either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it
best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar,
and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous
enough to be suspected of impiety. But as he was going up to
Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with Caesar
at the city Aquilei (3) so when he came to the speech of Caesar,
he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he
thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and
accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against
him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they
were able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own
father, and would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom,
after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar to
dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who shall
exercise the greatest piety towards him; while these my sons are
not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment
thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive
their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by
time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a
long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay
it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language,
while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever
suffered from him, or what hardships he hath ever laid upon them
to make them complain of him; and how they can think it just that
he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time,
and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it
and dispose of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with
other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a
one as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of it, and
that such a one may gain so great a requital as that is: and that
it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle with it
beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the
same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because
otherwise he cannot come at the government: that as for himself,
he had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was
agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority, and the
sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and
delicate fare, and had married them into the most illustrious
families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister's daughter, but
Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the
greatest favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he
had authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it
against them, but had brought them before Caesar, their common
benefactor, and had not used the severity which, either as a
father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had been
assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand
upon a level with him in judgment: that, however, it was
necessary that all this should not be passed over without
punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it
was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun after
what they have done, although they should escape at this time,
since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly suffer
the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.

2. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great
vehemency against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both
while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and
were in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own
conscience they were innocent; but because they were accused by
their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was
hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at
liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and
might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was
it not now decent so to do. There was therefore a difficulty how
they should be able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep
groan, followed, while they were afraid, that if they said
nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a
consciousness of guilt, - nor had they any defense ready, by
reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was
not Caesar unapprized, when he looked upon them in the confusion
they were in, that their delay to make their defense did not
arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their
unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those
that were there in particular; and they moved their father's
affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.

3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in
him and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed
tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them,
whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to
answer his accusation, and said, "O father, the benevolence thou
hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial
procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions about us,
thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all,
for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to
punish the guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making
Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that
thou intendest to save us; for no one that hath a design to slay
a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars; yet are
our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live
ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such
a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this
suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without
such guilt. And if our open defense may be taken to be true, we
shall be happy, both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the
danger we are in; but if this calumny so prevails, it is more
than enough for us that we have seen the sun this day; which why
should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy
to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say
further, that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy
mother. This is abundantly sufficient to produce our present
misfortune out of the former; but consider well, whether such an
accusation does not suit all such young men, and may not be said
of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that
reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the
father may have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some
treachery to him; but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such
an impious practice. Now let any man say, whether we have
actually and insolently attempted any such thing, whereby actions
otherwise incredible use to be made credible? Can any body prove
that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our
equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against
thee? though indeed there are none of those things but have
sometimes been pretended by way of calumny, when they were never
done; for a royal family that is at variance with itself is a
terrible thing; and that which thou callest a reward of piety
often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope,
as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one
lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies by
hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we
have to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not
against thee, for that would be unjust, but against those that
never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us
lamented our mother? Yes; but not because she is dead, but
because she was evil spoken of by those that had no reason so to
do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know our father is
possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already have
royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we
have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that
we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while
neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us
sail upon it, after such an action as that; nay, the religion of
all your subjects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have
prohibited parricides from assuming the government, and from
entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee (4)
But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer
go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not
so impious or so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps
more unfortunate than is convenient for thee. But in case thou
neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous
designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a
wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then
what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not
an incitement to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger
apology for ourselves; but actions never done do not admit of
discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and that
before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator between us,
If thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of truth,
to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live,
though even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be
accused of great acts of wickedness, though falsely, is a
terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue
thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason for our own
conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to have
it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us."

4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before
believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and
looked intently upon Herod, and perceived he was a little
confounded: the persons there present were under an anxiety about
the young men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king
hated, for the very incredibility of the calumny, and the
commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which
were in the young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on
this account, that Alexander had made their defense with
dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not themselves any longer
continue in their former countenances, which had been bedewed
with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose
in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared not to
have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he
having no real evidence wherewith to correct them. Indeed he
wanted some apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after
some delay, said, that although the young men were thoroughly
innocent of that for which they were calumniated, yet had they
been so far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves
towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion which was
spread abroad concerning them. He also exhorted Herod to lay all
such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that
it was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his
own children; and that this repentance on both sides might still
heal those breaches that had happened between them, and might
improve that their good-will to one another, whereby those on
both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might
resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each other
than they had before. After Caesar had given them this
admonition, he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they
were disposed to fall down to make intercession to their father,
he took them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and
took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those
that were present, whether free-man or slave, but was deeply
affected with what they saw. (5)

5. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together;
and with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that
he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the last days they
were with Caesar, Herod made him a present of three hundred
talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the
people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present of half the revenue
of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the
other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes;
and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint
which of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute
it in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to
them all. And when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement
immediately, Caesar said he would not give him leave to deprive
himself, while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or
over his sons.

6. After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his
absence no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted,
whom yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and
compelled to a submission again. Now as Herod was sailing with
his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to [the island]
Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as
rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the
accusation against Alexander, who had married his daughter, was
at an end. They also made one another such presents as it became
kings to make, From thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple,
where he made a speech to the people concerning what had been
done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about
Caesar's kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he
had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should
be acquainted with. At last he turned his speech to the
admonition of his sons; and exhorted those that lived at court,
and the multitude, to concord; and informed them that his sons
were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander and
Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne: but he desired that at present
they should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and
lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in
that period of life when he must be the most skillful in
governing; and that he was not deficient in other arts of
management that might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and
to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under
him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him
alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they
would make one another happy. And when he had said this, he
dismissed the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the
greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the
contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them,
occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them.




CHAPTER 5.

How Herod Celebrated The Games That Were To Return Every Fifth
Year Upon The Building Of Cesarea; And How He Built And Adorned
Many Other Places After A Magnificent Manner; And Did Many Other
Actions Gloriously


1. About this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had
built, was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in
the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth
year of Herod's reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second
olympiad. There was accordingly a great festival and most
sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its
dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games
to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of
those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like
purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports
and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places.
He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be
celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments
for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to
make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great part of
her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no
want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five
hundred talents. Now when a great multitude was come to that city
to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people
sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he
entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables,
and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time
the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry
meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated
the generosity of his soul; for in all his undertakings he was
ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done
before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and
Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little
for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both
all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.

2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod
erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he
chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of
soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted,
where a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the
best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named
Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another
spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a
place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and
called it Cypros. He also dedicated the finest monuments to his
brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection
there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city
itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named
Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the
city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare
his name. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of
Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the
neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its
inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus.

3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them
up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in
Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he
seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner,
what would minister to many necessities, and the building of
public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such
works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their
other revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of
all his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own
expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for
the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the
public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; (6)
and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of
Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he
built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road
with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the
inhabitants. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very
low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he
recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for heir
maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to
the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast
liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be
one of the perpetual managers of those games.

4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of
Herod's nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his
magnificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind,
there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect
for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature
vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments he
inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but
to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and
unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he
was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these
men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at
contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion,
and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was
one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite
overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent,
wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of
reputation at present; and as his expenses were beyond his
abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for
the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they
made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious
that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did
them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for
that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on
the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains.
As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very
obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself
to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his
government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted
his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were
enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he
might be himself alone honored. Now for this, my assertion about
that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he
did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with
what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors,
the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought
the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered
an inclination to have the like presented to himself. But now the
Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and
accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason
that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their
power to flatter the king's ambition with statues or temples, or
any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been at
once the occasion of Herod's crimes as to his own courtiers and
counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those
that had no relation to him.




CHAPTER 6.

An Embassage In Cyrene And Asia To Caesar, Concerning The
Complaints They Had To Make Against The Greeks; With Copies Of
The Epistles Which Caesar And Agrippa Wrote To The Cities For
Them.


1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those
also of the same nation which lived ill Libya, which joins to
Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges
with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this
time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to
do them mischief on other particular occasions. When therefore
they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors
to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as
they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the
governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as
testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman
emperors had towards us.

2. "Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people,
ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found
grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time
past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father
(7) Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors,
according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that
the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according
to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under
Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their
sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that
it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and
that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath
day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth
hour. (8) But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or
their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public
school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods
shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. And I
give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on
account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all
mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together
with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place
which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at
Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above
decreed, he shall be severely punished." This was inscribed upon
a pillar in the temple of Caesar.

3. "Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews,
how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their
ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the
same freely." These were the decrees of Caesar.

4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on
behalf of the Jews: "Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care
and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at
Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to
their ancient custom; and that such as steal that sacred money of
the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and
delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons
are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor,
that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath
day."

5. "Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of
Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with
me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to
Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators
of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem
freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, they
complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under
pretense of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending
them, which I command to be restored without any diminution or
disturbance given to them. And if any of that sacred money in the
cities be taken from their proper receivers, I further enjoin,
that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that place."

6. "Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and
commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be,
from assembling together according to the custom of their
forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have
therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and
I would have you act accordingly."

7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. "To
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth
greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of
February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that
Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and
customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one
of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to
carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without
disturbance. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm
what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction.
I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the
will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do
according to the customs of their forefathers without
disturbance."

8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the
present history of our own acts will go generally among the
Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have
formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by
those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our
forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we
followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; and I
frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile
other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred
which unreasonable men bear to us. As for our customs (9) there
is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every
city almost we meet with them different from one another; but
natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men
equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the
greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after
a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; on which
account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and
to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of
positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join
with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs
to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the
preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my
history.




CHAPTER 7.

How, Upon Herod's Going Down Into David's Sepulcher, The Sedition
In His Family Greatly Increased.


1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both
without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard
that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David's
sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver,
and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed
enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an
intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened that
sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it
should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most
faithful friends with him. As for any money, he found none, as
Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious
goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However,
he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go
farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon;
where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out
upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly
aftrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of
that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth
of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. And even
Nicolaus (10) his historiographer makes mention of this monument
built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into
the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and
many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book;
for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign, and so as
to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but
what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his
notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he
was desirous to put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and
her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells
falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne, and the
treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded
in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just
actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust
ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by
way of excuse for Nicolaus; for he did not so properly write this
as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to
the king himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly
allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an
honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to
say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have
described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner.
And although we reverence many of Herod's posterity, who still
reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and
this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure
by so doing.

2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family seemed to be
augmented by reason of this attempt he made upon David's
sepulcher; whether Divine vengeance increased the calamities he
lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune
made an assault upon him, in those cases wherein the
seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the
calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like
a civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another
was like that where each one strove to exceed another in
calumnies. However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against
his brethren, and that very cunningly; while abroad he loaded
them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to
apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might
make him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by
which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father,
who believed all that he did was for his preservation. Herod also
recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of
his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about
the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and
did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other
persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but
still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition
perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more
dishonorable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they
could not bear the dishonor. And for the women, Glaphyra,
Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated Salome, both
because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed
to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter,
who was the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to
herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.

3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among
them, neither did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of
trouble, but had a particular foundation for suspicion and
hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such
a degree of madness, that he despised the king's daughter, to
whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the
other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the
dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors
upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he
was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had
not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself
unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he
gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some time, when he
thought the heat of his brother's affections was over, he blamed
him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second
daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to
leave off affronting his brother, and to forsake her whom he had
loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamored of a
servant, as to deprive himself of the king's good-will to him,
and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by
him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own
advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and
forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son
by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second
daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the
day of marriage; and sware he would have no further conversation
with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were
over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer
performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his
former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him
angry, while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras
perpetually; and many made the king's anger an opportunity for
raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king any longer a
single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel or
another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to
him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to
Mariamne's sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a
good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he
said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings
happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of
it; by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the
damsel ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her
mother, she often said that the young men used to mention
Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they hated their
father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once
got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other wives
country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was
given them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such
an employment. And as for the women, whenever they saw them
adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened, that
instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in
sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the
light of the sun. These stories were presently carried by Salome
to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to
make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming
more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body.
However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they
made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little
afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.

4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who
was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and
said that he had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on
Glaphyra, and that his passion for her was incurable. When
Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his youth and
jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of Herod's obliging
behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which
came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which
fell from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing,
but informed him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod
was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false
calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it; and
often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and how good
he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So
he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, "Thou vilest
of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant
degree of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me,
but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions
are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such
words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me,
and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had not a
good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such
a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him?
Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to
think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay
his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both
him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order
to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one
but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in
their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou art such a
plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil
conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my
relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of
them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them
than they are worthy of."

5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in
the very act of his villainy, said that "it was Salome who was
the framer of this plot, and that the words came from her." But
as soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out,
like one that would be believed, that no such thing ever came out
of her mouth; that they all earnestly endeavored to make the king
hate her, and to make her away, because of the good-will she bore
to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing the dangers that
were coming upon him, and that at present there were more plots
against him than usual; for while she was the only person who
persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to
take the king's daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by
him. As she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat
her breast, her countenance made her denial to be believed; but
the peverseness of her manners declared at the same time her
dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught
between them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own
defense, while he confessed that he had said what was charged
upon him, but was not believed when he said he had heard it from
Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and their
quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his
hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when
he had commended the moderation of his son, and that he had
himself told him of the report, he went in the evening to refresh
himself. After such a contest as this had fallen out among them,
Salome's reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed to
have first raised the calumny; and the king's wives were grieved
at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman, and would
sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different
seasons: so they perpetually said one thing or another against
her; and somewhat that now fell out made them the bolder in
speaking against her.

6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful
man in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for
him. He was a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was
handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to
Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, and set his heart upon
her; and understanding that she was a widow, he discoursed with
her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favor with her
brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very
earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there
appeared many, and those very great, indications of their
agreement together. Now the women carried this news to the king,
and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired
about it further of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at
supper, how their behavior was one toward another; who told him,
that by the signals which came from their heads and their eyes,
they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian
being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months
afterwards, as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod
about it, and desired that Salome might be given him to wife; for
that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to his affairs, by
a union with Arabia, the government of which country was already
in effect under his power, and more evidently would be his
hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister
about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match,
she immediately agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to
come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her,
and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could
not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he
should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras
reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more;
and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which
the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not
taken her, as I have before related, because he was enamored on
his former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to
her son by Costobarus; which match he was very willing to, but
was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that this young
man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain by
him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his
successor in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his
pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon
this change of her espousals, was disposal of to this young man,
the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her portion a hundred
talents.




CHAPTER 8.

How Herod Took Up Alexander And Bound Him; Whom Yet Archelaus
King Of Cappadocia Reconciled To His Father Herod Again.


1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but
perpetually more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which
arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring
great difficulties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which the
king had, and on account of their beauty was very fond of them;
and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted to one of them;
of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting him to
bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the
government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs
were corrupted by Alexander the king's son with great sums of
money. And when they were asked whether Alexander had had
criminal conversation with them, they confessed it, but said they
knew of no further mischief of his against his father; but when
they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost
extremity, and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater,
stretched the rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander
bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father; and that he
told them that Herod despaired to live much longer; and that, in
order to cover his great age, he colored his hair black, and
endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was; but
that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the
kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could come to no one
else, he should quickly have the first place in that kingdom
under him, for that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not
only as his birth-right, but by the preparations he had made for
obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a great
many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men
neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on
that account.

2. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and
fear, some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him
suspicious of dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both
accounts he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more
heavy plot was laid against him than he should be then able to
escape from; whereupon he did not now make an open search, but
sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now
overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and
indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his
preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless;
nor did he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those
who staid with him had the most power to hurt him, they were to
him very frightful; and for those that did not use to come to
him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and
he thought himself safer when they were destroyed. And at last
his domestics were come to that pass, that being no way secure of
escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another, and
imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to
save himself; yet when any had overthrown others, they were
hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly
accused others, and they only thereby prevented their own
accusation; nay, they now executed their own private enmities by
this means, and when they were caught, they were punished in the
same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this
opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies;
yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same
snare which they laid for others: and the king soon repented of
what he had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt
of those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in
him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order to leave off
doing the like again, but in order to inflict the same punishment
upon their accusers.

3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace;
and he had already told many of his friends directly that they
ought not to appear before him, her come into the palace; and the
reason of this injunction was, that [when they were there], he
had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint on himself on
their account; for at this time it was that he expelled
Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends,
and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and
been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and
counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner
the first degree of freedom with him. He expelled Andromachus,
because his son Demetrius was a companion to Alexander; and
Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which arose
from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at
school, and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace,
and was willing enough to have done worse by them; but that he
might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great
reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their
dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.

4. Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when
he knew what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was
in, and had been a great while one of his counselors, he hurried
him on, and then thought he should bring him to do somewhat to
purpose, when every one that could oppose him was taken away.
When therefore Andromachus and his friends were driven away, and
had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer, the king,
in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to be
faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts
against him; but these died without having any thing to say to
that matter, which made the king more zealous [after
discoveries], when he could not find out what evil proceedings he
suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious to
raise a calumny against those that were really innocent, as if
their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to
Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the
torture of great numbers what attempts were still concealed. Now
there was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who
said that he knew that the young man had often said, that when he
was commended as a tall man in his body, and a skillful marksman,
and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded all men,
these qualifications given him by nature, though good in
themselves, were not advantageous to him, because his father was
grieved at them, and envied him for them; and that when he walked
along with his father, he endeavored to depress and shorten
himself, that he might not appear too tall; and that when he shot
at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed
his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father was of
being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented
about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he
added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance,
and contrived to lie in wait for their father, as they were
hunting, and kill him; and when they had done so to fly to Rome,
and desire to have the kingdom given them. There were also
letters of the young man found, written to his brother, wherein
he complained that his father did not act justly in giving
Antipater a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two
hundred talents. Upon these confessions Herod presently thought
he had somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to his
suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander and bound him:
yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite
satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to
recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile
complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing,
that when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to
Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he was desirous to have some surer
mark of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous about it,
that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in
prison too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander's
friends, and put not a few of them to death, without getting any
of the things out of them which he suspected. And while Herod was
very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of terror
and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost
agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome,
and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar,
and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates,
the king of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father
against the Romans, and that he had a poisonous potion ready
prepared at Askelori.

5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in
his miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his
rashness, as fiattering himself with finding things in so bad a
condition; but as for the poisonous potion, which he labored to
find, he could find none. As for Alexander, he was very desirous
to aggravate the vast misfortunes he was under, so he pretended
not to deny the accusations, but punished the rashness of his
father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he was
willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such
calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his
story, to plague him and his whole kingdom; for he wrote four
letters, and sent them to him, that he did not need to torture
any more persons, for he had plotted against him; and that he had
for his partners Pheroras and the most faithful of his friends;
and that Salome came in to him by night, and that she lay with
him whether he would or not; and that all men were come to be of
one mind, to make away with him as soon as they could, and so get
clear of the continual fear they were in from him. Among these
were accused Ptolemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faithful
friends to the king. And what more can be said, but that those
who before were the most intimate friends, were become wild
beasts to one another, as if a certain madness had fallen upon
them, while there was no room for defense or refutation, in order
to the discovery of the truth, but all were at random doomed to
destruction; so that some lamented those that were in prison,
some those that were put to death, and others lamented that they
were in expectation of the same miseries; and a melancholy
solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse to
that happy state it was formerly in. Herod's own life also was
entirely disturbed; and because he could trust nobody, he was
sorely punished by the expectation of further misery; for he
often fancied in his imagination that his son had fallen upon
him, or stood by him with a sword in his hand; and thus was his
mind night and day intent upon this thing, and revolved it over
and over, no otherwise than if he were under a distraction. And
this was the sad condition Herod was now in.

6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the state
that Herod was in, and being in great distress about his
daughter, and the young man [her husband], and grieving with
Herod, as with a man that was his friend, on account of so great
a disturbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem] on purpose
to compose their differences; and when he found Herod in such a
temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to
pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should
thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point with him, and by
still more and more apologizing for himself to be the more
irritated: he went, therefore, another way to work, in order to
correct the former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young
man, and said that Herod had been so very mild a man, that he had
not acted a rash part at all. He also said he would dissolve his
daughter's marriage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare
his own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing, and did not
inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appeared to be of this temper,
and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined, and, for the main,
took Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the king abated
of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have
acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection
of a father, and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some
persons refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he
was thrown into a passion; but when Archclaus joined in the
accusation, he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after an
affectionate manner. Accordingly, he desired that he would not
dissolve his son's marriage, and became not so angry as before
for his offenses. So when Archclaus had brought him to a more
moderate temper, he transferred the calumnies upon his friends;
and said it must be owing to them that so young a man, and one
unacquainted with malice, was corrupted; and he supposed that
there was more reason to suspect the brother than the soft. Upon
which Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now
had no one that could make a reconciliation between him and his
brother. So when he saw that Archclaus had the greatest power
with Herod, he betook himself to him in the habit of a mourner,
and like one that had all the signs upon him of an undone man.
Upon this Archclaus did not overlook the intercession he made to
him, nor yet did he undertake to change the king's disposition
towards him immediately; and he said that it was better for him
to come himself to the king, and confess himself the occasion of
all; that this would make the king's anger not to be extravagant
towards him, and that then he would be present to assist him.
When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both
of them; and the calumnies raised against the young man were,
beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Archclaus, as soon as he
had made the reconciliation, went then away to Cappadocia, having
proved at this juncture of time the most acceptable person to
Herod in the world; on which account he gave him the richest
presents, as tokens of his respects to him; and being on other
occasions magnanimous, he esteemed him one of his dearest
friends. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to
Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so
they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a
reconciliation between Archclaus and Titus, the president of
Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to
Judea.




CHAPTER 9.

Concerning The Revolt Of The Trachonites; How Sylleus Accused
Herod Before Caesar; And How Herod, When Caesar Was Angry At Him,
Resolved To Send Nicolaus To Rome.


1. When Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war
arose between him and the Arabians, on the occasion following:
The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after Caesar had taken the
country away from Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now
power to rob, but were forced to plough the land, and to live
quietly, which was a thing they did not like; and when they did
take that pains, the ground did not produce much fruit for them.
However, at the first the king would not permit them to rob, and
so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their
neighbors, which procured Herod a great reputation for his care.
But when he was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when he went
to accuse his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar's
protection, the Trachonites spread a report as if he were dead,
and revolted from his dominion, and betook themselves again to
their accustomed way of robbing their neighbors; at which time
the king's commanders subdued them during his absence; but about
forty of the principal robbers, being terrified by those that had
been taken, left the country, and retired into Arabia, Sylleus
entertaining them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and
gave them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. So they
overran not only Judea, but all Celesyria also, and carried off
the prey, while Sylleus afforded them places of protection and
quietness during their wicked practices. But when Herod came back
from Rome, he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered
by them; and since he could not reach the robbers themselves,
because of the secure retreat they had in that country, and which
the Arabian government afforded them, and yet being very uneasy
at the injuries they had done him, he went all over Trachonitis,
and slew their relations; whereupon these robbers were more angry
than before, it being a law among them to be avenged on the
murderers of their relations by all possible means; so they
continued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's dominion
with impunity. Then did he discourse about these robberies to
Saturninus and Volumnius, and required that they should be
punished; upon which occasion they still the more confirmed
themselves in their robberies, and became more numerous, and made
very great disturbances, laying waste the countries and villages
that belonged to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men whom they
caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war,
for the robbers were now become about a thousand; - at which
Herod was sore displeased, and required the robbers, as well as
the money which he had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty
talents, and since the time of payment was now past, he desired
to have it paid him; but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and
managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia,
and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a
hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the
presidents of Syria. (11) At last he, by their means, agreed,
that within thirty days' time Herod should be paid his money, and
that each of them should deliver up the other's subjects
reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other's
subjects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or
on any other account, but it was proved that the Arabians had the
robbers amongst them.

2. When this day appointed for payment of the money was past,
without Sylleus's performing any part of his agreement, and he
was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the payment of the money, and
that the robbers that were in Arabia should be delivered up; and,
by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, executed the
judgment himself upon those that were refractory. He took an army
that he had, and let it into Arabia, and in three days' time
marched seven mansions; and when he came to the garrison wherein
the robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and took them
all, and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, but did
no harm to any others. But as the Arabians came to their
assistance, under Naceb their captain, there ensued a battle,
wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Naceb, the captain of the
Arabians, and about twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest
betook themselves to flight. So when he had brought these to
punishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and
thereby restrained the robbers that were there. He also sent an
account to the captains that were about Phoenicia, and
demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought to do, in
punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry,
they found to be no more than what was true.

3. However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and
informed him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated
every thing. Now Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the
knowledge of Caesar, and was then about the palace; and as soon
as he heard of these things, he changed his habit into black, and
went in, and told Caesar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and
that all his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's laying
it waste with his army; and he said, with tears in his eyes, that
two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the Arabians
had been destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his familiar
friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the riches that were at
Raepta were carried off; and that Obodas was despised, whose
infirm state of body rendered him unfit for war; on which account
neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present. When Sylleus said
so, and added invidiously, that he would not himself have come
out of the country, unless he had believed that Caesar would have
provided that they should all have peace one with another, and
that, had he been there, he would have taken care that the war
should not have been to Herod's advantage; Caesar was provoked
when this was said, and asked no more than this one question,
both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his own friends,
who were come from Syria, Whether Herod had led an army thither?
And when they were forced to confess so much, Caesar, without
staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was done,
grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his
epistle was this, that whereas of old he had used him as his
friend, he should now use him as his subject. Sylleus also wrote
an account of this to the Arabians, who were so elevated with it,
that they neither delivered up the robbers that had fled to them,
nor paid the money that was due; they retained those pastures
also which they had hired, and kept them without paying their
rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in a low
condition, by reason of Caesar's anger at him. Those of
Trachonitis also made use of this opportunity, and rose up
against the Idumean garrison, and followed the same way of
robbing with the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and
were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only in order to
get by it, but by way of revenge also.

4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his
being quite gone with which Caesar's favor used to inspire him;
for Caesar would not admit so much as an embassage from him to
'make an apology for him; and when they came again, he sent them
away without success. So he was cast into sadness and fear; and
Sylleus's circumstances grieved him exceedingly, who was now
believed by Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes
aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was dead; and
Aeneas, whose name was afterward changed to Aretas, (12) took the
government, for Sylleus endeavored by calumnies to get him turned
out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with
which design he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised
much money to Caesar, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not
sent to him first before he took the kingdom; yet did Aeneas send
an epistle and presents to Caesar, and a golden crown, of the
weight of many talents. Now that epistle accused Sylleus as
having been a wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by poison;
and that while he was alive, he had governed him as he pleased;
and had also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had
borrowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for himself: yet
did not Caesar give heed to these accusations, but sent his
ambassadors back, without receiving any of his presents. But in
the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and
worse, partly because of the anarchy they were under, and partly
because, as bad as they were, nobody had power to govern them;
for of the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed in his
kingdom, and so had not authority sufficient to restrain the
evil-doers; and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately angry at him
for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear all
the injuries that were offered him. At length, when he saw no end
of the mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send
ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends had
prevailed to mitigate Caesar, and to address themselves to Caesar
himself; and the ambassador he sent thither was Nicolans of
Damascus.




CHAPTER 10.

How Eurycles Falsely Accused Herod's Sons; And How Their Father
Bound Them, And Wrote To Caesar About Them. Of Sylleus And How He
Was Accused By Nicolaus.


1. The disorders about Herod's family and children about this
time grew much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it
unforeseen before-hand, that fortune threatened the greatest and
most insupportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its
progress and augmentation at this time arose on the occasion
following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, (a person of note there,
but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in his ways of
voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to
indulge neither of them,) came in his travels to Herod, and made
him presents, but so that he received more presents from him. He
also took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his
friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the king's
friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had not
only access, but free conversation, with Alexander, as pretending
to him that he was in great favor with Archclaus, the king of
Cappadocia; whence he pretended much respect to Glaphyra, and in
an occult manner cultivated a friendship with them all; but
always attending to what was said and done, that he might be
furnished with calumnies to please them all. In short, he behaved
himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to be
his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being
any where was for that person's advantage. So he won upon
Alexander, who was but young; and persuaded him that he might
open his grievances to him with assurance and with nobody else.
So he declared his grief to him, how his father was alienated
from him. He related to him also the affairs of his mother, and
of Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper dignity,
and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this
was tolerable, since his father was already come to hate them;
and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table, nor
to his conversation. Such were the complaints, as was but
natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled him; and
these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he
did not inform him of this on his own account, but that being
overcome by his kindness, the great importance of the thing
obliged him to do it; and he warned him to have a care of
Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with vehemency, and
that, in consequence of what he said, he would certainly kill him
with his own hand. Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his
friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and
at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So
when he related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered
by the words he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by
him; and he thereby brought the king to that pass, turning him
about by his words, and irritating him, till he increased his
hatred to him and made him implacable, which he showed at that
very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty
talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archclaus, king of
Cappadocia, and commended Alexander before him, and told him that
he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a
reconciliation between him and his father. So he got money from
him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were
found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did
not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of
injustice, he was banished from his own country.

2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper
he was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had
been content with the hearing their calumnies when others told
him of them; but he was now come to that pass as to hate them
himself, and to urge men to speak against them, though they did
not do it of themselves. He also observed all that was said, and
put questions, and gave ear to every one that would but speak, if
they could but say any thing against them, till at length he
heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alexander;
which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news
imaginable.

3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while
the calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a
man may say, one would think it was every one's endeavor to lay
some grievous thing to their charge, which might appear to be for
the king's preservation. There were two guards of Herod's body,
who were in great esteem for their strength and tallness,
Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, who
was displeased at them; these now used to ride along with
Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great
esteem with him, and had some gold and other gifts bestowed on
them. Now the king having an immediate suspicion of those men,
had them tortured, who endured the torture courageously for a
long time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have
persuaded them to kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the wild
beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run
through with his own spear, for that he had once such a
misfortune formerly. They also showed where there was money
hidden in the stable under ground; and these convicted the king's
chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal hunting
spears and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alexander's
command.

4. After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was
caught and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to
receive the young men into his fortress, and to supply them with
that money of the king's which was laid up in that fortress, yet
did not he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but his son came
ill, and said it was so, and delivered up the writing, which, so
far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents
were these: "When we have finished, by God's help, all that we
have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavors,
as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress." After
this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the
treacherous designs of his sons against him. But Alexander said
that Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand, and that the
paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus
appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he was
afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death
for it.

5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the
multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men,
which accusers many of the people stoned to death; and when they
were going to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king
would not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude, by
the means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young men were
put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody might come at
them; and all that they did or said was watched, and the reproach
and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those
of condemned criminals: and one of them, who was Aristobulus, was
so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and
his mother-in-law, to lament with him for his calamities, and to
hate him who had suffered things to come to that pass; when he
said to her, "Art thou not in danger of destruction also, while
the report goes that thou hadst disclosed beforehand all our
affairs to Syllcus, when thou wast in hopes of being married to
him?" But she immediately carried these words to her brother.
Upon this he was out of patience, and gave command to bind him;
and enjoined them both, now they were kept separate one from the
other, to write down the ill things they had done against their
father, and bring the writings to him, So when this was enjoined
them, they wrote this, that they had laid no treacherous designs,
nor made any preparations against their father, but that they had
intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were in,
their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.

6. About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia
from Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal
rulers under him. So Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus's
ill-will to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds,
and asked him again concerning his fight, whether and how they
had resolved to retire Alexander replied, To Archclaus, who had
promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked
nor mischievous designs against their father, and that nothing of
that nature which their adversaries had charged upon them was
true; and that their desire was, that he might have examined
Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had been
suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his own friends
among the multitude [for that purpose].

7. When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and
Melas should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and
that she should be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of
Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod? Now as soon as
they were come to her, and she saw Alexander in bonds, she beat
her head, and in a great consternation gave a deep and moving
groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so miserable
a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were
not able to say or to do any thing; but at length Ptolemy, who
was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was
conscious of his actions. He replied, "How is it possible that
she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had
children, should not know what I do?" Upon which she cried out
that she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet, if her
accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation, she
would confess it all. Alexander replied, "There is no such
wickedness as those (who ought the least of all so to do)
suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but
this only, that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and from
thence to Rome." Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod,
supposing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully proved, sent
a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed
by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter.
And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand
in his son's treacherous design against him, they should from
thence sail to Rome; and that, in case they found Nicolaus had
gained any ground, and that Caesar was no longer displeased at
him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs which he had
ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made his
defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young
men, because it was both for their own and their father's
advantage so to do, lest some too severe procedure should be gone
upon in that anger and disorder they were in on occasion of the
present suspicions; but that still he had not promised to send
them to Caesar; and that he had not promised any thing else to
the young men that could show any ill-will to him.

8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit
opportunity of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they
found him reconciled to Herod; for the circumstances of
Nicolaus's embassage had been as follows: As soon as he was come
to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of all set
about what he was come for only, but he thought fit also to
accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk
with them, were quarrelling one with another; and some of them
left Sylleus's party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus,
informed him of all the wicked things that had been done; and
produced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter of a
great number of Obodas's friends by Sylleus; for when these men
left Sylleus, they had carried off with them those letters
whereby they could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an
opportunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order to gain his
own point afterward, and endeavored immediately to make a
reconciliation between Caesar and Herod; for he was fully
satisfied, that if he should desire to make a defense for Herod
directly, he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he
desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion present itself
of speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the cause was ready for a
hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas's
ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he
imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many
others of the Arabians; that he had borrowed money for no good
design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not
only with the Arabian, but Reinan women also. And he added, that
above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that
all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities.
When Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him from
going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod,
and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain
two thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor
pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus made this answer: "I
shall principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but
a very little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast
been informed; for had they been true, thou mightest justly have
been still more angry at Herod." At this strange assertion Caesar
was very attentive; and Nicolaus said that there was a debt due
to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was
written, that if the time appointed be lapsed, it should be
lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his country. "As for
the pretended army," he said, "it was no army, but a party sent
out to require the just payment of the money; that this was not
sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that
Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the
presidents of Syria; and that at last he had sworn at Berytus, by
thy fortune, (13) that he would certainly pay the money within
thirty days, and deliver up the fugitives that were under his
dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed nothing of this,
Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their permission
to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of
his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And this
is all the war which these men so tragically describe; and this
is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be
called a war, when thy presidents permitted it, the covenants
allowed it, and it was not executed till thy name, O Caesar, as
well as that of the other gods, had been profaned? And now I must
speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that dwelt
in Trachonitis; at first their number was no more than forty, but
they became more afterwards, and they escaped the punishment
Herod would have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their
refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them with food, that
they might be mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country
to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by robbery;
yet did he promise that he would deliver up these men, and that
by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for
payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other
persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia besides these,
and indeed not all these neither, but only so many as could not
conceal themselves. And thus does the calumny of the captives,
which hath been so odiously represented, appear to be no better
than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke thy
indignation; for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the
Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he
then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general,
and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus,
by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the
slain to have been two thousand five hundred."

9. This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus
full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain.
Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The
covenants also were read about the money he had borrowed, and the
letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the
several cities, so many as had been injured by the robbers. The
conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that
Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what
severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny,
insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his
lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a
man that was his friend. At the last all came to this, Sylleus
was sent away to answer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that
he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]. But still
Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself
the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had
determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he
had sent hindered him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius,
perceiving that Caesar was now become favorable to Herod, thought
fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by
Herod to give him concerning his sons. When Caesar had read them,
he thought it would not be proper to add another government to
him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his
sons, so he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just
reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received
the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed
him in his government.




CHAPTER 11.

HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM CAESAR ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE An
Assembly Of Judges At Berytus; And What Tero Suffered For Using
A Boundless And Military Liberty Of Speech. Concerning Also The
Death Of The Young Men And Their Burial At Alexandrium.

. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him:
That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in
case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes
against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides,
for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only
contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition,
and not proceed to extremity with them. He also advised him to
get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus,
(14) which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the
presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as
many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to
him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be
done by their approbation. These were the directions that Caesar
gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him,
was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation to him, and
very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over
his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in
his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet
had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the destruction
of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of this
change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise
his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore
sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly,
excepting Archclaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that
he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to
his designs.

2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities,
were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village
belonging to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that
if they were called, he might produce them, for he did not think
fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one
hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone,
and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were not a
melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and
upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was
very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very
vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the
crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of
passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to
consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be
true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a
father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves
had written, wherein there was no confession of any plots or
contrivances against him, but only how they had contrived to fly
away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on
account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came to those
reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they
said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took
his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such
reproachful words. At last he said that he had sufficient
authority, both by nature and by Caesar's grant to him, [to do
what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation of a law of
their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their
hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were
obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which
though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet
did he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither
not so much as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs
against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons' means,
but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their
detestation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing
it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such
treacherous designs [without punishment].

3. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been
produced to make any defense for themselves, the assessors
perceived there was no room for equity and reconciliation, so
they confirmed his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus,
a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity,
pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble;
and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they
should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's
son to death is a greater misfortune than any other that could
befall him by their means. After him Saturninus's sons, for he
had three sons that followed him, and were his legates,
pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary,
Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so
impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the
rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be,
that the young men were condemned to die. Immediately after this
Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where
Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired,
after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his
sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome
thought of that matter. His answer was, "That what they had
determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to
keep them in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further
necessary, thou mayst indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not
appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by
judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayst
absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable;
and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at
Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great
thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.

4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of
Herod's sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in
great expectation of what would become of them; for a terrible
fear seized upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the
family should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great
trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say
any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another saying
it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which
rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent
yet was there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was Tero, who
had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was
so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought
about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the
multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was
perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and
ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public
affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest
mischiefs that can befall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed
not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely;
but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as
having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper
time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with
pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety
by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the
great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so
great an affliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero
whatsoever they pleased.

5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the
greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone,
which the king permitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I
am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am
under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now
take, which may be for thy advantage, if thou mind to get any
profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is thy understanding
gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary
sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and
such glorious-actions? Whence comes this solitude, and desertion
of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but determine
that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they
overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost
not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young
men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in
the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age,
but exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed the hopes thou
hast given him,' and to relations, whose death thou hast so often
resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very
silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the
fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the
poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in
this matter." These words the king heard, and for some time with
good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon
the bad behavior and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was
moved at it; but Tero went on further, and by degrees used an
unbounded military freedom of speech, nor was he so well
disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So Herod was
greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this
speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he
learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was
about, and the officers had indignation at it, he gave order that
all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and
kept in prison.

6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber,
took the opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would
often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to
cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the
chief of Alexander's friends, and receive great rewards from him.
When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his
son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done
accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his
father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and
perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible
sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father
from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the
truth. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said
that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent
hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he
was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should
suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of
generosity done in favor of Alexander. This was what Tero's son
said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in;
but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what
was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to
procure his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries.

7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter
of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul
for it; but he had banished away whatsoever might afford him the
least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he
already made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He also
brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an
accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused
them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them
all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and
thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to
Sebaste, by their father's command, and there strangled; but
their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandraum,
where their uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of
their ancestors, had been deposited.

8. (15) And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some,
that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both
sides], as to proceed further, and overcome nature; but it may
justly deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to the
charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion to their
father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on
long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to
use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the
father's charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender
in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend
to his glory, that tae would take no one into a partnership with
him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue
immovable; or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power
than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human
actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable
necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which
is not done by her; wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to
compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to
ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different
conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the
philosophical determination of our ancient law. Accordingly, of
the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the
blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride
of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies
that were raised against their father, while certainly they were
not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured
in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both
accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed
them to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy
excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about
them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their
treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they
had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who
were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men,
and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in
hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional
topics of discourse; for in all these they were skillful, and
especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had
been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept
them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his
dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman
forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would
prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open
force; but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to
gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of
insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in
his older age; nor will the delays that he made, and the length
of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse;
for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind,
and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime,
yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon
deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent
puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the
action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from
that which is evil. And this temper he showed in what he did
afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best
beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the
justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the
less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that
he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those
persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter.




BOOK XVII.

Containing The Interval Of Fourteen Years.

From The Death Of Alexander And Aristobulus To The Banishment Of
Archelaus.

CHAPTER 1.

How Antipater Was Hated By All The Nation [Of The Jews] For The
Slaughter Of His Brethren; And How, For That Reason He Got Into
Peculiar Favor With His Friends At Rome, By Giving Them Many
Presents; As He Did Also With Saturninus, The President Of Syria
And The Governors Who Were Under Him; And Concerning Herod's
Wives And Children.


1. When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had
brought his father into the highest degree of impiety, till he
was haunted with furies for what he had done, his hopes did not
succeed to his mind, as to the rest of his life; for although he
was delivered from the fear of his brethren being his rivals as
to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing, and
almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred
of the nation against him on that account was become very great;
and besides this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair of
the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated from him,
from which yet these kings derived all the safety which they had,
whenever they found the nation desirous of innovation: and all
this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction of his
brethren. However, he governed the nation jointly with his
father, being indeed no other than a king already; and he was for
that very reason trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for
the which he ought himself to have been put to death, as
appearing to have betrayed his brethren out of his concern for
the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to
them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was the
accursed state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended
to make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to
accuse him in the vile practices he was devising: and that Herod
might have no refuge, nor any to afford him their assistance,
since they must thereby have Antipater for their open enemy;
insomuch that the very plots he had laid against his brethren
were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this
time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts
against Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would
now be firmly secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any
longer, he should be in danger, upon a discovery of that
wickedness of which he had been the contriver, and his father
would of necessity then become his enemy. And on this account it
was that he became very bountiful to his father's friends, and
bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men
with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him. And
he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to
gain their good-will; and above all to Saturninus, the president
of Syria. He also hoped to gain the favor of Saturninus's brother
with the large presents he bestowed on him; as also he used the
same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had married one of
Herod's chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship to
those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their
belief, and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he
really did hate. But he could not impose upon his aunt, who
understood him of a long time, and was a woman not easily to be
deluded, especially while she had already used all possible
caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although
Antipeter's uncle by the mother's side was married to her
daughter, and this by his own connivance and management, while
she had before been married to Aristobulus, and while Salome's
other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas;
yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he
was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred to him
could not prevent her hatred of him. Now Herod had compelled
Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had
taken a fondness for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her
submitted to at the instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not
to refuse it, lest she should herself be their open enemy, since
Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with Salome, if
she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she submitted
to Julia as being Caesar's wife; and besides that, she advised
her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At
this time also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's
daughter, who had been Alexander's wife, to her father, returning
the portion he had with her out of his own estate, that there
might be no dispute between them about it.

2. Now Herod brought up his sons' children with great care; for
Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three
sons by Bernice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters; and as his
friends were once with him, he presented the children before
them; and deploring the hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed
that no such ill fortune would befall these who were their
children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what
they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of
their education. He also caused them to be betrothed against they
should come to the proper age of marriage; the elder of
Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter, and Antipater's daughter
to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted one of
Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's
other daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by
the high priest's daughter; for it is the ancient practice among
us to have many wives at the same time. Now the king made these
espousals for the children, out of commiseration of them now they
were fatherless, as endeavoring to render Antipater kind to them
by these intermarriages. But Antipater did not fail to bear the
same temper of mind to his brothers' children which he had borne
to his brothers themselves; and his father's concern about them
provoked his indignation against them upon this supposal, that
they would become greater than ever his brothers had been; while
Archclaus, a king, would support his daughter's sons, and
Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of one of the daughters as a
wife to his son. What provoked him also was this, that all the
multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children, and so
hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out,
since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his
brethren. He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father's
settlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that they should be
so related to him, and be so powerful withal. So Herod yielded to
him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the
determination now was, that Antipater himself should marry
Aristobulus's daughter, and Antipater's son should marry
Pheroras's daughter. So the espousals for the marriages were
changed after this manner, even without the king's real
approbation.

3. Now Herod the king had at this time nine wives; one of them
Antipater's mother, and another the high priest's daughter, by
whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his
brother's daughter, and another his sister's daughter; which two
had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan
nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter
was Olympias; which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the
king's brother's son; but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up
with a certain private man at Rome. Herod had also to wife
Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons Herod and
Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas also was
one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides
these, he had for his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his
daughters Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by the
same mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras
neglected to marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the
king's sister's son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's
son. And this was the posterity of Herod.




CHAPTER 2.

Concerning Zamaris, The Babylonian Jew; Concerning The Plots Laid
By Antipater Against His Father; And Somewhat About The
Pharisees.


1. And now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself
on the side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as
large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of that country,
which might make his own country difficult to be assaulted, and
whence he might be at hand to make sallies upon them, and do them
a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man
that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred horsemen,
all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back,
and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates,
and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus,
who was then president, had given them a place for habitation,
called Valatha, he sent for this man, with the multitude that
followed him, and promised to give him land in the toparchy
called Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis, as
desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He also
engaged to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that
they should dwell entirely without paying such customs as used to
be paid, and gave it him tax-free.

2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so
he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a
village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a
safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and
preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their
sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite
robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts
where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country
became full of people, by reason of their universal freedom from
taxes. This continued during the life of Herod; but when Philip,
who was [tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made them
pay some small taxes, and that for a little while only; and
Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they
harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty
away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government
into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their
freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes.
Of which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of
this history. (2)

3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that
country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left
children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim,
who was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to
ride their horses; and a troop of them were guards to the
forementioned kings. And when Jacim was dead in his old age, he
left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength in his
hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than
any of his contemporaries; on which account there was a
confidence and firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He
had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a king,
which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march.

4. When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have
described, all the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and
his power was such, that he could do good turns to as many as he
pleased, and this by his father's concession, in hopes of his
good-will and fidelity to him; and this till he ventured to use
his power still further, because his wicked designs were
concealed from his father, and he made him believe every thing he
said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of
the power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile
attempts beforehand; but he who principally cultivated a
friendship with him was Pheroras, who received the like marks of
his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly encompassed him
about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about him;
for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother,
and to her sister; and this notwithstanding the hatred he bare
them for the indignities they had offered to his virgin
daughters. Yet did he bear them, and nothing was to be done
without the women, who had got this man into their circle, and
continued still to assist each other in all things, insomuch that
Antipater was entirely addicted to them, both by himself and by
his mother; for these four women, (3) said all one and the same
thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater were different
in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister [Salome]
was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all
their affairs, and was apprized that this their friendship was
made in order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to
inform the king of it. And since these people knew that their
friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do him a
mischief, they contrived that their meetings should not be
discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and to abuse
one another when time served, and especially when Herod was
present, or when any one was there that would tell him: but still
their intimacy was firmer than ever, when they were private. And
this was the course they took. But they could not conceal from
Salome neither their first contrivance, when they set about these
their intentions, nor when they had made some progress in them;
but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the relations
to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret assemblies
and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine
manner, which if they were not in order to destroy him, they
might well enough have been open and public. But to appearance
they are at variance, and speak about one another as if they
intended one another a mischief, but agree so well together when
they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they are
alone by themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they
will never leave off their friendship, but will fight against
those from whom they conceal their designs. And thus did she
search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge of them, and
then told her brother of them, who understood also of himself a
great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it,
because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies. For
there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued
themselves highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of
their fathers, and made men believe they were highly favored by
God, by whom this set of women were inveigled. These are those
that are called the sect of the Pharisees, who were in a capacity
of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were, and soon
elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief.
Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of
their good-will to Caesar, and to the king's government, these
very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the
king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's wife paid their fine
for them. In order to requite which kindness of hers, since they
were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by
Divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that
Herod's government should cease, and his posterity should be
deprived of it; but that the kingdom should come to her and
Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions were not
concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they
had perverted some persons about the palace itself; so the king
slew such of the Pharisees as were principally accused, and
Bagoas the eunuch, and one Carus, who exceeded all men of that
time in comeliness, and one that was his catamite. He slew also
all those of his own family who had consented to what the
Pharisees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by
them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor
of him who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed
king; for that this king would have all things in his power, and
would enable Bagoas to marry, and to have children of his own
body begotten.




CHAPTER 3.

Concerning The Enmity Between Herod And Pheroras; How Herod Sent
Antipater To Caesar; And Of The Death Of Pheroras.


1. When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted
of the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his
friends, and accused Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of
the virgins to the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation
against her for the dishonor she had brought upon them: that she
had studiously introduced a quarrel between him and his brother,
and, by her ill temper, had brought them into a state of war,
both by her words and actions; that the fines which he had laid
had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped punishment by
her means; and that nothing which had of late been done had been
done without her; "for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he
would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my
entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as
one that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me.
And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put this
wife of thine away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a
brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me." Then said
Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,)
that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his
brotherly relation to him, so would he not leave off his
affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die than
to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto him.
Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these
accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy
punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have
any conversation with Pheroras, and bid them to take care to
avoid the assemblies of the women; which they promised to do, but
still got together when occasion served, and both Ptieroras and
Antipater had their own merry meetings. The report went also,
that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras's wife,
and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother.

2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was
afraid that the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so
he wrote to his friends at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod,
that he would immediately send Antipater to Caesar; which when it
was done, Herod sent Antipater thither, and sent most noble
presents along with him; as also his testament, wherein Antipater
was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should
die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest's daughter
should succeed. And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome
Sylleus the Arabian, although he had done nothing of all that
Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater also accused him of the same
crimes of which he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleus
was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent he had slain
many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly
Soemus, a man that deserved to be honored by all men; and that he
had slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These were the things of
which Sylleus was accused, and that on the occasion following:
There was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of the guards of the
king's body, and one who was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had
persuaded this man with the offer of a great sum of money to kill
Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus had been made
acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he
informed the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the
torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also
caught two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the
one the head of a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who
both were by the king brought to the torture, and confessed that
they were come to encourage Corinthus not to fail of doing what
he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands
in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So
Saturninns, upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them
to Rome.

3. At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so
obstinate in his affection for his wife, he should retire into
his own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and sware many
oaths that he would not come again till he heard that Herod was
dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king, he was
desired to come to him before he died, that he might intrust him
with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath,
that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain his
hatred to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him],
which he before had, and that for such great causes as have been
already mentioned: but as soon as he began to be ill, he came to
him, and this without being sent for; and when he was dead, he
took care of his funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem,
and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning for him. This
[death of Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes,
although he were already sailed for Rome, God now being about to
punish him for the murder of his brethren, I will explain the
history of this matter very distinctly, that it may be for a
warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their whole
lives by the rules of virtue.




CHAPTER 4.

Pheroras's Wife Is Accused By His Freedmen, As Guilty Of
Poisoning Him; And How Herod, Upon Examining; Of The Matter By
Torture Found The Poison; But So That It Had Been Prepared For
Himself By His Son Antipater; And Upon An Inquiry By Torture He
Discovered The Dangerous Designs Of Antipater.


1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of
Pheroras's freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to
Herod, and entreated him not to leave the murder of his brother
without avenging it, but to examine into such an unreasonable and
unhappy death. When he was moved with these words, for they
seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras supped with his
wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion was
brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but
that when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion was
brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretense indeed as a
love-potion, for that was its name, but in reality to kill
Pheroras; for that the Arabian women are skillful in making such
poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this was confessedly
a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus's mistresses; and that
both the mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at the
places where she lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this
potion, and had come back and brought it with them the day before
that his supper. Hereupon the king was provoked, and put the
women slaves to the torture, and some that were free with them;
and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them would
confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said
no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like
agonies upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of
these miseries to all of them. This prayer induced Herod to
increase the women's tortures, till thereby all was discovered;
their merry meetings, their secret assemblies, and the disclosing
of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras's (4) women.
(Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of
a hundred talents to him not to have any conversation with
Pheroras.) And what hatred he bore to his father; and that he
complained to his mother how very long his father lived; and that
he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the kingdom
should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure;
and that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers'
children, bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as
well as himself, all which made his own hopes of it uncertain;
for that even now, if he should himself not live, Herod had
ordained that the government should be conferred, not on his son,
but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great
barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out
of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that
made him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive
to go to his own tetrarchy. (5)

2. These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him,
and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her
from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king
having satisfied himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater's
mother, as well as himself, bore to him, took away from her all
her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents, and then sent
her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's women. But
he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one
Antipater, the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when
he was tortured, among other things, said that Antipater had
prepared a deadly potion, and given it to Pheroras, with his
desire that he would give it to his father during his absence,
and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon
him thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's
friends, brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent
to Pheroras by Thendion, the brother of the mother of Antipater,
the king's son, and by that means came to Pheroras's wife, her
husband having given it her to keep. And when the king asked her
about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to fetch it,
she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did she not kill
herself, because she fell upon her feet; by which means, when the
king had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics
pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of the truth
from him, but had threatened her with the utmost miseries if she
proved ungrateful [and concealed any thing]: so she promised, and
swore that she would speak out every thing, and tell after what
manner every thing was done; and said what many took to be
entirely true, that the potion was brought out of Egypt by
Antiphilus; and that his brother, who was a physician, had
procured it; and that" when Thendion brought it us, she kept it
upon Pheroras's committing it to her; and that it was prepared by
Antipater for thee. When, therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick,
and thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and when he saw
the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby.
So he called me to him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath
circumvented me in this affair of his father and my brother, by
persuading me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring
a potion to be subservient thereto; do thou, therefore, go and
fetch my potion, (since my brother appears to have still the same
virtuous disposition towards me which he had formerly, and I do
not expect to live long myself, and that I may not defile my
forefathers by the murder of a brother,) and burn it before my
face:' that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as
her husband bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the
potion; but that a little of it was left, that if the king, after
Pheroras's death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself,
and thereby get clear of her miseries." Upon her saying thus, she
brought out the potion, and the box in which it was, before them
all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother
also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed the
same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought
out of Egypt]. The high priest's daughter also, who was the
king's wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and
had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her,
and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been
mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the
high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of
Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was
born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.

3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freed-man,
came from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought
another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother,
and of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon
the king, this at least might carry him off. There came also
letters from Herod's friends at Rome, by the approbation and at
the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, as
if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of
Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their
deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their
father had already recalled them,) they concluded they were
themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been procured
by great rewards by Antipater's friends; but Antipater himself
wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest things to
their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and
said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their
youth. But he said that he had himself been very busy in the
affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting interest among the
great men; and on that account had bought splendid ornaments to
present them withal, which cost him two hundred talents. Now one
may wonder how it came about, that while so many accusations were
laid against him in Judea during seven months before this time,
he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which
were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated
Antipater; for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself
to gain him any advantages.




CHAPTER 5.

Antipater's Navigation From Rome To His Father; And How He Was
Accused By Nicolaus Of Damascus And Condemned To Die By His
Father, And By Quintilius Varus, Who Was Then President Of Syria;
And How He Was Then Bound Till Caesar Should Be Informed Of His
Cause.


1. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done
all that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he
would suddenly come to him, concealed his anger against him, and
wrote back to him, and bid him not delay his journey, lest any
harm should befall himself in his absence. At the same time also
he made some little complaint about his mother, but promised that
he would lay those complaints aside when he should return. He
withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest he
should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him;
and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the
kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter
Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of
Pheroras's death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him
deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras, but because he was
dead without having murdered his father, which he had promised
him to do. And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to
deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much
grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends
advised him that he should tarry a while some where, in
expectation of further information. But others advised him to
sail home without delay; for that if he were once come thither,
he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nothing
afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence.
He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the
haven called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in
honor of Caesar, and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater
evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor
saluted him, as they did at his going away, with good wishes of
joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to hinder them
from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses, while
they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the
murder of his brethren.

2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent
to succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an
assessor to Herod, who had desired his advice in his present
affairs; and as they were sitting together, Antipater came upon
them, without knowing any thing of the matter; so he came into
the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed received him in,
but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder, and
presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his
going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called
him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction
against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor
and his judge the very next day; so he found that what
misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with the
greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his
mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of
Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he
learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared
himself for his trial.

3. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment,
and both their friends were also called in, as also the king's
relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover
any thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some
slaves of Antipater's mother, who were taken up a little before
Antipater's coming, and brought with them a written letter, the
sum of which was this: That he should not come back, because all
was come to his father's knowledge; and that Caesar was the only
refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his
father's hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his father's
feet, and besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he
might be first heard by his father, and that his father would
keep himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought
into the midst, and then lamented himself about his children,
from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and because
Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what
maintenance and what education he had given them; and what
seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them, according to
their own desires; none of which favors had hindered them from
contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into
danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by
taking away his life before the course of nature, their father's
wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to
them; and that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to
such a pass as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he
had by his testament in writing declared him his successor in the
government; and while he was alive, he was in no respect inferior
to him, either in his illustrious dignity, or in power and
authority, he having no less than fifty talents for his yearly
income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer than
thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren
whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated
their example; and if not, he had brought him groundless
accusations against his near relations; for that he had been
acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and
had done what was done by his approbation, and whom he now
absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor of
the guilt of such their parricide.

4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not
able to say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus,
being the king's friend, and always conversant with him, and
acquainted with whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of
his affairs, proceeded to what remained, and explained all that
concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the facts. Upon
which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned
himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he
had given of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors
that had been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not
deserved them by his virtuous concern about him; for that he had
made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen
beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever
there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had not
grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible
that he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous
contrivances laid against him, should be himself in a plot
against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his
virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he
had nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his
successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also at
present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had
the one half of that authority without any danger, and with a
good character, should hunt after the whole with infamy and
danger, and this when it was doubtful whether he could obtain it
or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren before
him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a
time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was
the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it
appeared evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt
against their father; and that even the contentions there were in
the king's family were indications that he had ever managed
affairs out of the sincerest affection to his father. And as to
what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who yet
was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose
opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and
that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as
proposed to raise disturbances before those letters; the greatest
part of which calumnies had been raised during his absence, which
gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they had not been
able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed the weakness
of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false,
because the distress men are in under such tortures naturally
obliges them to say many things in order to please those that
govern them. He also offered himself to the torture.

5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while
they greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a
countenance suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the
same, insomuch that his very enemies were moved to compassion;
and it appeared plainly that Herod himself was affected in his
own mind, although he was not willing it should be taken notice
of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun,
and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence
which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He
principally and largely cried up the king's virtues, which he had
exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he
never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one
misfortune to another. Although he owned that he was not so much
surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who
were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors,
who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the
righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming
to the government sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could
not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wickedness of
Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benefits
bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet
could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas
even those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite
their benefactors, while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes
of his brethren be any hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to
imitate their barbarity notwithstanding. "Yet wast thou, O
Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the informer as to
what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out of the
evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they
underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing
thee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are
astonished at thy endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior;
and we discover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the
safety of thy father, but for the destruction of thy brethren,
that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest be
believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee
power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which
design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest
thy brethren off, because thou didst convict theft of their
wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who
were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men
that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father, when
thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to
gain to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy
father, and so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of
thy evil disposition, which thou has openly showed against thy
brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a
most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of thee. But
if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they: while
thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father,
thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in
that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but
as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that
succession than thyself. Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy
brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected;
and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst
deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy
unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon
parricide as the world never yet saw. For thou who art his son
didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy father, and
didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, had
made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly
declared thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to
taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the firm hope
of what was future by thy father's determination, and the
security of a written testament; but, for certain, thou didst not
measure these things according to thy father's various
disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations;
and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too
indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds,
whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content
to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst thy mother's head with
thy devices, and raised disturbances among thy brethren, and
hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while thou
hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou
sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest
benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee,
and didst hedge thyself in on all sides, by the artifices of both
men and women, against an old man, as though that mind of thine
was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou
baredst to him. And here thou appearest, after the tortures of
free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been
examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow
conspirators, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast
thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world,
but to disannul that written law which is against thee, and the
virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice; nay, such is that
impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to
be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the
tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell
lies; that those that have been the deliverers of thy father may
not be allowed to have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures
may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus!
deliver the king from the injuries of his kindred? Wilt not thou
destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kindness to
his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he is
himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and
appears to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for
thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to
nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is
not inferior to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it
is injurious to nature itself."

6. Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater's mother,
and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also about the
predictions and the sacrifices relating to the king; and
whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his
amours among Pheroras's women; the examination upon torture; and
whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were
many, and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others
were sudden answers, which further declared and confirmed the
foregoing evidence. For those men who were not acquainted with
Antipater's practices, but had concealed them out of fear, when
they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of the former
witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported
him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of
his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told
all they knew of him. And his ruin was now hastened, not so much
by the enmity of those that were his accusers, as by his gross,
and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to his
father and his brethren; while he had filled their house with
disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was
neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just
so far as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who
for a long time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such
as were naturally disposed to judge of matters by the rules of
virtue, because they were used to determine about affairs without
passion, but had been restrained from making any open complaints
before; these, upon the leave now given them, produced all that
they knew before the public. The demonstrations also of these
wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many
witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor
were they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of
suspicion of any danger they were in; but they spake what they
knew, because they thought such actions very wicked, and that
Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed not so
much for Herod's safety, as on account of the man's own
wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great
number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch
that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies
and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary. When
Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence,
Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to the making his defense,
if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was
not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was
himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like
manner desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But
Antipater fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all
men for testimonials of his innocency, desiring that God would
declare, by some evident signals, that he had not laid any plot
against his father. This being the usual method of all men
destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked
undertakings, they fall to work according to their own
inclinations, as if they believed that God was unconcerned in
human affairs; but when once they are found out, and are in
danger of undergoing the punishment due to their crimes, they
endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them by appealing
to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did; for
whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the
world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when
he had no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by
which he might disprove the accusations laid against him, he
impudently abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his
power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced before
them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold
acting for his father's preservation.

7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for
himself, found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to
God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bid them bring the
potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still
remained in it; and when it was brought, and one that was
condemned to die had drank it by Varus's command, he died
presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and
went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence
was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod
laid his son in bonds. But what were Varus's discourses to Herod
was not known to the generality, and upon what words it was that
he went away; though it was also generally supposed that
whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with his
approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to
Rome to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should,
by word of mouth, inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness. Now at
this very time there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written
to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and when it was
opened by the king, it was found to contain what follows: "I have
sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own life; for thou
knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be
discovered. I wish thee good success in thy affair." These were
the contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the
other letter also, for it did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave,
who brought that letter which had been read, denied that he had
received the other. But while the king was in doubt about it, one
of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the
slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,) he
guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which
accordingly proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and
its contents were these: "Acme to Antipater. I have written such
a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a
copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia];
which, when thou readest, I know that Herod Will punish Salome,
as plotting against him?' Now this pretended letter of Salome to
her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to
its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this: "Acme
to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is done
against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a
letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written
out a copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for
thy advantage. The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had
a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this
letter in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life."
Now Acme had written to Antipater himself, and informed him,
that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself
written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely
against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming
from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a
servant to Julia, Caesar's wife; and did this out of her
friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a
large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs
against his father and his aunt.

8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of
Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain
immediately, as a turbulent person in the most important
concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only against
himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted Caesar's
own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her
breast, and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any
credible testimony that she had acted in that manner. Herod also
sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bid him
contradict if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say
for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him,
since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would make
no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked
designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody
else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready
to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of
these his wicked contrivances. But he soon became afraid, lest he
might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger
he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more
ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an
account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked
designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned.




CHAPTER 6.

Concerning The Disease That Herod Fell Into And The Sedition
Which The Jews Raised Thereupon; With The Punishment Of The
Seditious.


1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as
instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the
questions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them.
But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and
bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this
out of that hatred to Archclaus and Philip, which the calumnies
of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed a
thousand talents to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar's
wife, to Caesar's children, and friends and freed-men. He also
distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his
revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very
rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his
circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm; and
as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the seventieth
year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger
upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought
himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his
misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of
the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which
was as follows.

2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Mattbias, the
son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews,
and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men
well beloved by the people, because of their education of their
youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented
their lectures every day. These men, when they found that the
king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they
would pull down all those works which the king had erected
contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the
rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of
piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod's rashness in
making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other
misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among
mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for
Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to
the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the
king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden
eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now
the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to
erect images (6) or representations of any living creature. So
these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden
eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger,
which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action
now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them
than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the
preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since
they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation;
since they would be both commended by the present generation, and
leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to
posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided
by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it
is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous
conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may
carry them out of the world with praise and honor; and that this
will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the
performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it;
and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to
their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men
or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.

3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the
young men to this action; and a report being come to them that
the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men's
persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the
place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with
axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. And
now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was,
and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to
be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him,
such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those
who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them
unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a
foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is
usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and
incautious of what was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer
than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind
when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold
attempt, Judas and Matthius, who thought it an ignominious thing
to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. And when
they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had been so
bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, "Yes, (said
they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been
performed we performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage
as becomes men; for we have given our assistance to those things
which were dedicated to the majesty of God, and we have provided
for what we have learned by hearing the law; and it ought not to
be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses had suggested
to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote and left
behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands.
Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments
which thou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we are
conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous
actions, but for our love to religion." And thus they all said,
and their courage was still equal to their profession, and equal
to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And
when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to
Jericho, and called together the principal men among the Jews;
and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theater,
and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and
enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their
account, and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge
that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and
twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to
perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was;
that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations, on
which account he hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and
procured himself a reputation after his death. He then cried out,
that these men had not abstained from affronting him, even in his
lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight of the
multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon
what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it
down to the ground. They pretended, indeed, that they did it to
affront him; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will
find that they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein.

4. But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and
for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them,
said what was done was done without their approbation, and that
it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what
they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others
[of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias of the high
priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made
Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest in his
stead. Now it happened, that during the time of the high
priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high
priest for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as
a fast. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on
the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated,
seemed, in a dream, (7) to have conversation with his wife; and
because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph,
the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred
office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high priesthood,
and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition, with
his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse
of the moon. (8)

5. But now Herod's distemper greatly increased upon him after a
severe manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins;
for a fire glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to
the touch outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly; for it
brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could
not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails
were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on
his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled
itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the
bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was
putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a
difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of
the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he
had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased
his strength to an insufferable degree. It was said by those who
pretended to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to foretell
such things, that God inflicted this punishment on the king on
account of his great impiety; yet was he still in hopes of
recovering, though his afflictions seemed greater than any one
could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not refuse to
follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond
the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were
at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were
also fit to drink; which water runs into the lake called
Asphaltiris. And when the physicians once thought fit to have him
bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was just
dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics, he
revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he
gave order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and
he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his
friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric,
that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he
were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs.
He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish
nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him.
Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the
whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and
death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that
were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage
against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded
ground for accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them
to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, (9) and sent for his sister
Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: "I shall
die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to
be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what
principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being
lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a
king's death. For that he was not unacquainted with the temper of
the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and
exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they
were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had
dedicated to God that it therefore was their business to resolve
to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this
occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in
what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral,
and such as never had any king before him; for then the whole
nation would mourn from their very soul, which otherwise would be
done in sport and mockery only. He desired therefore, that as
soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall place
soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is
dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude
till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have those
that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this
slaughter of them all will cause that he shall not miss to
rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make
him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges
them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable
mourning at his funeral. So he deplored his condition, with tears
in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due from them, as
of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged of
them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning at
his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands.

6. Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind,
which not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly
against his relations, out of the love of life, but by those
commands of his which savored of no humanity; since he took care,
when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation
should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate of their
dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family
should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust,
or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other
crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue
to lay aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to
those they justly esteemed their enemies.




CHAPTER 7.

Herod Has Thoughts Of Killing Himself With His Own Hand; And A
Little Afterwards He Orders Antipater To Be Slain.


1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came
letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto
Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That
Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand,
she had in Antipater's wicked practices; and that as to Antipater
himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a
king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which
he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was some-what better, out
of the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was
elevated at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given
him over his son; but as his pains were become very great, he was
now ready to faint for want of somewhat to eat; so he called for
an apple and a knife; for it was his custom formerly to pare the
apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it, and eat it. When he
had got the knife, he looked about, and had a mind to stab
himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first cousin,
Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly.
Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a
great tumult was made, as if the king were dead. Upon which
Antipater, who verily believed his father was deceased, grew bold
in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately and entirely
released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands
without any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about
letting him go, and in that case promised him great things, both
now and hereafter, as if that were the only thing now in
question. But the jailer did not only refuse to do what Antipater
would have him, but informed the king of his intentions, and how
many solicitations he had had from him [of that nature]. Hereupon
Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will towards his
son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he cried
out, and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and
raised himself upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards,
and commanded them to kill Antipater without tiny further delay,
and to do it presently, and to bury him in an ignoble manner at
Hyrcania.




CHAPTER 8.

Concerning Herod's Death, And Testament, And Burial.


1. And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his
mind; for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the
kingdom, to be tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the
kingdom to Archclaus. He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis,
and Paneas to Philip, who was his son, but own brother to
Archclaus (10) by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed
Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis to Salome his sister, with
five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was coined. He
also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving
them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in a
wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of
drachmae] of coined money, besides both vessels of gold and
silver, and garments exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's wife;
and to certain others, five millions. When he had done these
things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to
be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus to be
slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by
the Romans, thirty-seven. (11) A man he was of great barbarity
towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above
the consideration of what was right; yet was he favored by
fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he
became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand
dangers, he got clear of them all, and continued his life till a
very old age. But then, as to the affairs of his family and
children, in which indeed, according to his own opinion, he was
also very fortunate, because he was able to conquer his enemies,
yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.

2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the king's death was made
known, dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and
told them that the king ordered them to go away to their own
lands, and take care of their own affairs, which was esteemed by
the nation a great benefit. And now the king's death was made
public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery together in
the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first thing they did was,
they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them
for their fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to
afford his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed for their king,
like fidelity and good-will. After which Ptolemy, who had the
king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's testament, which
was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand when
Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation
made to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and
their commanders with them, and promised the same good-will to
him, and readiness to serve him, which they had exhibited to
Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him.

3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being
Archelaus's care that the procession to his father's sepulcher
should be very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his
ornaments to adorn the pomp of the funeral. The body was carried
upon a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of
great variety, and it was covered over with purple, as well as
the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a
crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand. About the
bier were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was
the soldiery, distinguished according to their several countries
and denominations; and they were put into the following order:
First of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and
after them the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one
in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole
army in the same manner as they used to go out to war, and as
they used to be put in array by their muster-masters and
centurions; these were followed by five hundred of his domestics
carrying spices. So they went eight furlongs (12) to Herodium;
for there by his own command he was to be buried. And thus did
Herod end his life.

4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his
mourning till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for
it by the law of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to
the multitude, and left off his motoring, he went up into the
temple; he had also acclamations and praises given him, which way
soever he went, every one striving with the rest who should
appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he ascended a high
elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of
gold, and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what
joy he received their acclamations, and the marks of the
good-will they showed to him; and returned them thanks that they
did not remember the injuries his father had done them to his
disadvantage; and promised them he would endeavor not to be
behindhand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service,
after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain at present
from the name of king, and that he should have the honor of that
dignity, if Caesar should confirm and settle that testament which
his father had made; and that it was on this account, that when
the army would have put the diadem on him at Jericho, he would
not accept of that honor, which is usually so much desired,
because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally
concerned in bestowing it would give it him; although, by his
acceptance of the government, he should not want the ability of
rewarding their kindness to him and that it should be his
endeavor, as to all things wherein they were concerned, to prove
in every respect better than his father. Whereupon the multitude,
as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those
that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those
that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more
gently and civilly to them, by so much did they more highly
commend him, and made application to him for the grant of what
they desired. Some made a clamor that he would ease them of some
of their annual payments; but others desired him to release those
that were put into prison by Herod, who were many, and had been
put there at several times; others of them required that he would
take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was
publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in
nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the
good-will of the multitude to him, as looking upon that good-will
to be a great step towards his preservation of the government.
Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook
himself to feast with his friends.




CHAPTER 9.

How The People Raised A Sedition Against Archelaus, And How He
Sailed To Rome.


1. At this time also it was that some of the Jews got together
out of a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those
that were slain with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid
them by a funeral mourning, out of the fear men were in of that
man; they were those who had been condemned for pulling down the
golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation
hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as
if that tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The
people assembled together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way
of revenge on their account, he would inflict punishment on those
who had been honored by Herod; and that, in the first and
principal place, he would deprive that high priest whom Herod had
made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of
greater purity, to officiate as high priest. This was granted by
Archelaus, although he was mightily offended at their
importunity, because he proposed to himself to go to Rome
immediately to look after Caesar's determination about him.
However, he sent the general of his forces to use persuasions,
and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their
friends was according to the law; and to represent to them that
their petitions about these things were carried to a great height
of injury to him; that the time was not now proper for such
petitions, but required their unanimity until such time as he
should be established in the government by the consent of Caesar,
and should then be come back to them; for that he would then
consult with them in common concerning the purport of their
petitions; but that they ought at present to be quiet, lest they
should seem seditious persons.

2. So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed
his general in what he was to say, he sent him away to the
people; but they made a clamor, and would not give him leave to
speak, and put him in danger of his life, and as many more as
were desirous to venture upon saying openly any thing which might
reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent their going on in their
present courses, because they had more concern to have all their
own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors;
thinking it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was
alive, they should lose those that were most dear to them, and
that when he was dead, they could not get the actors to be
punished. So they went on with their designs after a violent
manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended to
please them, and being unskillful in foreseeing what dangers they
incurred; and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did
the present pleasure they took in the punishment of those they
deemed their enemies overweigh all such considerations; and
although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated
them not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that came of
their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one
of them speak. The sedition also was made by such as were in a
great passion; and it was evident that they were proceeding
further in seditious practices, by the multitude running so fast
upon them.

3. Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread,
which the law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this
time, which feast is called the Passover (13) and is a memorial
of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices
with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more
sacrifices in number than at any other festival; and when an
innumerable multitude came thither out of the country, nay, from
beyond its limits also, in order to worship God, the seditious
lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the laws, and kept
together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these
seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus
was afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of
these men's madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with
them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of
the seditious before the whole multitude should be infected with
the like madness; and gave them this charge, that if they found
any much more openly seditious than others, and more busy in
tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him. But those
that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law,
irritated the people by the noise and clamors they used to
encourage the people in their designs; so they made an assault
upon the soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest
part of them, although some of them ran away wounded, and their
captain among them; and when they had thus done, they returned to
the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus
thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by
cutting off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out
the whole army upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those
that had their tents without the temple from assisting those that
were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away from the
footmen when they thought themselves out of danger; which
horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the
neighboring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to
be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes;
so they went away, and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat
worse which would follow, although they had been so bold by
reason of their want of instruction. So Archelaus went down to
the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy,
and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother as
governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to
the public. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister
who took with her, her children, and many of her kindred were
with her; which kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to
assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but in reality to oppose
him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he had done in
the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs, as
he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod's effects, met
with Archclaus at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came
at that time, and restrained him from meddling with them, for he
was there as sent for by Archceaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And
Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any of
the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the
treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until
Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon
this his promise, he tarried still at Cesarea. But after
Archelaus was sailed for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch,
Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king's palace. He
also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those
that had the charge of Herod's effects, and declared publicly
that he should require them to give an account of what they had;
and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but
those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them
in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that
had been enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept
them all for Caesar.

4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons,
sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by
Salome with promises that he should take that government; and
that he was a much honester and fitter man than Archelaus for
that authority, since Herod had, in his former testament, deemed
him the worthiest to be made king, which ought to be esteemed
more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought with
him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had
been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for
Antipas; but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account
of his reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of
the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain
the kingdom; by whose means it was, that when some advised him to
yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been
declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit so
to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted
to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their
hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous
of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor;
but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they
thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him,
in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by
letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.

5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein
he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament,
with the accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought
Herod's seal, he so expected the event; but when Caesar had read
these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's letters, with the
accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the
kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay
claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know
their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of
Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made
him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their
minds about the affairs now before them. Now Antipater, Salome's
son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake
first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to
plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in
reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before
Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions
of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival; and if the
men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them
should have been reserved to those that were out of the country,
but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man
that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar,
by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by
Caesar; but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case
was much worse, since he who was putting in for the kingdom could
by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he
had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. He also
touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the
commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne
beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he
were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to
those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing
such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been
already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed to him
the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and
many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or
were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have
been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually
done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling,
seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his
neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having
merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it was
thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if
Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed
such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him,
by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an
actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for having
gotten the government, he would appear to be the same Archelaus
with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he
hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing,
as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man
were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had
been so great a benefactor to him. But he said that the greatest
crime of all was this, that he came now before Caesar to obtain
the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all
things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all,
had fixed him firmly in the government. And what he most
aggravated in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the
temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how
they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were
foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was
full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but
by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might
complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and
which is hated by all men. On which account his father never so
much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when
he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in
his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his
antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that Archelaus was called by
his father to that dignity when he was in a dying condition, both
of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in
his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of
managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like notion
of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a
sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath
[in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of disposing of the
kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making
a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while
he was but a private person.

6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what
he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's
own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which
Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, "That what
had been done at the temple was rather to be attributed to the
mind of those that had been killed, than to the authority of
Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are
not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in
forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is
evident that what these did in way of opposition was done under
pretense, indeed, against Archelaus, but in reality against
Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and
slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a
stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the
festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether
it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of
his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such
tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are
the men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to
arms even against their will. So that Antipater in effect
ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who were of
counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of
injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its
authors; nor are those things evil in themselves, but so
represented only in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these
men's inclination to do an injury to a man that is of their
kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiarity acquainted
with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for
that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was
of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his
former testament; and that for this reason, because Caesar is
therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein
contained; and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all
imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, who, during Herod's
whole life, had on all occasions been joint partakers of power
with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to injure his
determination, while they have not themselves had the same regard
to their kinsman [which Archelaus had]. Caesar will not therefore
disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported,
of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him
in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar's virtuous and upright
disposition, which is known and uncontested through all the
habitable world, imitate the wickedness of these men in
condemning a king as a madman, and as having lost his reason,
while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and
to one who flies to Caesar's upright determination for refuge.
Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment
about a successor, while he showed so much prudence as to submit
all to Caesar's determination."

7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Caesar, he
ended his plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus,
that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet,
and said that he well deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them
know that he was so far moved in his favor, that he would not act
otherwise than his father's testament directed, and than was for
the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this
encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no
full determination about him; and when the assembly was broken
up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the
kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all
Herod's posterity; and this because they all stood in need of
much assistance to support them.




CHAPTER 10.

A Sedition Against Sabinus; And How Varus Brought The Authors Of
It To Punishment.


1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement,
Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of
it; and letters came from Varus, the president of Syria, which
informed Caesar of the revolt of the Jews; for after Archlaus was
sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was
there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to
punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part
from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to
Antiocli, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the
Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not
this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after
Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar's procurator, staid behind,
and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were
left there that they would by their multitude protect him; for he
made use of them, and armed them as his guards, thereby so
oppressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that
at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the
citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king's
money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his love
of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.

2. But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours,
so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten
thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to
celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the
madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great
number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from
Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and
inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to
all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an
assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him; so they parted
themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the
places following:-- some of them seized on the hippodrome and of
the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern
part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter; but the
third band held the western part of the city, where the king's
palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and
to enclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these
men's number, and of their resolution, who had little regard to
their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while
they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their enemies;
so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do,
was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to
his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent
danger, and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and
cut to pieces; while he did himself get up to the highest tower
of the fortress Phasaelus, which had been built in honor of
Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called so when the Parthians
had brought him to his death. (14) So Sabinus gave thence a
signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not
himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and
thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves
first to die on account of his avarice. However, the Romans
ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle
ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their
adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions,
even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was
made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those
cloisters which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where
a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the
Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being
much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did
the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their
hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and
because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when
they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these
arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily
too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great
while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by
what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those
that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This fire (15)
being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold
immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was
full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax,
yielded to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were
of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while
those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same
time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled
down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who
encompassed them. There was a great number more, who, out of
despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the
misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the
fire, or threw themselves upon their swords, and so got out of
their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by
which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by
the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them;
their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they
were destitute of armor, insomuch that of those that went up to
the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed
through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on
that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part
of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four
hundred talents.

3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends, who fell in this
battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money
dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them
which continued best together, and was the most warlike,
encompassed the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and
kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out
presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not
hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part
of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus,
who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod's army with
them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans.
There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Ruffis,
which itself went over to the Romans also. However, the Jews went
on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and
besought those that were gone over to the other side not to be
their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the
recovery of their country's ancient liberty; and for Sabinus,
truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was
not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what
mischief he had already done them; and he took this great
[pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not
comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was
coming, he still bore the siege.

4. Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in
Judea, which were like tumults, because a great number put
themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to
themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two
thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been already disbanded,
got together in Judea itself, and fought against the king's
troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them;
but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts
by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in the
fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could.

5. There was also Judas, (16) the son of that Ezekias who had
been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man,
and had with great dificulty been caught by Herod. This Judas,
having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate
character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the
palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up
in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him,
and carried away what money was left there; and he became
terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near
him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an
ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain
that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his
extravagance in doing injuries.

6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king,
but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body;
he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had
had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at
the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a
diadem on his head, while a certain number of the people stood by
him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought
himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt
down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in
it. He also set fire to many other of the king's houses in
several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and
permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them
for a prey; and he would have done greater things, unless care
had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he
had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had
with him, and met Simon, and after a great and a long fight, no
small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered
body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful
manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by
flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him,
and cut off his head. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the
river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got
together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great
and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no
king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those
foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on
the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries
they offered them, and the avaricious management of their
affairs.

7. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity
of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of,
but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was
not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and
excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as
to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do
more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be
killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a
design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves,
and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of
their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things,
and thought that strength of theirs would support them in
retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of
their own; for those that got together to them were very
numerous. They were every one of them also commanders; but when
they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for
him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a
council to debate about what things should be done, and all
things were done according to his pleasure. And this man retained
his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing
to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his
brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king's
forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them.
The king's forces they fell upon, because of the licentious
conduct they had been allowed under Herod's government; and they
fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately
received from them. But in process of time they grew more cruel
to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other
of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of
gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once
attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn
and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who
commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot
soldiers; but the rest of them were aftrighted at their
slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves
by the means of Gratus, who came with the king's troops that were
about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued
the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much
grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of
mischief. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a
fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the
eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected
at the other's misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way
now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness
and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to
Archclaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his
life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward.

8. And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several
companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he
was created a king immediately, in order to do mischief to the
public. They were in some small measure indeed, and in small
matters, hurtful to the Romans; but the murders they committed
upon their own people lasted a long while.

9. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by
Sabinus's writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had
left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were
three legions in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of
horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the
kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what
haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea.
He also gave order that all that were sent out for this
expedition, should make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of
Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries as he passed
through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out
of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the
Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen and
horsemen; and when he had now collected all his forces together,
he committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and
sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the
neighborhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack upon the enemy, and
put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants
slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march
for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the
city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the
seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that
belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the Arabians
burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they
bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village,
whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt,
although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along
this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire
and of slaughter. Emmaus was also burnt by Varus's order, after
its inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that
had there been destroyed. From thence he now marched to
Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, and who had
besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army,
left the siege imperfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when
Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been done, they
cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged that the
conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war
was not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the
strangers, while they were on the side of the Romans, and
besieged together with them, rather than having any inclination
to besiege them. There also came beforehand to meet Varus,
Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as also Gratus and
Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them, together with
those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus did not come into
Varus's presence, but stole out of the city privately, and went
to the sea-side.

10. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to
seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when
they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most
guilty, and some he dismissed: now the number of those that were
crucified on this account were two thousand. After which he
disbanded his army, which he found no way useful to him in the
affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very
disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them
to do, and this out of regard to that gain which they made by the
mischief they did. As for himself, when he was informed that ten
thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catch them;
but they did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the
advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves
up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the
multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of
whom Caesar dismissed; but for the several relations of Herod who
had been among these men in this war, they were the only persons
whom he punished, who, without the least regard to justice,
fought against their own kindred.




CHAPTER 11.

An Embassage To Caesar; And How Caesar Confirmed Herod's
Testament.


1. So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the
former legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as
for Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble come upon him at
Rome, on the occasions following: for an embassage of the Jews
was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it,
that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own
laws. (17) Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by
the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined
above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already.
Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and the chief men among
the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, (18) which he had built at a
vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the
Jews that were there already came with them, as did also
Archelaus and his friends; but as for the several kinsmen which
Archelaus had, they would not join themselves with him, out of
their hatred to him; and yet they thought it too gross a thing
for them to assist the ambassadors [against him], as supposing it
would be a disgrace to them in Caesar's opinion to think of thus
acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred. Philip (19)
also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus,
with this principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus];
for Varus was his great friend: but still so, that if there
should any change happen in the form of government, (which Varus
suspected there would,) and if any distribution should be made on
account of the number that desired the liberty of living by their
own laws, that he might not be disappointed, but might have his
share in it.

2. Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors
to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly
government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities;
and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he
had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants
exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority
for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making
many innovations among them besides, according to his own
inclinations; and that whereas there were a great many who
perished by that destruction he brought upon them, so many indeed
as no other history relates, they that survived were far more
miserable than those that suffered under him; not only by the
anxiety they were in from his looks and disposition towards them,
but from the danger their estates were in of being taken away by
him. That he did never leave off adorning these cities that lay
in their neighborhood, but were inhabited by foreigners; but so
that the cities belonging to his own government were ruined, and
utterly destroyed that whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was
in an extraordinary flourishing condition, he had filled the
nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust
pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their
estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned
them to the forfeiture of what they possessed. And besides the
annual impositions which he laid upon every one of them, they
were to make liberal presents to himself, to his domestics and
friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the favor
of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no way of obtaining
a freedom from unjust violence without giving either gold or
silver for it. That they would say nothing of the corruption of
the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their
wives for incontinency, and those things acted after an insolent
and inhuman manner; because it was not a smaller pleasure to the
sufferers to have such things concealed, than it would have been
not to have suffered them. That Herod had put such abuses upon
them as a wild beast would not have put on them, if he had power
given him to rule over us; and that although their nation had
passed through many subversions and alterations of government,
their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been
under, that could be compared with this which Herod had brought
upon their nation; that it was for this reason that they thought
they might justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon this
supposition, that whosoever should be set over their kingdom, he
would appear more mild to them than Herod had been; and that they
had joined with him in the mourning for his father, in order to
gratify him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also,
if they could meet with any degree of moderation from him; but
that he seemed to be afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod's
own son; and so, without any delay, he immediately let the nation
understand his meaning, and this before his dominion was well
established, since the power of disposing of it belonged to
Caesar, who could either give it to him or not, as he pleased.
That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his
subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good
administration he would govern them, by that his first action,
which concerned them, his own citizens, and God himself also,
when he made the slaughter of three thousand of his own
countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid the just
hatred of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this
as one of our crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him
in the exercise of his authority? Now the main thing they desired
was this: That they might be delivered from kingly and the like
forms of government, (20) and might be added to Syria, and be put
under the authority of such presidents of theirs as should be
sent to them; for that it would thereby be made evident, whether
they be really a seditious people, and generally fond of
innovations, or whether they would live in an orderly manner, if
they might have governors of any sort of moderation set over
them.

3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings
from those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since he had
never been thus accused all the time of his life, it was not fit
for those that might have accused him of lesser crimes than those
now mentioned, and might have procured him to be punished during
his lifetime, to bring an accusation against him now he is dead.
He also attributed the actions of Archlaus to the Jews' injuries
to him, who, affecting to govern contrary to the laws, and going
about to kill those that would have hindered them from acting
unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had done,
made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their
attempts for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in
sedition, by reason of their not having learned to submit to
justice and to the laws, but still desiring to be superior in all
things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus said.

4. When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the
assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not
indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one
half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to
give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part
virtuously. But as for the other half, he divided it into two
parts, and gave it to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip and to
Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole
kingdom. Now to him it was that Peres and Galilee paid their
tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, (21)
while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a
certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, (22) paid
the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and
Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but
had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of
Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not
join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. There were
also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus:
Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to
Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which
Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the
province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus
every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred
talents.

5. And so much came to Herod's sons from their father's
inheritance. But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his
testament, which were Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five
hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver, Caesar made her a
present of a royal habitation at Askelo; in all, her revenues
amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was
within Archelaus's government. The rest also of the king's
relations received what his testament allotted them. Moreover,
Caesar made a present to each of Herod's two virgin daughters,
besides what their father left them, of two hundred and fifty
thousand [drachmae] of silver, and married them to Pheroras's
sons: he also granted all that was bequeathed to himself to the
king's sons, which was one thousand five hundred talents,
excepting a few of the vessels, which he reserved for himself;
and they were acceptable to him, not so much for the great value
they were of, as because they were memorials of the king to him.




CHAPTER 12.

Concerning A Spurious Alexander.


1. When these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain
young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in
the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by
the resemblance of his countenance, which those that saw him
attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had
slain; and this was an incitement to him to endeavor to obtain
the government; so he took to him as an assistant a man of his
own country, (one that was well acquainted with the affairs of
the palace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose
nature made him capable of causing great disturbances to the
public, and one that became a teacher of such a mischievous
contrivance to the other,) and declared himself to be Alexander,
and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that were
sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to
deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother
Aristobulus. Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on
those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made
all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him [to be
Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money which had been
presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got
much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had
that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would
recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so
he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those
strangers who entertained him. He was also so fortunate, as, upon
his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into
the same delusion; and not only other people, but also all those
that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined
themselves to this man as to their king. The cause of it was
this, that men were glad of his pretenses, which were seconded by
the likeness of his countenance, which made those that had been
acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no
other but the very same person, which they also confirmed to
others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that
he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were
there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence
that he has so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on
account of his mother's family. And when he was come, he was
carried in a royal litter through the streets; and all the
ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and
this was at the expense of those that entertained him. The
multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty
acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be
thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.

2. When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it,
because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs
as were of great concern to him; yet, having some suspicion it
might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one
that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him
bring Alexander into his presence; so he brought him, being no
more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the
multitude. Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was
a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact
as to impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this
spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labors he had been
put to and instead of that softness of body which the other had,
and this as derived from his delicate and generous education,
this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body. When,
therefore, Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in
this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about
Aristobulus, and asked what became of him who (it seems) was
stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was that he
did not come along with him, and endeavor to recover that
dominion which was due to his high birth also. And when he said
that he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the
dangers of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to
himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but
that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such
treacherous designs against them; and when he persevered in his
affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed in
supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to
him, "If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for
thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then,
who thou art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive
such a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too considerable a
piece of villainy to be undertaken by one of thy age."
Accordingly, because he had no other way to take, he told Caesar
the contrivance, and after what manner and by whom it was laid
together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be
a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he
might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were
to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do
what he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them
sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their
money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious
conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander.




CHAPTER 13.

How Archelaus Upon A Second Accusation, Was Banished To Vienna.


1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into
Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the
seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put
Eleazar his brother in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt
the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and he diverted half
the water with which the village of Neara used to be watered, and
drew off that water into the plain, to water those palm trees
which he had there planted: he also built a village, and put his
own name upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover, he
transgressed the law of our fathers (23) and married Glaphyra,
the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother
Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it
was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's
wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood,
Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still
living.

2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his
brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being
able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused
him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had
broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave
himself with moderation among them. Whereupon Caesar, when he
heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus's steward, who
took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus
also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid
him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us: so the
man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he
found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what
Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was
come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his
had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and
appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his
habitation, and took his money away from him.

3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message,
he related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn,
in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it
seemed to him, were devoured by oxen. And when he was awake and
gotten up, because the vision appeared to beof great importance
to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about
dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another,
(for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of
the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his mind freely,
and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of
Archelaus, and that not for the better; that oxen, because that
animal takes uneasy pains in his labors, denoted afflictions, and
indeed denoted, further, a change of affairs, because that land
which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state; and
that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of
years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the
time of Archelaus's government was over. And thus did this man
expound the dream. Now on the fifth day after this dream came
first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea
by Caesar to call him away, came hither also.

4. The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the
daughter of king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married,
while she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and
brother of Archelaus; but since it fell out so that Alexander was
slain by his father, she was married to Juba, the king of Lybia;
and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood in Cappadocia
with her father, Archclaus divorced his former wife Mariamne, and
married her, so great was his affection for this Glphyra; who,
during her marriage to him, saw the following dream: She thought
she saw Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and
embraced him with great affection; but that he complained o her,
and said, O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be true, which
assures us that women are not to be trusted. Didst not thou
pledge thy faith to me? and wast not thou married to me when thou
wast a virgin? and had we not children between us? Yet hast thou
forgotten the affection I bare to thee, out of a desire of a
second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied with that injury
thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a
third husband to lie by thee, and in an indecent and imprudent
manner hast entered into my house, and hast been married to
Archelaus, thy husband and my brother. However, I will not forget
thy former kind affection for me, but will set thee free from
every such reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again,
as thou once wast. When she had related this to her female
companions, in a few days' time she departed this life.

5. Now I did not think these histories improper for the present
discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and
otherwise also on account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as
well for the confirmation of the immortality of the soul, as of
the providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to
be set down; but if any one does not believe such relations, let
him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder another
that would thereby encourage himself in virtue. So Archelaus's
country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that
had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people's
effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.




BOOK XVIII.

Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Two Years.

From The Banishment Of Archelus To The Departure  From Babylon.

CHAPTER 1.

How Cyrenius Was Sent By Caesar To Make A Taxation Of Syria And
Judea; And How Coponius Was Sent To Be Procurator Of Judea;
Concerning Judas Of Galilee And Concerning The Sects That Were
Among The Jews.


1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through
other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been
consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity,
came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by
Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of
their substance. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order,
was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the
Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now
added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their
substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's money; but the Jews,
although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation
heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it,
by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high
priest; so they, being over-pesuaded by Joazar's words, gave an
account of their estates, without any dispute about it. Yet was
there one Judas, a Gaulonite, (1) of a city whose name was
Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, (2) a Pharisee, became
zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this
taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and
exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; as if they could
procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and
an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of
the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity.
They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them,
than upon their joining with one another in such councils as
might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this
especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow
weary in executing the same; so men received what they said with
pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All
sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation
was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one
violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends
which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great
robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in
pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the
hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from
them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own
people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while
their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,)
and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us,
reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking
and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so
high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their
enemies' fire. Such were the consequences of this, that the
customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made,
as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction,
which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for
Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us,
and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil
government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of
our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were
before unacquainted withal, concerning which I will discourse a
little, and this the rather because the infection which spread
thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought
the public to destruction.

2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy
peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essens, and the sect of
the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those
called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken
in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch
upon them now.

3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise
delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and
what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they
think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason's dictates
for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years;
nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which
they have introduced; and when they determine that all things are
done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of
acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath
pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done,
but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They
also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that
under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according
as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the
latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the
former shall have power to revive and live again; on account of
which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the
people; and whatsoever they do about Divine worship, prayers, and
sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction;
insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on
account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of
their lives and their discourses also.

4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with
the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing
besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance
of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they
frequent: but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by
those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do
almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates,
as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be,
they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because
the multitude would not otherwise bear them.

5. The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best
ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem
that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven
for; and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the
temple, they do not offer sacrifices (3) because they have more
pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded
from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices
themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other
men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also
deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that
addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and
indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any
other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little
time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is
demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer
any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so
that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath
nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in
this way, and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep
servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the
former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by
themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint
certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of
the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who
are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of
them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living, but
do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae (4)
[dwellers in cities].

6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the
Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with
the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to
liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord.
They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do
they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any
such fear make them call any man lord. And since this immovable
resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak
no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I
have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that
what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they
undergo pain. And it was in Gessius Florus's time that the nation
began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator,
and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of
his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these
are the sects of Jewish philosophy.




CHAPTER 2.

Now Herod And Philip Built Several Cities In Honor Of Caesar.
Concerning The Succession Of Priests And Procurators; As Also
What Befell Phraates And The Parthians.


1. When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus's money, and when
the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the
thirty-seventh year of Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he
deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been
conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the
son of Seth, to be high priest; while Herod and Philip had each
of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs
thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the
security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the
country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was
itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the
emperor's wife. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the
fountains of Jordan, he named it Cesarea. He also advanced the
village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the
dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it
contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of
Julias, the same name with Caesar's daughter.

2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was
exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the
following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the
feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was
customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after
midnight. When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of
the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about
dead men's bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews
afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not
used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they
watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. A
little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus
Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom
Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia,
[Caesar's wife,] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the
plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees,
and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius
Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans,
the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six
months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with
him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was
seventy-seven years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife
Julia's son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent
Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius
Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and
appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also
deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of
Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which
office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it,
and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and
when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph
Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those
things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea
eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with
Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it
Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of
Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it,
in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and inhabited this
city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and
many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the
country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its
inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also
admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all
parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of them were not quite free-men,
and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great
numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building
them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them
land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a
habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because
many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room
for the city Tiberias (5) whereas our laws pronounce that such
inhabitants are unclean for seven days. (6)

4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the
treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following:
When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an
Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been
formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He
first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her
beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was
Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great
respect for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing
that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of
Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would
not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates's
legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;] so she persuaded him to
send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they
were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to
contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought
up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very
tedious to expect that government by his father's donation [as
his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous design against
his father, by his mother's assistance, with whom, as the report
went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both
these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of
his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by
them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew
too great, and died. But as the best sort of Parthians agreed
together that it was impossible they should be governed without a
king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of
the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any others;
and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured
already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her
issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the
crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them;
and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an
untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of
the family of Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy against
him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and
among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to
carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report
is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a hunting. So they
sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of
those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly,
Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he
seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest
kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign
one). However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they
being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that
this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not
think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for
so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear
the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable,
because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them,
not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently
invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also
of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that
was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him;
and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side,
and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled
to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a
great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him;
whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his
attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when
Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten
the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians
were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his
people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones
fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an
inclination to have the government of the country given him, and
sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose]. But because Tiberius
refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the
Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to
denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no
way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of
authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to
Artabanus,) he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of
Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in
Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own
sons.

5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon
the multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent
ambassadors to [Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that
their form of government might be changed into that of a [Roman]
province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as
their fathers had been. So the senate made a decree that
Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East,
fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of
his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all
affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso
gave him, as hath been related elsewhere. (7)




CHAPTER 3.

Sedition Of The Jews Against Pontius Pilate. Concerning Christ,
And What Befell Paulina And The Jews At Rome.


1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from
Cesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in
order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar's
effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the
city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; on
which account the former procurators were wont to make their
entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments.
Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and
set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the
people, because it was done in the night time; but as soon as
they knew it, they came in multitudes to Cesarea, and interceded
with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when
he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the
injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on
the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons
privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which
seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it
concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the
Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to
encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment
should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave
off disturbing him, and go their ways home. But they threw
themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said
they would take their death very willingly, rather than the
wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate
was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws
inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back
from Jerusalem to Cesarea.

2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem,
and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the
stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the
Jews (8) were not pleased with what had been done about this
water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and
made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off
that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the
man, as crowds of such people usually do. So he habited a great
number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under
their garments, and sent them to a place where they might
surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they
boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that
signal which had been beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them
much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally
punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor
did they spare them in the least: and since the people were
unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were
about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and
others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this
sedition.

3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be
lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a
teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew
over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He
was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the
principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, (9)
those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he
appeared to them alive again the third day; (10) as the divine
prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful
things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from
him, are not extinct at this day.

4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews
into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the
temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of
the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give
an account of the Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose
name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her
ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a
great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of
a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein
women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty.
She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable
to her in an excellent character. Decius Mundus fell in love with
this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and
as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had
already rejected them, though they had been sent in great
abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch
that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae
for one night's lodging; and when this would not prevail upon
her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours,
he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of
food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal; and he determined with
himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his
purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been
made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all
sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young
man's resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his
intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and
encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some
promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night's lodging
with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she
said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the
entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young
man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take
the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived
that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she
knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess
Isis, she devised the following stratagem: She went to some of
Isis's priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of
concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the
offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as
much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the
passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means
possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise
so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have.
Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and
upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself.
When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the
god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to
come to him. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and
valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and
told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup
and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer,
as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. Accordingly,
she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it
was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the
temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put
out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and
did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the
night long, as supposing he was the god; and when he was gone
away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this
stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and
told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her
friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this
favor, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on
its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense
for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the
dignity of the person. But now, on the third day after what had
been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, "Nay, Paulina, thou hast
saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest
have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at
my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches
thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names;
but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I
took to myself the name of Anubis." When he had said this, he
went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the
grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told
her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and
prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he
discovered the fact to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired
into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and
ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the
occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole
matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished
the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be
thrown into the river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus, but
did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had
committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the
circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the
injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation
of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I
formerly told you I would.

5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from
his own country by an accusation laid against him for
transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of
punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He,
then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of
the laws of Moses. He procured also three other men, entirely of
the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men
persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had
embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the
temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed
them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which
account it was that they at first required it of her. Whereupon
Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the
husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it,
ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; at which time
the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them
to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them,
who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the
laws of their forefathers. (11) Thus were these Jews banished out
of the city by the wickedness of four men.




CHAPTER 4.

How The Samaritans Made A Tumult And Pilate Destroyed Many Of
Them; How Pilate Was Accused And What Things Were Done By
Vitellius Relating To The Jews And The Parthians.


1. But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without
tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying
a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so
that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them to get
together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the
most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were
come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels which were
laid under that place, because Moses put them there (12) So they
came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man
probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was
called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired
to go up the mountain in a great multitude together; but Pilate
prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great
band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were
gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action,
some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight,
and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the
most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.

2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent
an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was
now president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those
that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order
to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.
So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the
affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer
before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate,
when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and
this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not
contradict; but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.

3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it
was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover.
Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the
inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that
were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the
high priest's vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have
them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power
they used to have formerly, although at this time they were laid
up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on
the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests,
named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the
first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when
he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments
with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and
he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and
took his ordinary garments; the same things were continued to be
done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod
came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very
conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he
was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia.
And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in
the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his
custody, the people would make no innovations against him. The
like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was
made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on
the government, took possession of these vestments of the high
priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal
of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of
the guard lighting a lamp there every day; and seven days before
a festival (13) they were delivered to them by the captain of the
guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of
them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been
laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was
over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on
the fast day; but Vitellius put those garments into our own
power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain
of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were
laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of
kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also
deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high
priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former
high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey
back to Antioch.

4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded
him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of
Parthia; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he
had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed further,
and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his
giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus. Upon
Tiberius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great
presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the
king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus;
and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give
the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the
Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So
Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of
Parthis was filled with war, and the principal of their men were
slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king's son
also himself fell in these wars, together with many ten
thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of
money to Artabanus's father's kinsmen and friends, that he had
almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes
which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot
laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by
the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it
would certainly take effect, - when he had estimated the number
of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who
were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they
professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his
enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he
afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacre, and
fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.

5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a
league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when,
upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus
and Vitellius went to Euphrates, and as a bridge was laid over
the river, they each of them came with their guards about them,
and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had
agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich
tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there.
Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an
hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven
cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar,
who, for his tallness, was called a giant. After which Vitellius
went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the
tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information
that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein
he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left
nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of. But when
Vitellius's letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that
he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had
given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much
troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater
sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this
occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after
Caius had taken the government.

6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod's brother,
departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of
Tiberius, (14) after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and
Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven
years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness
in the conduct of his life and government; he constantly lived in
that country which was subject to him; he used to make his
progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which
he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any
one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had
his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be,
and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered
the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those
that had been accused unjustly. He died at Julias; and when he
was carried to that monument which he had already erected for
himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His
principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and
added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the
tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in
his tetrachy.




CHAPTER 5.

Herod The Tetrarch Makes War With Aretas, The King Of Arabia, And
Is Beaten By Him As Also Concerning The Death Of John The
Baptist. How Vitellius Went Up To Jerusalem; Together With Some
Account Of Agrippa And Of The Posterity Of Herod The Great.


1. About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod
had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had,
married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great
while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, (15)
who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this
Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh's daughter. However,
he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod's wife, who was
the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of
Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a
marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an
agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to
him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this
marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter.
So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but
when he had done there the business he went about, and was
returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had
made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of
her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to
Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of
Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions.
Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not
perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to
Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things
necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general
of Aretas's army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia,
under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from
one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and
told him of Herod's intentions. So Aretas made this the first
occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some
quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis.
So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and
sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; and when they
had joined battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the
treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the
tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas's army.. So Herod wrote
about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the
attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him,
and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or
to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that
Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.

2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's
army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what
he did against John, that was called the Baptist: for Herod slew
him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise
virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety
towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing
[with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it,
not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins
[only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still
that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by
righteousness. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him,
for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his
words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over
the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a
rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should
advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any
mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties,
by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be
too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's
suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned,
and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the
destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and
a mark of God's displeasure to him.

3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him
two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of
light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and
were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and
made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. But as he was
marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the
principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march
through their land; for that the laws of their country would not
permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it,
of which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was
persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his
which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered
the army to march along
the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and
his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an
ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching; and
when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the
multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days,
within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood,
and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day
letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius,
he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he
also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take
their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the
empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this
war which he had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas
heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his
consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of
Vitellius's could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would
die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was
marching at the other's desire, in order to be subservient to his
will, or else he against whom this army is prepared. So Vitellius
truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus,
went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to
treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted
so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how
it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history
to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a
demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude
of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength
that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety
which are done towards God; for it happened, that, within the
revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were
a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed.
(16) One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and
learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us the
history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of
admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the
expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and
authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall
now also speak accurately about them.

4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand]
daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to
Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of
Phasaelus, Herod's brother, her father making the match; the
other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first
cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister. Phasaelus
had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander,
and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the
son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married
Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children.
Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which
daughters were named Bernice, Mariarune, and Drusius; but the
names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died
before he came to the years of puberty; but their father,
Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and
Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the
Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and
of Salome, who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these infants
when he was slain by his father, together with his brother
Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived
at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married
Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod
the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to
Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but
Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the
daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who
was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the
children of the male line. But Herodias, their sister, was
married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was
born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had
a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to
confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her
husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas],
her husband's brother by the father's side, he was tetrarch of
Galilee; but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son
of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless,
Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married
her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and
this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the
daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias,
the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but
Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of
Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the
king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and
Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.
Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died
childless; Alexander had ason of the same name with his brother
Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of
Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape,
(17) the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian
made him king of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of
Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion,
and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the
daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died
childless. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have
enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great
took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now
remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell
Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the
greatest height of dignity and power.




CHAPTER 6.

Of The Navigation Of King Agrippa To Rome, To Tiberius Caesar;
And Now Upon His Being Accused By His Own Freed-Man, He Was
Bound; How Also He, Was Set At Liberty By Caius, After Tiberius's
Death And Was Made King Of The Tetrarchy Of Philip.


1. A Little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at
Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the
emperor Tiberius's son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia,
the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great
esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now as
Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he
made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind
did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such
his extravagance; but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to
his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily
way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he
made, and those chiefly among Caesar's freed-men, in order to
gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time,
reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer.
Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come
into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind
of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.

2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea,
but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that
money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to
pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him
no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so,
for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain
tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing
himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried
all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course;
so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife
of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present design,
and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired
her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage
her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated
these her husband's troubles all she could, although she had not
the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and
allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some
income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of
that city, by way of honor to him. Yet did not Herod long
continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that
support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a
feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon
one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while
Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing
his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had
been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome
formerly, and was now president of Syria.

3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him.
Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed
Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not
their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to
them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. However,
Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at
length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion
of bringing on which estrangement was this: The Damascens were at
difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when
Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood
that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired
that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a
great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens
as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of
this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the
same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it
appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number
of his friends. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and
came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a
livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained
from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his
freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he
wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person
or other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of
Bernice, Agrippa's mother, and by the right of her testament was
bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa's own bond
and security; but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of
certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the
bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five
hundred drachma as (18) less than what he desired, which the
other allowed of, because he could not help it. Upon the receipt
of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and
was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the
procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him
three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him
owing to Caesar's treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced
him to stay. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him;
but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and
sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch
(19) to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he
would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as
greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the
other instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it.
Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and
promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia
[Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa
would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and
dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she
and her children departed for Judea.

4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter
to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that
he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a
visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to
Caprein: so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an
obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad
of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when
he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had
promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter
to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had
borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the
time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like
a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it
out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar had read
this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that
Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid
that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar's anger,
but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius,
who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred
thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius's
friendship; so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his
mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one
another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius's education
together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this
debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius's friendship to him.
After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, (20)
and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went
abroad. But upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook
him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in
very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his
father. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom
he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the
debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court
to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.

5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to
a great height, there happened some words to pass between them,
as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius;
Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that
Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to
Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus,
who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these
words, and at that time said nothing of them; but when Agrippa
accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was
certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught,
and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the
man was asked why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat
to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation:
so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius,
according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a
delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant
that was so; for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no
successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of
the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead;
whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of
prisoners; insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what
was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he
delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission,
other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and
so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception
and dismission: that he permitted those governors who had been
sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out
of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all
governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and
that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time,
and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the
more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that
if their government be long continued to them; they are at last
satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so
become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if
successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed
to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while
they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their
predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned
about getting more; and this because they are removed before they
have had time [for their oppressions]. He gave them an example to
show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore
places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the
standers-by pitied the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not
able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them
away for him; but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by
way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous
proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to
which he answered, "If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt
hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do
not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are
somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost
famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my
destruction. For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself
careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my
subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many
oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and
so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this
additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly
deprived of that pleasure which they take in it." And, as a
further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of
Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he
was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators
to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in
the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with
respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of
his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing
of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because
immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be
an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked
wretches have not deserved any such favor; "but I do it, that, by
being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo
greater misery."

6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a
bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time
afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is
about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of
Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the
matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now Antonia
was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the
dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus's
wife, and from her eminent chastity; (21) for though she was
still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused
all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be
married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her
reputation free from reproach. She had also been the greatest
benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot
laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband's
friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was
general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many
of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted,
and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had
certainly gained his point, had not Antonia's boldness been more
wisely conducted than Sejanus's malice; for when she had
discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact
account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most
faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius,
who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so
that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked
upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all
things. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine
Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused
Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient
punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon
examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have
a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not
rather bring a punishment upon himself." Now when Antonia told
Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter
might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa's lying hard at
her continually to beg this favor, took the following
opportunity: As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and
was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were
before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him
to call Eutychus, and have him examined; to which he replied, "O
Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I
am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am
forced to it by thy prayers." When he had said this, he ordered
Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him;
accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius
asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his
liberty. Upon which he said, "O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa
with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their
feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to
Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will
dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for
then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but
would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I
happy also." Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa's words,
and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had
commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and
the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had
disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius;
he said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not distinctly
knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not
expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he
forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he
said. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found
Agrippa standing: "For certain," said he, "Macro, this is the man
I meant to have bound;" and when he still asked, "Which of these
is to be bound?" he said "Agrippa." Upon which Agrippa betook
himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of
his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his
grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they
led him about bound even in his purple garments. It was also very
hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that
he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took
this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of
Caius's slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in
a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant
gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, "O
thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage;
for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure
thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to
me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my
former state and dignity." Nor did he deceive him in what he
promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for
when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took
particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from
Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he
died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his
daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also
grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this
happened a good while later.

7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and
leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were
in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which
Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one
of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked
a soldier who that man in purple was; and when he was informed
that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and
one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the
soldier to whom he was bound, (22) to let him come nearer to him,
to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about
some things relating to his country; which liberty, when he had
obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an
interpreter: "This sudden change of thy condition, O young man!
is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very
great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how
thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and
how Divine Providence will provide for thee. Know therefore (and
I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this
place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to
say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor
bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without
cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the
grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had
never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard
of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction
of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in
these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt
be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be
envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt
be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the
children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou
seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days
longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath
sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but
think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning
thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming
upon thee, thou mayst not regard thy present misfortunes. But
when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget
what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me." So when
the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as
he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took
Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on
his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed
quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she
procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a
gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was
to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he
might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his
freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things
that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend
Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and
Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and
indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments,
under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid
them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had
given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's
condition for six months' time, and in this case were his
affairs.

8. But for Tiberius, upon his return to Caprein, he fell sick. At
first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper
increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery.
Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of
all respected, to bring the children (23) to him, for that he
wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at present no
sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead;
but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name
was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus,
who was the son (24) of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown
up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and
was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the
excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had attained
the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his
virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his
conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in
did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his
equals; by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the
people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that
were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they
came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and
others were affected in the same manner by the report of the
others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a
lamentation made by all men; not such a one as was to be made in
way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit
sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his
death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly
such had been his easy conversation with men, that it turned
greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others,
the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they
reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves,
if he might but attain to the government.

9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the
children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his
country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those
children should come to the government; being very desirous to
leave it to his son's son, but still depending upon what God
should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion
and inclination; so he made this to be the omen, that the
government should be left to him who should come to him first the
next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to
his grandson's tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him
early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to
be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; for
while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was
at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be
there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for
Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast;
for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to
Caius, "Thy father calls thee," and then brought him in. As soon
as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power
of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom
he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able
to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that
his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken
from him, and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the
Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because
his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more
potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne,
that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would
not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by
him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being
next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually
contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve
himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had
been very much given to astrology, (25) and the calculation of
nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what
predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it
was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he
said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that
would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this
Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any
other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have
told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed he was now in great
distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very
much grieved at the destruction of his son's son, which he
foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use
of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his
power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity;
whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the
misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under
that torment. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected
revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend
it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his
own inclination: "O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to
me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring
suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman
empire; and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest
to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a
dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that
I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great
happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return
for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius
because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to
know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to
thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he
die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be
alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous;
nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done,
contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go
off unpunished." This was the speech which Tiberius made, which
did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised
so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off
this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was
also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot
laid against him.

10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his
successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he
had held the government twenty-two years five months and three
days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. But when the Romans
understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good
news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were
unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums
of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that
if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their
joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it,
and be thereby undone. For this Tiberius had brought a vast
number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he
was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a
temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed
the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without
reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave,
and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses; insomuch
that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they
were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread
of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes
proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa's freed-man, as soon as
he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the
news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod,
and said, in the Hebrew tongue, "The lion (26) is dead;" who,
understanding his meaning, and being ovejoyed at the news, "Nay,"
said he, "but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for
this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove
true." Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw
with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what
he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great
innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said.
They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further
pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already
become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which
this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa,
and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups
went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still
alive, and would return to the city ill a few days. At which news
the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what
might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner,
and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust
Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, "Dost thou think
to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and
shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of
thine head?" When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound
again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard
over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa
that night; but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and
confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch
that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some
offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came
from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the
death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government;
another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the
same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out
of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was
put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own
affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now
with ease to his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was come to
Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him, and had made
a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his
country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very
day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the
prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should
make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with
pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately.
However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his
house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after
which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king
of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of
Lysanias, (27) and changed his iron chain for a golden one of
equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.

11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa
desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the
affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when
he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the
emperor's permission, he came into his own country, and appeared
to them all unexpectedly as asking, and thereby demonstrated to
the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his
former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called
him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things
were so much changed with him for the better.




CHAPTER 7.

How Herod The Tetrarch Was Banished.


1. But Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to that
Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Peres, took this authority
of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw
that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband
had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to
pay his debts; and now he was come back, he was in a way of
dignity, and of great good fortune. She was therefore grieved and
much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and
chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the
usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how
miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but
she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to
Rome, to court honors equal to his; for she said that she could
not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that
Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came
to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of
life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when
he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king;
while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near
relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the
like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater
life. "But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned
to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast
derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which
thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt,
that a man who admired thy riches should be in greater honor than
thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase
greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other
than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day,
lived upon thy charity. But let us go to Rome, and let us spare
no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they
cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a
kingdom."

2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the
love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should
have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more
she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and
desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king; and
at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would
or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise
avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as
sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and
went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa,
when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations,
he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set
sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry
presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give
Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have
any opportunity. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so
prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while
Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters;
for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn,
which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of
about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place
royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still
endeavoring to outdo his predecessor's magnificence; the place
also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their
own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health
of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to
men's luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with
him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him,
and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he
accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against
Tiberius's and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the
king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; as a
demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient
for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at
this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the
armor was true; and when he confessed there was such armor there,
for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too
notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the
accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him
his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa's
kingdom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and, by way of
punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed
Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when he
was informed that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a
present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her
brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with
her husband. But she made this reply: "Thou, indeed, O emperor!
actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what
thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband
hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not
just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity,
should forsake him in his misfortunes." Hereupon Caius was angry
at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her
estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy
at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain
discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed public affairs with
great magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign,
and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the
good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects.
But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human
nature in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness
of his dominions made himself a god, and took upon himself to act
in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself.




CHAPTER 8.

Concerning The Embassage Of The Jews To Caius; (28) And How Caius
Sent Petronius Into Syria To Make War Against The Jews, Unless
They Would Receive His Statue.


1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the
Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were
chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to
Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria
was Apion, (29) who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews;
and, among other things that he said, he charged them with
neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; for that while all
who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to
Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they
received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable
thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to
swear by his name. Many of these severe things were said by
Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews,
as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish
embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander
the alabarch, (30) and one not unskillful in philosophy, was
ready to betake himself to make his defense against those
accusations; but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was
also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do
them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted,
went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they
should be of good courage, since Caius's words indeed showed
anger at them, but in reality had already set God against
himself.

2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be
thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president
of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave
him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of
troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect
it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer
them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petronius took the
government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar's epistle. He
got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly
could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came
to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the
war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had
resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered
him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not
obey his commands. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews
to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that
he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of
their forefathers; "but if," said they, "thou art entirely
resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill
us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are
alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done
by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers'
determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue."
But Petronius was angry at them, and said, "If indeed I were
myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination,
and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be
justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under
the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a
disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction."
Then the Jews replied, "Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O
Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius's epistles, neither
will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon
the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors,
have continued hitherto without suffering them to be
transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so
timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death,
which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall
into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our
laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have
good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side,
when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain
the uncertain turns of fortune. But if we should submit to thee,
we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby
showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should
incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge,
is superior to Caius."

3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was
hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be
able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue,
and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his
friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to
Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the
Jews were; and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius
again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run
a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but
judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater
consequence, and made supplication to him, that he would by no
means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with
the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, "Will
you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great
preparations for war, and your own weakness?" They replied, "We
will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die
before we see our laws transgressed." So they threw themselves
down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said
they were ready to be slain; and this they did for forty days
together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their
ground, and that while the season of the year required them to
sow it. (31) Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and
proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the
dedication of the statue.

4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's
brother, and Heleias the Great, and the other principal men of
that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him,
that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not
make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would
write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the
reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and
left of the tillage off their ground: that they were not willing
to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but
were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to
be transgressed: and how, upon the land's continuing unsown,
robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of
paying their tributes; and that Caius might be thereby moved to
pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor
think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible
in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set
about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with
him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, (32) partly on account
of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him
made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired,
and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, -
partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the
Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a terrible thing for him
to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many
ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition
towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of
punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to
Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear
the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner,
in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he might persuade
him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then
begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his
hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to
die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he
determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.

5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many
ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with
him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but
the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would,
without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey
what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit
for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to
contradict him in any thing:-- "yet," said he, "I do not think it
just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to
refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many
in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to
your law; which as it hath come down to you from your
forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention
to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of
God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into
contempt by the means of the imperial authority. I will,
therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions
are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may
not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you
have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for
his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and
may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may
not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his
accustomed honors. But if Caius be irritated, and turn the
violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that
danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my
soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in
so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go
your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation
of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse
to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends."

6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed rite assembly
of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of
their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage
them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily
bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show
his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would
afford him his assistance in his whole design; for he had no
sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent
down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; (33)
for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance
of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to
a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above,
even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds;
insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that
in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it,
the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his
petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised
when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and
gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a
degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the
contrary had no power left to contradict it. This was also among
those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended
to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so
many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should
slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of
their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they
paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future
ages. Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his
power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of
his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business
that Petronius was now engaged in.

7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in
the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and
was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such
preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure; nay, it
was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could
never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken
beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly to make all
agreeable to Caesar); hereupon Caius admired his understanding
and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to
please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was
desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he
exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine
plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the
feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: "I knew before now how
great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou
hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou
underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou
omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond
thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be
conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee
amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient;
for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my
gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy
happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so
far as my ability will reach." (34) And this was what Caius said
to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the
revenues of certain cities. But although he had prepared
beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his
intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it
was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his
respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he
now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own
advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; that the
gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the
hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy
power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my
inclination and dignity, who am the receiver. And as Caius was
astonished at Agrippa's inclinations, and still the more pressed
him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him
with, Agrippa replied, "Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is
thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask
nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already
bestowed on me has made me excel therein; but I desire somewhat
which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity
assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among
those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of
obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that
thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which
thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by
Petronius."

8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this
occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality,
though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had
not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss
of his life. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa's
obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a
dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many
witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced
Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he
had already repented of what he had said, and because he greatly
admired Agrippa's virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment
his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other
authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws,
and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested.
He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his
assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs.
"If therefore," said' he," thou hast already erected my statue,
let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not
trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back,
and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first,
for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This
I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very
greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or
what he desired me to do for him." And this was what Caius wrote
to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing
him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and
that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and
nothing else. When therefore Caius was much displeased that any
attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave
to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard
to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he
resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he
suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but
thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote
thus to Petronius: "Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee
by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art
grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I
charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou
art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make
thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they.
may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor."

9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but
Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship
which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to
Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was
dead; for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had
undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when
he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so
insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both
Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially
those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due
reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them; for he
died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle
which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his
death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate
them in the progress of this narration. Now that epistle which
informed Petronius of Caius's death came first, and a little
afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his
own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the
death of Caius, and admired God's providence, who, without the
least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he
had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for
avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius
escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee.




CHAPTER 9.

What Befell The Jews That Were In Babylon On Occasion Of Asineus
And Anileus, Two Brethren.


1. A Very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in
Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia.
Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before,
and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that
greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall
speak accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these
miseries came upon them. There was a city of Babylonia called
Neerda; not only a ver populous one, but one that had a good and
a large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages,
full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by
enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and
from the wails that were built about it. There was also the city
Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which
reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these
places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by
the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did
other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as
a treasury, whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to
Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of
those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to
whom the Babylonians were then subject. Now there were two men,
Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to
one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother
put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being
esteemed disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now
he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained
that they came too late to their work, and punished them with
stripes; but they took this just punishment as an affront, and
carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which
were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a
partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for
the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were
usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men
also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had
gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from
being their leaders into mischief; for as soon as they were
become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to
such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute
out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance,
proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would
submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their
other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle
of those that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their
proposals, (for they could do nothing else,) and sent them as
many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew
greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because
they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that
every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and
they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the
report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia
himself.

2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a
mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before
greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as
great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and
marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them
before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army
together. He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the
next day (it was the sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of
rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not
dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry
them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded
gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden. Now
Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them;
upon which he said, "Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of
such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also
hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some
enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let
somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there
is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove
a false alarm." And when he had said this, some of them went out
to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately,
and said to him, that "neither hast thou been mistaken in telling
us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us
to be injurious to people any longer. We are caught by their
intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry
marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend
ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the
prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day]."
But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his
spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to
the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were
fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although
they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please
their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he
took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were
with him to act as courageously as himself. So they fell upon
their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they
despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest
to flight.

3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia,
he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was
desirous to see them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the
most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them: "That king
Artsbanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have
made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard
to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears to you,
and hath sent me to give you his right hand (35) and security;
and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any
violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address
yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit
to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you
those respects which will make an addition of his power to your
courage, and thereby be of advantage to you." Yet did Asineus
himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus
with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was
admitted to the king's presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus
coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to
come along with him; and when he understood that he was afraid,
and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his
country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon
the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is
of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and
affords a firm security to those who converse with them; for none
of them will deceive you when once they have given you their
right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that
is once given, even though they were before suspected of
injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anileus to
persuade his brother to come to him. Now this the king did,
because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the
courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league
with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to
rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against them. He was
also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to
subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party
of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should be augmented, and
either make war upon him, when they should hear of that revolt,
or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not
fail of doing further mischief to him.

4. When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and
Anileus prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he
had related to him the king's good-will, and the oath that he had
taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artsbanus, who
received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired
Asineus's courage in the actions he had done, and this because he
was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared
contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no
value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the
comparison, he showed his soul to be in all respects superior to
his body; and when, as they were drinking together, he once
showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army, and
told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in
war, and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to
inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the
Parthian government, the king replied, "I will never give thee
leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not
after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his
belief by oaths made by the gods. But if thou be a truly warlike
man, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and
avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is
returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy
command, without my privity." Hereupon the king called for
Asineus, and said to him, "It is time for thee, O thou young man!
to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in
this place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and
that without my approbation. I commit to thee the country of
Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free
from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith
inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in
those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou
shouldst be kind to me." When he had said this, and given Asineus
some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was
come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time,
and managed things with such courage and success, as no other
person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him.
Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him
great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians
seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he
were in no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the
affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more
flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.

5. But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there
sprang up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When
once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they
had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the
laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their
lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of
an army into those parts, had a wife following him, who had a
vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was
admired above all other women for her beauty. Anileus, the
brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others,
or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover
and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this
woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly
because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her.
As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to
them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was
married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into
their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus
himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon
them on the occasion following. Since she was led away captive,
upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those
gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to
herself: now it was the custom (36) of that country for all to
have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry
them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable
to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at
first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she
was become Anileus's married wife, she worshipped them in her
accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which
she used in her former husband's days; upon which their most
esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after
the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to
their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed
the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious
ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself
in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on
account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which,
by God's blessing, he had arrived at. But when they prevailed not
at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest
respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he
was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment
upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all
their companions might come to a like end from their enemies;
upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness,
and upon the rest as those that would not assist him when he
suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were
sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they
remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by
no other means than their fortitude. But when they also heard of
the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought
the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no
longer; and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly
complained of Aniteus, and told him that it had been well that he
had of himself seen what was advantageous to them; but that
however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss,
before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of
himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage
of this woman was made without their consent, and without a
regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman
paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they
worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of his brother's offense,
that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would
be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the
good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him,
on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked
inclinations. But as more and more still came about him every
day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at length spake
to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former
actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and
send the woman back to her relations. But nothing was gained by
these reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made
among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest
he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused
poison into Asineus's food, and thereby took him off, and was now
secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge of what
should be done about her.

6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his
army against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of
principal authority in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus's
daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey was found
much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and
many other things, which, when gained, make men's condition
happy. Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard
that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find
that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in
his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him
beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he
was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit
for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a
certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to
fight him on the day following, because it was the sabbath, the
day on which the Jews rest. And when Anileus was informed of this
by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an
exact account of other circumstances, but told him where
Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper
time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the
Parthians while they were unaprrized what they should do; so he
fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of
them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight,
and took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass (37)
which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach
possible. And when he had brought him into a wood with such a
resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he
soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was
not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families
among the Parthians, and greatly honored with matching into the
royal family; that so far as they had hitherto gone was
tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they
preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to
the advantage of those that gave it him; but that if he were once
put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a
great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; "to whose
safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation
to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no
other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of
their youth under him." By this thought, and this speech of his
made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so
Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife
reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he
neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while
he took no care about it, but was contented to have been made a
captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him
either to go back like a man of courage, or else she sware by the
gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her
marriage with him. Upon which, partly because he could not bear
the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he was afraid
of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their
marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got
together again as great an army as he could, and marched along
with them, as himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any
longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation to the
Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.

7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was
marching with a great army against him, he thought it too
ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the
first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have
the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before;
as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly,
he led out his army, and a great many more joined themselves to
that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the people,
and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers. But
when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been
through dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst of the day,
they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell
upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which
account, and on account of the time of the day, they were not
able to bear their weapons. So Anileus and his men were put to an
ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that
were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and
many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm
about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and
afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great
victory over them. But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of
bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might
but gain some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to
him, compensated the multitude of those that perished in the
fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because
they were rash, and unexercised in war; however, with these he
came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty
devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that
Anileus did them. So the Babylonians, and those that had already
been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded
Anileus. But although they did not agree to their demands, (for
if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not in their
power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them. To
which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle
conditions of peace with them, and sent men together with the
Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them. But the
Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having
learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as
they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught
of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.

8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus's heavy
incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of
that hatred they bore to the Jews; for they were almost always at
variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws; and which
party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the
other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin
of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made
those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received
from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor
bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal
city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was
inhabited by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the
Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there; and thither
did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any
misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these
at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men's habitations
out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened
that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that account
which I am going to relate immediately.

9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were
Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of
discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When,
therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them,
there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the
other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despise
dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion. Now when the
Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but
one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if
they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the
Syrians, they every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as
were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at
peace and friendship with them. Accordingly, they gladly agreed
so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both
nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were
so agreed, they both knew that the great design of such their
union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they
fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the
Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by
the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them, in
order to let them fly away. These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian
city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia]
lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his
riches are reposited; but the Jews had here no certain
settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern for the
king's honor. Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both
of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians
that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war
against the Jews; so the most of them gathered themselves
together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security
there by the strength of those cities; besides which their
inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And
this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.




BOOK XIX.

Containing The Interval Of Three Years And A Half.

From The Departure Out Of Babylon To Fadus, The Roman Procurator.

CHAPTER 1.

How Caius (1) Was Slain By Cherea.


1. Now this Caius (2) did not demonstrate his madness in offering
injuries only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in
the neighborhood; but suffered it to extend itself through all
the earth and sea, so far as was in subjection to the Romans, and
filled it with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed in number
as no former history relates. But Rome itself felt the most
dismal effects of what he did, while he deemed that not to be any
way more honorable than the rest of the cities; but he pulled and
hauled its other citizens, but especially the senate, and
particularly the nobility, and such as had been dignified by
illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand devices against
such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed
by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators,
because out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he
treated after all ignominious manner, and removed them out of his
way, while they were at once slain, and their wealth plundered,
because he slew men generally in order to seize on their riches.
He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater honors
to be paid him by his subjects than are due to mankind. He also
frequented that temple of Jupiter which they style the Capitol,
which is with them the most holy of all their temples, and had
boldness enough to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And other
pranks he did like a madman; as when he laid a bridge from the
city Dicearchia, which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another
city upon the sea-side, from one promontory to another, of the
length of thirty furlongs, as measured over the sea. And this was
done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious thing to row
over it in a small ship, and thought withal that it became him to
make that bridge, since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige
it to give marks of obedience as well as the earth; so he
enclosed the whole bay within his bridge, and drove his chariot
over it; and thought that, as he was a god, it was fit for him to
travel over such roads as this was. Nor did he abstain from the
plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave order that all
the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of
the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be brought to
him, saying that the best things ought to be set no where but in
the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. He
also adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities
brought from those temples, together with the houses he lay at
when he traveled all over Italy; whence he did not scruple to
give a command that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called
because he was honored at the Olympian games by the Greeks, which
was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to Rome.
Yet did not he compass his end, because the architects told
Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of
Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as would be spoiled, and
would not bear the removal. It was also reported that Memmius,
both on that account, and on account of some such mighty
prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it
down, and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not
having done what his epistle required of him; and that when he
was thence in danger of perishing, he was saved by Caius being
dead himself, before he had put him to death.

2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this height, that when he had a
daughter born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon
the knees of the statue, and said that the child was common to
him and to Jupiter, and determined that she had two fathers, but
which of these fathers were the greatest he left undetermined;
and yet mankind bore him in such his pranks. He also gave leave
to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever they
pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they
were in great part made to please him, and at his suggestion,
insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's slave, had the boldness to lay
an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed
to be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial
of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off,
although he did not succeed to his mind. But when he had filled
the whole habitable world which he governed with false
accusations and miseries, and had occasioned the greatest insults
of slaves against their masters, who indeed in a great measure
ruled them, there were many secret plots now laid against him;
some in anger, and in order for men to revenge themselves, on
account of the miseries they had already undergone from him; and
others made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before
they should fall into such great miseries, while his death came
very fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and
had a great influence upon the public welfare; and this happened
most happily for our nation in particular, which had almost
utterly perished if he had not been suddenly slain. And I confess
I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly,
because it will afford great assurance of the power of God, and
great comfort to those that are under afflictions, and wise
caution to those who think their happiness will never end, nor
bring them at length to the most lasting miseries, if they do not
conduct their lives by the principles of virtue.

3. Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to
take off Caius, and each of these three were conducted by
excellent persons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got
some men together, and was desirous to take Caius off, either by
them or by himself. Another conspiracy there was laid by them,
under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of the
Pretorian band]. Minucianus Annins was also one of great
consequence among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny.
Now the several occasions of these men's several hatred and
conspiracy against Caius were these: Regulus had indignation and
hatred against all injustice, for he had a mind naturally angry,
and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his counsels; so
he communicated them to many of his friends, and to others who
seemed to him persons of activity and vigor: Minucianus entered
into this conspiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus
his particular friend, and one of the best character of all the
citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also because he was afraid of
himself, since Caius's wrath tended to the slaughter of all
alike: and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a deed
worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of
the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a
coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from
his friendship with him, and the observance he paid him. These
men proposed this attempt to all the rest that were concerned,
who saw the injuries that were offered them, and were desirous
that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their mutual assistance
of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed by
the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point;
and that it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to
approve themselves to so many excellent persons, as earnestly
wished to be partakers with them in their design for the delivery
of the city and of the government, even at the hazard of their
own lives. But still Cherea was the most zealous of them all,
both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name, and
also by reason of his access to Caius's presence with less
danger, because he was tribune, and could therefore the more
easily kill him.

4. Now at this time came on the horse-races [Circensian games];
the view of which games was eagerly desired by the people of
Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the hippodrome
[circus] at such times, and petition their emperors, in great
multitudes, for what they stand in need of; who usually did not
think fit to deny them their requests, but readily and gratefully
granted them. Accordingly, they most importunately desired that
Caius would now ease them in their tributes, and abate somewhat
of the rigor of their taxes imposed upon them; but he would not
hear their petition; and when their clamors increased, he sent
soldiers some one way and some another, and gave order that they
should lay hold on those that made the clamors, and without any
more ado bring them out, and put them to death. These were
Caius's commands, and those who were commanded executed the same;
and the number of those who were slain on this occasion was very
great. Now the people saw this, and bore it so far, that they
left off clamoring, because they saw with their own eyes that
this petition to be relieved, as to the payment of their money,
brought immediate death upon them. These things made Cherea more
resolute to go on with his plot, in order to put an end to this
barbarity of Caius against men. He then at several times thought
to fall upon Caius, even as he was feasting; yet did he restrain
himself by some considerations; not that he had any doubt on him
about killing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the
attempt might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow
so as might certainly gain his purpose.

5. Cherea had been in the army a long time, yet was he not
pleased with conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set him
to require the tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in
due time, were forfeited to Caesar's treasury; and he had made
some delays in requiring them, because those burdens had been
doubled, and had rather indulged his own mild disposition than
performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, he provoked Caius to
anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those
from whom he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his
sloth and effeminacy in being so long about collecting the taxes.
And indeed he did not only affront him in other respects, but
when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom it was to be
given by his place, he gave him feminine words, and those of a
nature very reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out, as
having been initiated in the secrets of certain mysteries, which
he had been himself the author of. Now although he had sometimes
put on women's clothes, and had been wrapt in some embroidered
garments to them belonging, and done a great many other things,
in order to make the company mistake him for a woman; yet did he,
by way of reproach, object the like womanish behavior to Cherea.
But when Cherea received the watchword from him, he had
indignation at it, but had greater indignation at the delivery of
it to others, as being laughed at by those that received it;
insomuch that his fellow tribunes made him the subject of their
drollery; for they would foretell that he would bring them some
of his usual watchwords when he was about to take the watchword
from Caesar, and would thereby make him ridiculous; on which
accounts he took the courage of assuming certain partners to him,
as having just reasons for his indignation against Caius. Now
there was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone through
almost all posts in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean,
and for that reason loved to lead an inactive life. Now Timidius,
an enemy of his, had informed Caius that he had used indecent
reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia for a
witness to them; a woman she was much beloved by many that
frequented the theater, and particularly by Pompedius, on account
of her great beauty. Now this woman thought it a horrible thing
to attest to an accusation that touched the life of her lover,
which was also a lie. Timidius, however, wanted to have her
brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this reproach upon
him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture
Quintilia, as he used to employ Cherea in such bloody matters,
and those that required the torture, because he thought he would
do it the more barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation of
effeminacy which he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when she
was brought to the rack, trod upon the foot of one of her
associates, and let him know that he might be of good courage,
and not be afraid of the consequence of her tortures, for that
she would bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman
after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he could
not help it. He then brought her, without being in the least
moved at what she had suffered, into the presence of Caius, and
that in such a state as was sad to behold; and Caius, being
somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body
miserably disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both
her and Pompedius of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave
her money to make her an honorable amends, and comfort her for
that maiming of her body which she had suffered, and for her
glorious patience under such insufferable torments.

6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause,
as far as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries to men,
which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which
account he said to Clement and to Papinius, (of whom Clement was
general of the army, and Papinius was a tribune,) "To be sure, O
Clement, we have no way failed in our guarding the emperor; for
as to those that have made conspiracies against his government,
some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have been by
us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath himself
pitied them. How great then is our virtue in submitting to
conduct his armies!" Clement held his peace, but showed the shame
he was under in obeying Caius's orders, both by his eyes and his
blushing countenance, while he thought it by no means right to
accuse the emperor in express words, lest their own safety should
be endangered thereby. Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake
to him without fear of the dangers that were before him, and
discoursed largely of the sore calamities under which the city
and the government then labored, and said, "We may indeed pretend
in words that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such
miseries ought to be imputed; but, in the opinion of such as are
able to judge uprightly, it is I, O Clement! and this Papinius,
and before us thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon the
Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our being
subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own
consent; for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life
of this man, who hath so terribly injured the citizens and his
subjects, we are his guard in mischief, and his executioners
instead of his soldiers, and are the instruments of his cruelty.
We bear these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the Roman
government, but only for his preservation, who hath enslaved both
their bodies and their minds; and we are every day polluted with
the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon others;
and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument in
bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus
employ us because he hath a kindness for us, but rather because
he hath a suspicion of us, as also because when abundance more
have been killed, (for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath,
since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his
own pleasure,) we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty;
whereas we ought to be the means of confirming the security and
liberty of all, and at the same time to resolve to free ourselves
from dangers.

7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's intentions, but bid
him hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get out
among many, and such things should be spread abroad as were fit
to be concealed, the plot would come to be discovered before it
was executed, and they should be brought to punishment; but that
they should leave all to futurity, and the hope which thence
arose, that some fortunate event would come to their assistance;
that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make any
attempt in that case. "However, although perhaps I could suggest
what may be safer than what thou, Cherea, hast contrived and
said, yet trow is it possible for any one to suggest what is more
for thy reputation?" So Clement went his way home, with deep
reflections on what he had heard, and what he had himself said.
Cherea also was under a concern, and went quickly to Cornelius
Sabinus, who was himself one of the tribunes, and whom he
otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of liberty, and on
that account very uneasy at the present management of public
affairs, he being desirous to come immediately to the execution
of what had been determined, and thinking it right for him to
propose it to the other, and afraid lest Clement should discover
them, and besides looking upon delays and puttings off to be the
next to desisting from the enterprise.

8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally
without Cherea, the same design, but had been silent for want of
a person to whom he could safely communicate that design; so
having now met with one, who not only promised to conceal what he
heard, but who had already opened his mind to him, he was much
more encouraged, and desired of Cherea that no delay might be
made therein. Accordingly they went to Minucianus, who was as
virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious actions, as
themselves, and suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaughter
of Lepidus; for Minucianus and Lepidus were intimate friends, and
both in fear of the dangers that they were under; for Caius was
terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready to act a mad
part towards each of them in particular, and towards all of: them
in general; and these men were afraid of one another, while they
were yet uneasy at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare
their mind and their hatred against Caius to one another, out of
fear of the dangers they might be in thereby, although they
perceived by other means their mutual hatred against Caius, and
on that account were not averse to a mutual kindness one towards
another.

9. When Minuetanus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one
another, (as they had been used on former conversations to give
the upper hand to Minucianus, both on account of his eminent
dignity, for he was the noblest of all the citizens, and highly
commended by all men, especially when he made speeches to them,)
Minuetanus began first, and asked Cherea, What was the watchword
he had received that day from Caius; for the affront which was
offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was famous over the
city. But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that
question, out of the joy he had that Minueianus would have such
confidence in him as to discourse with him. "But do thou," said
he, "give me the watchword of liberty. And I return thee my
thanks that thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert myself
after an extraordinary manner; nor do I stand in need of many
words to encourage me, since both thou and I are of the same
mind, and partakers of the same resolutions, and this before we
have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but
this one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set about
the work. Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me
follow thee; or else I will go first, and thou shalt assist me,
and we will assist one another, and trust one another. Nor is
there a necessity for even one sword to such as have a mind
disposed to such works, by which mind the sword uses to be
successful. I am zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous
what I may myself undergo; for I can not at leisure to consider
the dangers that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at
the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the
contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction
which hangs over all men, by the means of Caius. I wish that I
may be judged by thee, and that thou mayst esteem me worthy of
credit in these matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion,
and there is herein no difference between us."

10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered
himself, he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in his bold
attempt, commending him, and embracing him; so he let him go with
his good wishes; and some affirm that he thereby confirmed
Minuclanus in the prosecution of what had been agreed among them;
for as Cherea entered into the court, the report runs, that a
voice came from among the multitude to encourage him, which bid
him finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that
Providence afforded; and that Cherea at first suspected that some
one of the conspirators had betrayed him, and he was caught, but
at length perceived that it was by way of exhortation. Whether
somebody (3) that was conscious of what he was about, gave a
signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who
looks upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on
boldly in his design, is uncertain. The plot was now communicated
to a great many, and they were all in their armor; some of the
conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian order,
and as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it; for
there was not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his
happiness to kill Caius; and on that account they were all very
zealous in the affair, by what means soever any one could come at
it, that he might not be behindhand in these virtuous designs,
but might be ready with all his alacrity or power, both by words
and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And besides
these, Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was the
only man that had arrived at the greatest degree of power under
him, - such a power, indeed, as was in a manner equal to the
power of the tyrant himself, by the dread that all men had of
him, and by the great riches he had acquired; for he took bribes
most plenteously, and committed injuries without bounds, and was
more extravagant in the use of his power in unjust proceedings
than any other. He also knew the disposition of Caius to be
implacable, and never to be turned from what he had resolved on.
He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in
danger, and the vastness of his wealth was not one of the least
of them; on which account he privately ingratiated himself with
Claudius, and transferred his courtship to him, out of this hope,
that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the government should
come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation
for his preserving his dignity under him, since he laid in
beforehand a stock of merit, and did Claudius good offices in his
promotion. He had also the boldness to pretend that he had been
persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poisoning him, but had
still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying to do it. But it
seems probable to me that Callistus only counterfeited this, in
order to ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if Caius had been
in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have
admitted of Callistus's excuses; nor would Callistus, if he had
been enjoined to do such an act as was desired by Caius, have put
it off; nor if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master,
had he escaped immediate punishment; while Claudius was preserved
from the madness of Caius by a certain Divine providence, and
Callistus pretended to such a piece of merit as he no way
deserved.

11. However, the execution of Cherea's designs was put off from
day to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to
Cherea himself, he would not willingly make any delay in that
execution, thinking every time a fit time for it; for frequent
opportunities offered themselves; as when Caius went up to the
capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or when he stood upon his
royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of money among the
people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the top of the
palace, that looks towards the market-place, was very high; and
also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at
that time; for he was then no way secluded from the people, but
solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently, and was free
from all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body;
and although the gods should afford him no divine assistance to
enable him to take away his life, yet had he strength himself
sufficient to despatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus was
Chorea angry at his fellow conspirators, for fear they should
suffer a proper opportunity to pass by; and they were themselves
sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and that his
eagerness was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would
have a little longer patience, lest, upon any disappointment they
might meet with, they should put the city into disorder, and an
inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should
render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without
success, while he would then secure himself more carefully than
ever against them; that it would therefore be the best to set
about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These
shows were acted in honor of that Caesar (4) who first of all
changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself;
galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that
were patricians became spectators, together with their children
and their wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator;
and they reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there
be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favorable
opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because
his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a
mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance.

12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were
exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day. But
fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too
hard for their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the
regular times for these shows were now over, they had much ado to
get the business done on the last day. Then Cherea called the
conspirators together, and spake thus to them: "So much time
passed away without effort is a reproach to us, as delaying to go
through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more
fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design
be frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his
unjust proceedings. Do we not see how long we deprive all our
friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize
over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the
future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others,
gain to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to
come." Now while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by
way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were
doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, "O my
brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that
this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to
go to sea? for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to
see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of
your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go,
after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? Shall
not we be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some
Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to
free-men, to kill him? As for myself, I will no longer bear your
stow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the
enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be
the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great,
will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous
man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any
one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so
virtuous an action?"

13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work,
and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they
were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at
the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him;
for it was the custom that the tribunes should ask for the
watchword with their swords on, and this was the day on which
Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; and the
multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for
seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously
crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this eagerness
of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed in
the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the
senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random,
men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves.
So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to
Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were
celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest,
that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood,
which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident omen to
Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. It is
also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual
custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation,
that every one of those that were present were astonished at it.
After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the
shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal
of his friends sit near him. Now the parts of the theater were so
fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner
following: It had two doors, the one door led to the open air,
the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters,
that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed; but
out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into
partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to
the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served.
When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other
tribunes, were set down also, and the right corner of the theater
was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the
praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was
of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of news,
or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; and
when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, "Know then,"
said Vatinius, "that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to
be played this day." But Cluvius replied "O brave comrade hold
thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale." And as
there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the
spectators, and a great number of birds, that were of great value
to such as possessed them, on account of their rareness, Caius
was pleased with the birds fighting for the fruits, and with the
violence wherewith the spectators seized upon them: and here he
perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor was
introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the
pantomime brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself
was to be slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a
great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was
crucified, and also about Cinyras. It was also confessed that
this was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the
son of Amyntas, who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as he was
entering into the theater. And now Caius was in doubt whether he
should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last
day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to
dinner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon
Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid that the
opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was
already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his
resolution; but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging
way, and said to him, "O brave man! whither art thou going?"
Whereupon, out of reverence to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down
again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he
got up again, and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as
thinking that he went out to perform some necessities of nature.
And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to
go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come in again, as
desirous that what had been resolved on might be brought to a
conclusion immediately.

14. So Cherea's associates placed themselves in order, as the
time would permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard, that
the place which was appointed them should not be left by them;
but they had an indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and
that what they were about should be put off any longer, for it
was already about the ninth (5) hour of the day; and Cherea, upon
Caius's tarrying so long, had a great mind to go in, and fall
upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that this could not be
done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and of those
of the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew
this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking
it a right thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the
expense of such as might perish at the same time. And as they
were just going back into the entrance to the theater, word was
brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was made;
hereupon the conspirators thrust away the crowd, under pretense
as if Caius was angry at them, but in reality as desirous to have
a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend him, while
they set about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle, was
gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius his sister's husband, as
also Valellus of Asia; whom though they had had such a mind to
put out of their places, the reverence to their dignity hindered
them so to do; then followed Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: and
because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he left the
direct road, along which those his servants stood that were in
waiting, and by which road Claudius had gone out before, Caius
turned aside into a private narrow passage, in order to go to the
place for bathing, as also in order to take a view of the boys
that came out of Asia, who were sent thence, partly to sing hymns
in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance
in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So Cherea met
him, and asked him for the watchword; upon Caius's giving him one
of his ridiculous words, he immediately reproached him, and drew
his sword, and gave him a terrible stroke with it, yet was not
this stroke mortal. And although there be those that say it was
so contrived on purpose by Chorea, that Caius should not be
killed at one blow, but should be punished more severely by a
multitude of wounds; yet does this story appear to me incredible,
because the fear men are under in such actions does not allow
them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I
esteem him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his
spite against Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to
himself and to his confederates from the dangers they were in,
because there might many things still happen for helping Caius's
escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for certainly
Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius,
as to the affliction himself and his friends were in, while it
was in his power, after such success, to keep silent, and to
escape the wrath of Caius's defenders, and not to leave it to
uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not,
and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to
ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But
every body may guess as he please about this matter. However,
Caius was staggered with the pain that the blow gave him; for the
stroke of the sword falling in the middle, between the shoulder
and the neck, was hindered by the first bone of the breast from
proceeding any further. Nor did he either cry out, (in such
astonishment was he,) nor did he call out for any of his friends;
whether it were that he had no confidence in them, or that his
mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain he
endured, and presently went forward and fled; when Cornelius
Sabinus, who was already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust
him down upon his knee, where many of them stood round about him,
and struck him with their swords; and they cried out, and
encouraged one another all at once to strike him again; but all
agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which directly
killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for
although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first
contriver of it, and began long before all the rest to prepare
for it, and was the first man that boldly spake of it to the
rest; and upon their admission of what he said about it, he got
the dispersed conspirators together; he prepared every thing
after a prudent manner, and by suggesting good advice, showed
himself far superior to the rest, and made obliging speeches to
them, insomuch that he even compelled them all to go on, who
otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; and when
opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of
all ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous
slaughter; he also brought Caius easily into the power of the
rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch that it is but just
to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery, and
labors of the hands of Cherea.

15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many
wounds which had been given him. Now Cherea and his associates,
upon Caius's slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to
save themselves, if they should all go the same way, partly on
account of the astonishment they were under; for it was no small
danger they had incurred by killing an emperor, who was honored
and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the
soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his
murderers. The passages also were narrow wherein the work was
done, which were also crowded with a great multitude of Caius's
attendants, and of such of the soldiers as were of the emperor's
guard that day; whence it was that they went by other ways, and
came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they
had now killed (which house adjoined to the palace; for while the
edifice was one, it was built in its several parts by those
particular persons who had been emperors, and those parts bare
the names of those that built them or the name of him who had
begun to build its parts). So they got away from the insults of
the multitude, and then were for the present out of danger, that
is, so long as the misfortune which had overtaken the emperor was
not known. The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius
was slain. These Germans were Caius's guard, and carried the name
of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic
legion. The men of that country are naturally passionate, which
is commonly the temper of some other of the barbarous nations
also, as being not used to consider much about what they do; they
are of robust bodies and fall upon their enemies as soon as ever
they are attacked by them; and which way soever they go, they
perform great exploits. When, therefore, these German guards
understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it,
because they did not use their reason in judging about public
affairs, but measured all by the advantages themselves received,
Caius being beloved by them because of the money he gave them, by
which he had purchased their kindness to him; so they drew their
swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not
by the means of the virtuous actions of his pro genitors, for he
had been a gladiator, but he had obtained that post in the army
by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched along the
houses in quest of Caesar's murderers, and cut Asprenas to
pieces, because he was the first man they fell upon, and whose
garment it was that the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I
have said already, and which foretold that this his meeting the
soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus meet them,
who was one of the principal nobility of and could show many
generals of armies among his ancestors; but they paid no regard
to his dignity; yet was he of such great strength, that he
wrested the sword of the first of those that assaulted him out of
his hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing to die without
a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded by a great
number of assailants, and died by the multitude of the wounds
which they gave him. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and a
few others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by
chance, as the rest did before, but came to show his hatred to
Caius, and because he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own
eyes, and took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had banished
Anteius's father, who was of the same name with himself, and
being not satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and slew
him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was
dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was
aiming to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search
which the Germans made, while they barbarously slew those that
were guilty, and those that were not guilty, and this equally
also. And thus were these [three] persons slain.

16. But when the rumor that Caius was slain reached the theater,
they were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even some
that entertained his destruction with great pleasure, and were
more desirous of its happening than almost any other faction that
could come to them, were under such a fear, that they could not
believe it. There were also those who greatly distrusted it,
because they were unwilling that any such thing should come to
Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because
they thought no man could possibly so much power as to kill
Caius. These were the women, and the children, and the slaves,
and some of the soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay, and
in a manner tyrannized with him, and had abused the best of the
citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order
to gain honors and advantages to themselves; but for the women
and the youth, they had been inveigled with shows, and the
fighting of the gladiators, and certain distributions of
flesh-meat among them, which things them pretense were designed
for the pleasing of multitude, but in reality to satiate the
barbarous cruelty and madness of Caius. The slaves also were
sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and to
despise their masters, and they could have recourse to his
assistance when they had unjustly affronted them; for he was very
easy in believing them against their masters, even when they the
city, accused them falsely; and if they would discover what money
their masters had, they might soon obtain both riches and
liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because the reward
of these informers was the eighth (6) part of the criminal's
substance. As to the nobles, although the report appeared
credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot
beforehand, or because they wished it might be true; however,
they concealed not only the joy they had at the relation of it,
but that they had heard any thing at all about it. These last
acted so out of the fear they had, that if the report proved
false, they should be punished, for having so soon let men know
their minds. But those that knew Caius was dead, because they
were partners with the conspirators, they concealed all still
more cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds; and fearing
lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the
continuance of tyranny was advantageous; and if Caius should
prove to be alive, they might be informed against, and punished.
And another report went about, that although Caius had been
wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under
the physician's hands. Nor was any one looked upon by another as
faithful enough to be trusted, and to whom any one would open his
mind; for he was either a friend to Caius, and therefore
suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one that hated him, who
therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit, because
of his ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed
it was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them
sad) that Caius was in a condition to despise the dangers he had
been in, and took no care of healing his wounds, but was gotten
away into the market-place, and, bloody as he was, was making an
harangue to the people. And these were the conjectural reports of
those that were so unreasonable as to endeavor to raise tumults,
which they turned different ways, according to the opinions of
the bearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of
being accused, if they should go out before the rest; for they
should not be sentenced according to the real intention with
which they went out, but according to the supposals of the
accusers and of the judges.

17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theater
with their swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing
but death, and at every one coming in a fear seized upon them, as
if they were to be cut in pieces immediately; and in great
distress they were, as neither having courage enough to go out of
the theater, nor believing themselves safe from dangers if they
tarried there. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry was
so great, that the theater rang again with the entreaties of the
spectators to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely
ignorant of every thing that related to such seditious
contrivances, and that if there were any sedition raised, they
knew nothing of it; they therefore begged that they would spare
them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such
bold crimes as belonged to other persons, while they neglected to
search after such as had really done whatsoever it be that hath
been done. Thus did these people appeal to God, and deplore their
infelicity with shedding of tears, and beating their faces, and
said every thing that the most imminent danger and the utmost
concern for their lives could dictate to them. This brake the
fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded to
do to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance
of cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they
had once fixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas
upon the altar; at which sight the spectators were sorely
afflicted, both upon the consideration of the dignity of the
persons, and out of a commiseration of their sufferings; nay,
indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the prospect of
the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain
whether they should entirely escape the like calamity. Whence it
was that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius could yet no
way enjoy the pleasure of his death, because they were themselves
in jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they hitherto
any firm assurance of surviving.

18. There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a public
crier in the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice,
who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans, and was able
to do what he pleased in the city, both then and afterward. This
man put himself into the most mournful habit he could, although
he had a greater hatred against Caius than any one else; his fear
and his wise contrivance to gain his safety taught him so to do,
and prevailed over his present pleasure; so he put on such a
mournful dress as he would have done had he lost his dearest
friends in the world; this man came into the theater, and
informed them of the death of Caius, and by this means put an end
to that state of ignorance the men had been in. Arruntius also
went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as
did the tribunes with him, bidding them put up their swords, and
telling them that Caius was dead. And this proclamation it was
plainly which saved those that were collected together in the
theater, and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while
they had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they
abstained from no sort of mischief; and such an abundant kindness
they still had for Caius, that they would willingly have
prevented the plot against him, and procured his escape from so
sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives. But they now
left off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they
were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, because it was now in
vain for them to show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who
should reward them was perished. They were also afraid that they
should be punished by the senate, if they should go on in doing
such injuries; that is, in case the authority of the supreme
governor should revert to them. And thus at length a stop was
put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which possessed
the Germans on account of Caius's death.

19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus, lest he should
light upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went
and spike to every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take
care of his preservation, and made himself great inquiry about
him, lest he should have been slain. And for Clement, he let
Minucianus go when he was brought to him, and, with many other of
the senators, affirmed the action was right, and commended the
virtue of those that contrived it, and had courage enough to
execute it; and said that "tyrants do indeed please themselves
and look big for a while, upon having the power to act unjustly;
but do not however go happily out of the world, because they are
hated by the virtuous; and that Caius, together with all his
unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before
these other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming
intolerable, in setting aside the wise provision the laws had
made, taught his dearest friends to treat him as an enemy;
insomuch that although in common discourse these conspirators
were those that slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now
dead as perishing by his own self."

20. Now by this time the people in the theatre were arisen from
their seats, and those that were within made a very great
disturbance; the cause of which was this, that the spectators
were too hasty in getting away. There was also one Aleyon, a
physician, who hurried away, as if to cure those that were
wounded, and under that pretense he sent those that were with him
to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of those
wounded persons, but in reality to get them clear of the present
dangers they were in. Now the senate, during this interval, had
met, and the people also assembled together in the accustomed
form, and were both employed in searching after the murderers of
Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the senate in
appearance only; for there was present Valerius of Asia, one that
had been consul; this man went to the people, as they were in
disorder, and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who
they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly
asked by them all who it was that had done it. He replied, "I
wish I had been the man." The consuls (7) also published an
edict, wherein they accused Caius, and gave order to the people
then got together, and to the soldiers, to go home; and gave the
people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions they lay under;
and promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to do,
and would not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would
bestow rewards upon them; for there was reason to fear lest the
city might suffer harm by their wild and ungovernable behavior,
if they should once betake themselves to spoil the citizens, or
plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude of the senators
were assembled together, and especially those that had conspired
to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of
great assurance, and appeared with great magnanimity, as if the
administration of the public affairs were already devolved upon
them.




CHAPTER 2.

How The Senators Determined To Restore The Democracy; But The
Soldiers Were For Preserving The Monarchy, Concerning The
Slaughter Of Caius's Wife And Daughter. A Character Of Caius's
Morals.


1. When the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on
the sudden hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a
meeting together; and when they had debated about what was to be
done, they saw that a democracy was incapable of managing such a
vast weight of public affairs; and that if it should be set up,
it would not be for their advantage; and in case any one of those
already in the government should obtain the supreme power, it
would in all respects be to their grief, if they were not
assisting to him in this advancement; that it would therefore be
right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled, to
choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and
of a superior dignity and worth to every one of those that were
assembled together in the senate, both on account of the virtues
of his ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired in his
education; and who, if once settled in the empire, would reward
them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them.
These were their consultations, and they executed the same
immediately. Claudius was therefore seized upon suddenly by the
soldiery. But Cneas Sentins Saturninns, although he understood
that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim the
government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality by
his own free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being
dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one
indeed as was fit for men of freedom and generosity, and spake
thus:

2. "Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the
great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened,
yet are we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this
will last is uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods,
whose grant it is; yet such it is as is sufficient to make us
rejoice, and be happy for the present, although we may soon be
deprived of it; for one hour is sufficient to those that are
exercised in virtue, wherein we may live with a mind accountable
only to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by
such laws as this country once flourished under. As for myself, I
cannot remember our former time of liberty, as being born after
it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the
thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were
born and bred up in that our former liberty happy men, and that
those men are worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves
who have given us a taste of it in this age; and I heartily wish
that this quiet enjoyment of it, which we have at present, might
continue to all ages. However, this single day may suffice for
our youth, as well as for us that are in years. It will seem an
age to our old men, if they might die during its happy duration:
it may also be for the instruction of the younger sort, what kind
of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived, were
exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space
of time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be more to
our advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can
preserve our liberty; for as to our ancient state, I have heard
of it by the relations of others; but as to our later state,
during my lifetime, I have known it by experience, and learned
thereby what mischiefs tyrannies have brought upon this
commonwealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of
magnanimity of their liberty, and proving the teachers of
flattery and slavish fear, because it leaves the public
administration not to be governed by wise laws, but by the humor
of those that govern. For since Julius Caesar took it into his
head to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular
system of our laws, to bring disorders into our administration,
and to get above right and justice, and to be a slave to his own
inclinations, there is no kind of misery but what hath tended to
the subversion of this city; while all those that have succeeded
him have striven one with another to overthrow the ancient laws
of their country, and have left it destitute of such citizens as
were of generous principles, because they thought it tended to
their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not only
to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their
virtue, but to resolve upon their utter destruction. Of all
which emperors, who have been many in number, and who laid upon
us insufferable hardships during the times of their government,
this Caius, who hath been slain today, hath brought more terrible
calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only by exercising
his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but also upon his
kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting
still greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they
never deserved, he being equally furious against men and against
the gods. For tyrants are not content to gain their sweet
pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and in the vexation
they bring both upon men's estates and their wives; but they look
upon that to be their principal advantage, when they can utterly
overthrow the entire families of their enemies; while all lovers
of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that
patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their
friendship; for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs
they have brought on these men, and how magnanimously they have
borne their hard fortunes, they cannot but be sensible what evils
they have done, and thence only depend on security from what they
are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them quite
out of the world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such
great misfortunes, and are only accountable to one another,
(which form of government affords us the best assurance of our
present concord, and promises us the best security from evil
designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the city
in good order,) you ought, every one of you in particular, to
make provision for his own, and in general for the public
utility: or, on the contrary, they may declare their dissent to
such things as have been proposed, and this without any hazard of
danger to come upon them, because they have now no lord set over
them, who, without fear of punishment, could do mischief to the
city, and had an uncontrollable power to take off those that
freely declared their opinions. Nor has any thing so much
contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth, and a
timorous forbearance of contradicting the emperor's will; while
men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and
had learned to live like slaves; and as many of us as either
heard of intolerable calamities that happened at a distance from
us, or saw the miseries that were near us, out of the dread of
dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost infamy.
We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honors
we are able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially
to Cherea Cassius; for this one man, with the assistance of the
gods, hath, by his counsel and by his actions, been the procurer
of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget him now we have recovered
our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel
beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties;
but ought to decree him proper honors, and thereby freely declare
that he from the beginning acted with our approbation. And
certainly it is a very excellent thing, and what becomes
free-men, to requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a
benefactor to us all, though not at all like Cassius and Brutus,
who slew Caius Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the
foundations of sedition and civil wars in our city; but this man,
together with his slaughter of the tyrant, hath set our city free
from all those sad miseries which arose from the tyranny." (8)

3. And this was the purport of Sentius's oration, (9) which was
received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the
equestrian order as were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus
rose up hastily, and took off Sentius's finger a ring, which had
a stone, with the image of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in
his zeal in speaking, and his earnestness in doing what he was
about, as it was supposed, he had forgotten to take off himself.
This sculpture was broken immediately. But as it was now far in
the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the watchword, who gave
him this word, Liberty. These facts were the subjects of
admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; for it was a
hundred years since the democracy had been laid aside, when this
giving the watchword returned to the consuls; for before the city
was subject to tyrants, they were the commanders of the soldiers.
But when Cherea had received that watchword, he delivered it to
those who were on the senate's side, which were four regiments,
who esteemed the government without emperors to be preferable to
tyranny. So these went away with their tribunes. The people also
now departed very joyful, full of hope and of courage, as having
recovered their former democracy, and were no longer under an
emperor; and Cherea was in very great esteem with them.

4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's daughter and wife
were still alive, and that all his family did not perish with
him, since whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin
of the city and of the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this
matter with the utmost zeal, and in order to satisfy his hatred
of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes, to kill
Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this office to Lupus as
to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of
this murder of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of
having assisted his fellow citizens, and that he might appear to
have been a partaker with those that were first in their designs
against him. Yet did this action appear to some of the
conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity to a
woman, because Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use
her advice in all that he did; from which ill-nature it was that
the city was in so desperate a condition with the miseries that
were brought on it, and the flower of the city was destroyed. But
others accused her of giving her consent to these things; nay,
they ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the cause of it,
and said she had given a potion to Caius, which had made him
obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her by such evil
methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted, was
become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the
Romans, and that habitable world which was subject to them. So
that at length it was determined that she must die; nor could
those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to have her saved;
and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was there any delay made in
executing what he went about, but he was subservient to those
that sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way
blameable in what might be done for the advantage of the people.
So when he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was
Caius's wife, lying by her husband's dead body, which also lay
down on the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law
allows to the dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood
of her husband's wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she
was under, her daughter lying by her also; and nothing else was
heard in these her circumstances but her complaint of Caius, as
if he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand;
which words of hers were taken in a different sense even at that
time, and are now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear
of them, and are still interpreted according to the different
inclinations of people. Now some said that the words denoted that
she had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and his
barbarous cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with
moderation and virtue, lest he should perish by the same way,
upon their using him as he had used them. But some said, that as
certain words had passed concerning the conspirators, she desired
Caius to make no delay, but immediately to put them all to death,
and this whether they were guilty or not, and that thereby he
would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this was what
she reproached him for, when she advised him so to do, but he was
too slow and tender in the matter. And this was what Cesonia
said, and what the opinions of men were about it. But when she
saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius's dead body, and
persuaded him to come nearer, with lamentation and tears; and as
she perceived that Lupus was in disorder, and approached her in
order to execute some design disagreeable to himself, she was
well aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her naked
throat, and that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like
one that utterly despaired of her life, and bidding him not to
boggle at finishing the tragedy they had resolved upon relating
to her. So she boldly received her death's wound at the hand of
Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to
inform Cherea of what he had done.

5. This was the end of Caius, after he had reigned four years,
within four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor,
ill-natured, and one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of
wickedness; a slave to his pleasures, and a lover of calumny;
greatly affected by every terrible accident, and on that account
of a very murderous disposition where he durst show it. He
enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure
those who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolene and got
his wealth by murder and injustice. He labored to appear above
regarding either what was divine or agreeable to the laws, but
was a slave to the commendations of the populace; and whatsoever
the laws determined to be shameful, and punished, that he
esteemed more honorable than what was virtuous. He was unmindful
of his friends, how intimate soever, and though they were persons
of the highest character; and if he was once angry at any of
them, he would inflict punishment upon them on the smallest
occasions, and esteemed every man that endeavored to lead a
virtuous life his enemy. And whatsoever he commanded, he would
not admit of any contradiction to his inclinations; whence it was
that he had criminal conversation with his own sister; (10) from
which occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first
sprang up against him among the citizens, that sort of incest not
having been known of a long time; and so this provoked men to
distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty of it. And for any
great or royal work that he ever did, which might be for the
present and for future ages, nobody can name any such, but only
the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily, for the
reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was
indeed a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very
great advantage to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought
to perfection by him, but was the one half of it left imperfect,
by reason of his want of application to it; the cause of which
was this, that he employed his studies about useless matters, and
that by spending his money upon such pleasures as concerned no
one's benefit but his own, he could not exert his liberality in
things that were undeniably of great consequence. Otherwise he
was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek
tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He was
also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to compositions
made by others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also
more skillful in persuading others to very great things than any
one else, and this from a natural affability of temper, which had
been improved by much exercise and pains-taking; for as he was
the grandson (11) of the brother of Tiberius, whose successor he
was, this was a strong inducement to his acquiring of learning,
because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of
reputation; and Caius aspired after the like glory for eloquence,
being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and his
emperor. He was also among the first rank of his own citizens.
But the advantages he received from his learning did not
countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise
of his authority; so difficult it is for those to obtain the
virtue that is necessary for a wise man, who have the absolute
power to do what they please without control. At the first he got
himself such friends as were in all respects the most worthy, and
was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous
application to the learning and to the glorious actions of the
best men; but when he became insolent towards them, they laid
aside the kindness they had for him, and began to hate him; from
which hatred came that plot which they raised against him, and
wherein he perished.




CHAPTER 3.

How Claudius Was Seized Upon And Brought Out Of His House And
Brought To The Camp; And How The Senate Sent An Embassage To Him.


1. Now Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along
which Caius was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder
upon the sad accident of the murder of Caius, he was in great
distress how to save himself, and was found to have hidden
himself in a certain narrow place, (12) though he had no other
occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides the dignity of his
birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved himself with
moderation, and was contented with his present fortune, applying
himself to learning, and especially to that of the Greeks, and
keeping himself entirely clear from every thing that might bring
on any disturbance. But as at this time the multitude were under
a consternation, and the whole palace was full of the soldiers'
madness, and the very emperor's guards seemed under the like fear
and disorder with private persons, the band called pretorian,
which was the purest part of the army, was in consultation what
was to be done at this juncture. Now all those that were at this
consultation had little regard to the punishment Caius had
suffered, because he justly deserved such his fortune; but they
were rather considering their own circumstances, how they might
take the best care of themselves, especially while the Germans
were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius; which yet was
rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for the good
of the public; all which things disturbed Claudius, who was
afraid of his own safety, and this particularly because he saw
the heads of Asprenas and his partners carried about. His station
had been on a certain elevated place, whither a few steps led
him, and whither he had retired in the dark by himself. But when
Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that belonged to the palace,
saw him, but did not well know by his countenance who he was,
because it was dark, though he could well judge that it was a man
who was privately there on some design, he came nearer to him;
and when Claudius desired that he would retire, he discovered who
he was, and owned him to be Claudius. So he said to his
followers, "This is a Germanicus; (12) come on, let us choose him
for our emperor." But when Claudius saw they were making
preparations for taking him away by force, and was afraid they
would kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought them to
spare him, putting them in mind how quietly he had demeaned
himself, and that he was unacquainted with what had been done.
Hereupon Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by the right hand,
and said, "Leave off, sir, these low thoughts of saving yourself,
while you ought to have greater thoughts, even of obtaining the
empire, which the gods, out of their concern for the habitable
world, by taking Caius out of the way, commit to thy virtuous
conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept of the throne of thy
ancestors." So they took him up and carried him, because he was
not then able to go on foot, such was his dread and his joy at
what was told him.

2. Now there was already gathered together about Gratus a great
number of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried off,
they looked with a sad countenance, as supposing that he was
carried to execution for the mischiefs that had been lately done;
while yet they thought him a man who never meddled with public
affairs all his life long, and one that had met with no
contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some of them
thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognizance of
these matters; and as still more and more of the soldiery got
together, the crowd about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly
go on, his body was then so weak; and those who carried his
sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about his being carried off,
ran away and saved themselves, as despairing of their Lord's
preservation. But when they were come into the large court of the
palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first
of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the
public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to
see Claudius's face, and thought it exceeding right to make him
emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his
brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that
were acquainted with him. They reflected also on the covetous
temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors
they had been guilty of when the senate had the government
formerly; they also considered the impossibility of such an
undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the
government should come to a single person, and that such a one
should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to
Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by
their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had
done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the
same.

3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by
themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to
them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly
embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest;
so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his
guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding
another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. But
as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their
opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former
dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had
been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants,
which the present opportunity afforded them; but for the people,
who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were
capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from
them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and
brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor,
he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of
Pompey. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into
the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body
which had the best character for their virtues, that they might
inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to
gain the government; that he who was a single person, one either
already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield
to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he
ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that
related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the
former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he
and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate
the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others,
while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad and
insolent manner; that if he would comply with them, and
demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and
virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that
a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law,
would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a
man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; but that if he
would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius's death, they
would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was
got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number
of slaves, which they could make use of; that good hope was a
great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that
the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook
to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as
fight for the liberty of their country.

4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of
them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and
falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would
not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw
what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius,
and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in
comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, they added, that if
he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by
the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he
came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those
that would bestow it upon him.




CHAPTER 4.

What Things King Agrippa Did For Claudius; And How Claudius When
He Had Taken The Government Commanded The Murderers Of Caius To
Be Slain.


1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent
manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their
advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not
so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he
was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness
of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa,
who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his
hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. Now this
Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had
been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius's body after
he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he
could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was
still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians,
since he was very ill of his wounds. But when he had learned that
Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed
through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in
disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he
encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; but when
he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the
senate's sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as
if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed
her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what
Claudius did; who told him the present state of affairs, and then
asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told
them in words that he was ready to lose his life for the honor of
the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their
advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them;
for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of
weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up
without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. And when
the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance,
and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already
collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by
giving the slaves their liberty, - Agrippa made answer, "O
senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet
will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to
your preservation. Take notice, then, that the army which will
fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs;
but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men,
and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery,
and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are
skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw
their swords. So that my opinion is, that we should send some
persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government;
and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors."

2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and
he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the
disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer
them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with
dignity and authority. Accordingly, Claudius said to the
ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to
have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the
barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their
affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government
under him, and moderate times, while he should only be their
ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them
all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of
life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust
him. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were
dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there
gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in
their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man
five thousand (13) drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable
quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the
rest of the armies wheresoever they were.

3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple
of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of
those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain
what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them
went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither
the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay,
these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without
danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than
by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard
of their own safety. However, a hundred and no more were gotten
together; and as they were in consultation about the present
posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that
were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an
emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a
multitude of rulers. So they fully declared themselves to be for
the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave
the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over
them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse
than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of
their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in
dread of Claudius also. Yet were there those that hankered after
the government, both on account of the dignity of their families
and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus
Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his
having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was
very ready to claim the government, although the consuls
discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing
it: that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's murderers,
restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a
prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to
these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There
were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of
those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of
ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put
in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order
to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons.

4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were
with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to
the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they
saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands,
and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and
would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to
be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for
their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: but the senate
hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should
themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them
to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the
soldiers to dictate to them. When they were in these
circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had,
and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them
one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. Now
this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled
Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the
soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time
in ignominious labors, which occasioned Cherea to reproach them
with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language;
and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that
it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they
should commit their government to a fool. Yet were not they moved
with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns,
and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to
him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and
the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. They were
also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would
become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them; so they
fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had
done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's murderers,
threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and
kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see
slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his
life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of
Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when, even by all that
they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it
impossible to do it. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt
upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the
intentions of Claudius before he did it.

5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp
every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to
Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponhis, was reproached
by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover
their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going
to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not
hindered them, who snatched the consul out of the danger he was
in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the
senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay,
some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to
salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were
all in danger. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and
desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any
mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over
whom to rule. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate
together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through
the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to
the great vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two
of Caius's murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open
manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made
captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to
forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius, upon his
coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their
suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a
glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of
perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of
death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for the time to
come. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many
other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this
calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his
own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus,
who fell into tears; for when Lupus laid his garment aside, and
complained of the cold (14) he said, that cold was never hurtful
to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with
them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked
the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office
was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of
his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him
that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. (15) So he was
happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such
good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous,
and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not
stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done].

6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were
just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to
their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of
Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue
his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the
end of the life that Cherea came to. But for Sabinus, although
Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to
retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would
be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his
fellow confederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed
himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword.




CHAPTER 5.

How Claudius Restored To Agrippa His Grandfathers Kingdoms And
Augmented His Dominions; And How He Published An Edict In Behalf.


1. Now when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers
whom he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an
edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius
had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also
made all addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who
was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and
this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila (16)
of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them
upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league
with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the
forum, in the city of Rome: he also took away from Antiochus that
kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of
Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the
alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to
his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son
[Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when
Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she
was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod,
and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.

2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and
the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead,
the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under
the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the
people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up
their arms to fight for themselves. So Claudius sent an order to
the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an
edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to
Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows:
"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and
tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since I am assured that the
Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint
inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have
obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is
evident by the public records that are in their possession, and
the edicts themselves; and that after Alexandria had been
subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges
have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times
been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about
those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of
Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus
did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all
men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the
observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress
the ancient rules of their own country religion; but that, in the
time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews
that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and
want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low,
because they would not transgress the religious worship of their
country, and call him a god: I will therefore that the nation of
the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on
account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and
privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and
that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both
parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after
the promulgation of this edict."

3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews
that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the
other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows:
"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest,
tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains
thus: Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are
persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and
privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the
Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very
willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for
the sake of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I
have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their
fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just
that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and
privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great
Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in
all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without
being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my
kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of
the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their
own laws only. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on
tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and
municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it,
both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to
have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a
place whence it may plainly be read from the ground. (17)




CHAPTER 6.

What Things Were Done By Agrippa At Jerusalem When He Was
Returned Back Into Judea; And What It Was That Petronius Wrote To
The Inhabitants Of Doris, In Behalf.


1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent
to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what
opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take
his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity
than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators
of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly.
Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now
he returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He
also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that
belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; (18)
on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should
have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been
given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain
wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within
the limits of the temple, over the treasury, (19) that it might
be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a
testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a
demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and
that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: for this chain
thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa
had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered
his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of
his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he
was before. Whence men may understand that all that partake of
human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those
that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again.

2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the
Divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from
the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the
son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king
Herod married, as I have related above. Simon, therefore, had the
[high] priesthood with his brethren, and with his father, in like
manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three,
had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as we
have related in a former book.

3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this
manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of
Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon
houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good
thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He
also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had
partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very
little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt
before piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a
statue of Caesar into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it
there. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it
plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So
he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then
president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor did he
less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a
piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions
of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris
in an angry strain: "Publius Petronius, the president under
Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates
of Doris, ordains as follows: Since some of you have had the
boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar
Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to
observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same, but have
acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to
assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar's statue,
and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the
Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously
placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the
place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural
justice, that every one should have the power over the place
belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the
determination of Caesar, - to say nothing of my own
determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the
emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their
own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the
rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves, - I therefore
ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to
me, who, contrary to Augustus's edict, have been so insolent as
to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of
principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and
allege for themselves, 'that it was not done with their consent,
but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an
account of what hath been done. I also exhort the principal
magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this
action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the
centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no
handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among
them; which those seem to me to treat after who encourage such
doings; while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have
the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that
the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting
together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become
tumultuous. And that it may be more publicly known what Augustus
hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those
edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria,
and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king
Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, read them at that
time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to
be deprived of those rights which Augustus hath granted them. I
therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek
for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one
be allowed to follow their own religious customs."

4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a
breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing
might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king
Agrippa took the [high] priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and
put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it again, and owned that he
was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this was not
a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity. So
he refused it, and said, "O king! I rejoice in the honor that
thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me
such a dignity of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged
that I am not at all worthy of the high priesthood. I am
satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments; for I then
put them on after a more holy manner than I should now receive
them again. But if thou desirest that a person more worthy than
myself should have this honorable employment, give me leave to
name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all sin
against God, and of all offenses against thyself; I recommend him
to thee, as one that is fit for this dignity." So the king was
pleased with these words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and,
according to his brother's desire, bestowed the high priesthood
upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius,
as president of Syria.




CHAPTER 7.

Concerning Silas And On What Account It Was That King Agrippa Was
Angry At Him. How Agrippa Began To Encompass Jerusalem With A
Wall; And What Benefits He Bestowed On The Inhabitants Of
Berytus.


1. Now Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had
been faithful to him under all his misfortunes, and had never
refused to be a partaker with him in any of his dangers, but had
oftentimes undergone the most hazardous dangers for him, was full
of assurance, and thought he might expect a sort of equality with
the king, on account of the firmness of the friendship he had
showed to him. Accordingly, he would no where let the king sit as
his superior, and took the like liberty in speaking to him upon
all occasions, till he became troublesome to the king, when they
were merry together, extolling himself beyond measure, and oft
putting the king in mind of the severity of fortune he had
undergone, that he might, by way of ostentation, demonstrate What
zeal he had showed in his service; and was continually harping
upon this string, what pains he had taken for him, and much
enlarged still upon that subject. The repetition of this so
frequently seemed to reproach the king, insomuch that he took
this ungovernable liberty of talking very ill at his hands. For
the commemoration of times when men have been under ignominy, is
by no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly man who is
perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had done him.
At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's
indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good
consideration, and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as
general of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country.
But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time, and made
room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about this man;
and he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake.
So when Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave
festival entertainments to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on
the sudden to be his guest. But as he was a very frank man, he
thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry; which he
could not conceal from those that came for him, but said to them,
"What honor is this the king invites me to, which I conclude will
soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those original
marks of the good-will I bore him, which I once had from him; but
he hath plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does he think that
I can leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the
consciousness of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before,
and shall relate how many misfortunes I have been delivered from;
how many labors I have undergone for him, whereby I procured him
deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I have borne the
hardships of bonds and a dark prison? I shall never forget this
usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out of the
body, will not forget the glorious actions I did on his account."
This was the clamor he made, and he ordered the messengers to
tell it to the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in
his folly, and still suffered him to lie in prison.

2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new
city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public,
and built them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he
had made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless
Marcus, the then president of Syria, had by letter informed
Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. And when Claudius had some
suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave
off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not
thinking it proper to contradict Claudius.

3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his
gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large
donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many
chargeable presents he made them. He took delight in giving, and
rejoiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like
that Herod who reigned before him; for that Herod was
ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on
them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more
friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign
cities with large presents in money; with building them baths and
theatres besides; nay, in some of those places he erected
temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to
raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them
any donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was
mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to
foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality. He was in
like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper.
Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was
exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He
therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over
his head without its appointed sacrifice.

4. However, there was a certain mall of the Jewish nation at
Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of
the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly,
while the king was absent at Cesarea, and had the insolence to
accuse him as not living holily, and that he might justly be
excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native
Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him that Simon
had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him;
and as he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by him,
and said to him with a low and gentle voice, "What is there done
in this place that is contrary to the law?" But he had nothing to
say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more
easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined, as
esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and
knowing that moderation is more becoming in great men than
passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him.

5. Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a
peculiar regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected a
theater for them, superior to many others of that sort, both in
Sumptuousness and elegance, as also an amphitheater, built at
vast expenses; and besides these, he built them baths and
porticoes, and spared for no costs in any of his edifices, to
render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal
upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought
thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most
delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his
magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators;
and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in
order to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven
hundred men to fight with seven hundred other men (20) and
allotted all the malefactors he had for this exercise, that both
the malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this
operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were
these criminals all destroyed at once.




CHAPTER 8.

What Other Acts Were Done By Agrippa Until His Death; And After
What Manner He Died.


1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at
Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in
great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him
Antiochus, king of Commalena, Sampsigeratnus, king of Emesa, and
Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was
king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of
Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and
after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of
his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the
kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However, while
these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came
thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was
due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as
seven furlongs. But this proved to be the beginning of a
difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his
chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a
suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of
these kings one with another, and did not think so close an
agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the
Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of
them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further
delay. This was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became
his enemy. And now he took the high priesthood away from
Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in
his stead.

2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he
came to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato's
Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his
being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to
make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was
gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of
dignity through his province. On the second day of which shows he
put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly
wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at
which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the
fresh reflection of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a
surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror
over those that looked intently upon him; and presently his
flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from
another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they
added, "Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto
reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee
as superior to mortal nature." Upon this the king did neither
rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he
presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl (21) sitting on a
certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this
bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the
messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest
sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a
most violent manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and
said, "I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart
this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you
just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am
immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept
of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no
means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner." When he
said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was
carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every where,
that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude
presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after
the law of their country, and besought God for the king's
recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation.
Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below
lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear
weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his
belly for five days, he departed this life, being in the
fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his
reign; for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of
them were over Philip's tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had
that of Herod added to it; and he reigned, besides those, three
years under the reign of Claudius Caesar; in which time he
reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had Judea
added to them, as well as Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that
he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve
millions of drachme. (22) Yet did he borrow great sums from
others; for he was so very liberal that his expenses exceeded his
incomes, and his generosity was boundless. (23)

3. But before the multitude were made acquainted with Agrippa's
being expired, Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the master
of his horse, and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the
king's most faithful servants, and slew Silas, who had been their
enemy, as if it had been done by the king's own command.




CHAPTER 9.

What Things Were Done After The Death Of Agrippa; And How
Claudius, On Account Of The Youth And Unskilfulness Of Agrippa,
Junior, Sent Cuspius Fadus To Be Procurator Of Judea, And Of The
Entire Kingdom.


1. And thus did king Agrippa depart this life. But he left behind
him a son, Agrippa by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of
his age, and three daughters; one of which, Bernice, was married
to Herod, his father's brother, and was sixteen years old; the
other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still virgins; the former
was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now these his daughters were
thus espoused by their father; Marlatone to Julius Archclaus
Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and
Drusilla to the king of Commagena. But when it was known that
Agrippa was departed this life, the inhabitants of Cesarea and of
Sebaste forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted
the part of the bitterest enemies; for they cast such reproaches
upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken of; and so many of
them as were then soldiers, which were a great number, went to
his house, and hastily carried off the statues (24) of this
king's daughters, and all at once carried them into the
brothel-houses, and when they had set them on the tops of those
houses, they abused them to the utmost of their power, and did
such things to them as are too indecent to be related. They also
laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated general
feastings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and
libations to Charon, and drinking to one another for joy that the
king was expired. Nay, they were not only unmindful of Agrippa,
who had extended his liberality to them in abundance, but of his
grandfather Herod also, who had himself rebuilt their cities, and
had raised them havens and temples at vast expenses.

2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome, and brought
up with Claudius Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that
Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cesarea
had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was
displeased with the ingratitude of those cities. He was therefore
disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently to succeed his
father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in it by
his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the
greatest authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that
it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to
come under the government of so very young a man, and one hardly
yet arrived at years of discretion, who would not be able to take
sufficient care of its administration; while the weight of a
kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what
they said to be reasonable. Accordingly he sent Cuspins Fadus to
be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that
respect to the eceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had been
at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined, in the
first place, to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the
inhabitants of Cesarca and Sebaste for those abuses they had
offered to him that was deceased, and their madness towards his
daughters that were still alive; and that he should remove that
body of soldiers that were at Cesarea and Sebaste, with the five
regiments, into Pontus, that they might do their military duty
there; and that he should choose an equal number of soldiers out
of the Roman legions that were in Syria, to supply their place.
Yet were not those that had such orders actually removed; for by
sending ambassadors to Claudius, they mollified him, and got
leave to abide in Judea still; and these were the very men that
became the source of very great calamities to the Jews in
after-times, and sowed the seeds of that war which began under
Florus; whence it was that when Vespasian had subdued the
country, he removed them out of his province, as we shall relate
hereafter.




BOOK XX.

Containing The Interval Of Twenty-Two Years.

From Fadus The Procurator To Florus.

CHAPTER 1.

A Sedition Of The Philadelphians Against The Jews; And Also
Concerning The Vestments Of The High Priest.


1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, which we have related in the
foregoing book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as
successor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa,
who had often desired of him by letters, while he was alive, that
he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria.
But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found
quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea, and the
people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called
Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews
of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal
men, and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians. When Fadus was
informed of this procedure, it provoked him very much that they
had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they
thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but had
rashly taken up arms against them. So he seized upon three of
their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition,
and ordered them to be bound, and afterwards had one of them
slain, whose name was Hannibal; and he banished the other two,
Areram and Eleazar. Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after
some time, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had
done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed,
from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and
providence of Fadus. He also at this time sent for the high
priests and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the
command of the emperor, and admonished them that they should lay
up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is
customary for nobody but the high priest to wear, in the tower of
Antonia, that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it
had been formerly. Now the Jews durst not contradict what he had
said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus, (which last was
come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of
a fear that the [rigid] injunctions of Fadus should force the
Jews to rebel,) that they might, in the first place, have leave
to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition him that they may have
the holy vestments under their own power; and that, in the next
place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would
give to that their request. So they replied, that they would give
them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give
them their sons as pledges [for their peaceable behavior]. And
when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges
they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly. But when,
upon their coming to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the
deceased, understood the reason why they came, (for he dwelt with
Claudius Caesar, as we said before,) he besought Caesar to grant
the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to send a
message to Fadus accordingly.

2. Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors; and told them
that he granted their request; and bade them to return their
thanks to Agrippa for this favor, which had been bestowed on them
upon his entreaty. And besides these answers of his, he sent the
following letter by them: "Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of
the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time,
and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the
magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the
Jews, sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambassadors
to me by Agrippa, my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now
with me, and who is a person of very great piety, who are come to
give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to
entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have
the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their
power, - I grant their request, as that excellent person
Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before me. And I have
complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to
that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one
worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this
I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and
Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest
good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have
the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as
persons of the best character. Now I have written about these
affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procurator. The names of those that
brought me your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero, Trypho,
the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel, and John,
the son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the
calends of July, when Ruffis and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls."

3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then
possessed of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned
Claudius Caesar for the authority over the temple, and the money
of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high priests, and
obtained all that he petitioned for. So that after that time this
authority continued among all his descendants till the end of the
war (1) Accordingly, Herod removed the last high priest, called
Cimtheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the
son of Cantos.




CHAPTER 2.

How Helena The Queen Of Adiabene And Her Son Izates, Embraced The
Jewish Religion; And How Helena Supplied The Poor With Corn, When
There Was A Great Famine At Jerusalem.


1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her
son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish
customs, and this on the occasion following: Monobazus, the king
of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with
his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her
with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his
hand upon his wife's belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a
voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife's belly, and not
hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God's providence,
would be safely born, and have a happy end. This voice put him
into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to
his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. He had
indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had
other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all
his affections on this his only begotten (2) son Izates, which
was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same
father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more
and more, and were all under great affliction that their father
should prefer Izates before them. Now although their father was
very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them,
as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but
out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father.
However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the
king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in
about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred
his brethren bore him; and he committed his son's preservation to
him. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had
a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter,
whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from
which he received large revenues.

2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a
little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his
son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after
the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country
called Carra; it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty:
there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is
related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still
shown to such as are desirous to see them. (3) Accordingly,
Izates abode in that country until his father's death. But the
very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the
grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had
the armies committed to their command; and when they were come,
she made the following speech to them: "I believe you are not
unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed
him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However,
I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a
kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing
suffrages of a great many." This she said, in order to try those
that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the
hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the
queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they
confirmed the king's determination, and would submit to it; and
they rejoiced that Izates's father had preferred him before the
rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: but
that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and
kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates;
because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over
which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. Helena
replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their
kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would
however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates's
brethren till he should be there himself, and give his
approbation to it. So since these men had not prevailed with her,
when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to
keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own
security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she
could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in
the mean time. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of
theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put
the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father's ring, with
its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and
exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his
brother should come; who came suddenly upon hearing that his
father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who
resigned up the government to him.

3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain
Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias, got among the women that
belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to
the Jewish religion. He, moreover, by their means, became known
to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that
religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied
him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it
also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by
a certain other Jew and went over to them. But when Izates had
taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his
brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; and
as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or
imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let
them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries
that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their
children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the
others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like
intentions.

4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with
the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them
entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a
Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. But
when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to
hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would
bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would
thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when
they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to
them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be
ruled over by a Jew. This it was that she said to him, and for
the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related
what she had said to Ananias, he confirmed what his mother had
said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he
complied with him, he went away from him, and said that he was
afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he
should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the
occasion of it, and having been the king's instructor in actions
that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship
God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to
follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a
superior nature to circumcision. He added, that God would forgive
him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was
omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the
king at that time complied with these persuasions of Ananias. But
afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this
thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name
was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning
of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; for as he entered
into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of
Moses, he said to him, "Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou
unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious
to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou
oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they
enjoin thee. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if
thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not
know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read
it now." When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the
thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a
surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for
his mother, and Ananias his tutor, and informed them that he had
done the thing; upon which they were presently struck with
astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing
should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should
hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear
to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion;
and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they
would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. But it was God
himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he
preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into
many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be
impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does
not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their
faith upon him only. (4) But these events we shall relate
hereafter.

5. But as to Helena, the king's mother, when she saw that the
affairs of Izates's kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a
happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners,
by the means of God's providence over him, she had a mind to go
to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of
God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her
thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave
to go thither; upon which he gave his consent to what she desired
very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission,
and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city
Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. Now
her coming was of very great advantage to the people of
Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time,
and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure
food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria
with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to
Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. And as soon as they were
come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very
quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it,
and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this
benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. And when her
son Izates was informed of this famine, (5) he sent great sums of
money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors
this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be
further related hereafter.




CHAPTER 3.

How Artabanus, the King of Parthia out of Fear of the Secret
Contrivances of His Subjects Against Him, Went to Izates, and Was
By Him Reinstated in His Government; as Also How Bardanes His Son
Denounced War Against Izates.


1. But now Artabanus, king of the Parthians perceiving that the
governors of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not
think it safe for him to continue among them; but resolved to go
to Izates, in hopes of finding some way for his preservation by
his means, and, if possible, for his return to his own dominions.
So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and
servants with him, and met him upon the road, while he well knew
Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near
him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the
custom, he then said to him, "O king! do not thou overlook me thy
servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as
I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a
king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance.
Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and
esteem the care thou shalt take of me to be taken of thyself
also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished,
many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other
kings also." And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his
eyes, and with a dejected countenance. Now as soon as Izates
heard Artabanus's name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before
him, he leaped down from his horse immediately, and said to him,
"Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity,
as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition
shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and
thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either
re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own."

2. When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and
followed him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater
than himself; which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at
it, and sware by his present fortune and honor that he would get
down from his horse, unless Izates would get upon his horse
again, and go before him. So he complied with his desire, and
leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal
palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat
together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as
regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and
that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune
are common to all men. He also wrote to the Parthians, to
persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right
hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done,
and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them.
Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again,
but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because
they had committed the government to another person, who had
accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were
afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. When
Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus
himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature
good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him,
and to come and take his own dominions again. Accordingly,
Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him,
worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem
off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus.

3. And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the
means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees
of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had
conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of
the greatest esteem among them; for he gave him leave to wear his
tiara upright, (6) and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are
privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia.
He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of
Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is
Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city
which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors
that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians.

4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to
his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would
have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him
in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; but he could
not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and
good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what
was impossible to be done; and having besides sent his sons, five
in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the
language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he
had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said
already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained
Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous
actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and
desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition. But the
Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced
war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by
this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein; for the
Parthians perceiving Bardanes's intentions, and how he had
determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his
kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. He also, in no long time,
perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother,
succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his
brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder,
Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates.




CHAPTER 4.

How Izates Was Betrayed By His Own Subjects, And Fought Against
By The Arabians And How Izates, By The Providence Of God, Was
Delivered Out Of Their Hands.


1. Now when the king's brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred,
saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed
by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their
country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; but that act of
theirs was discovered by Izates's subjects. Whereupon the
grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger
at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper
opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. Accordingly, they
wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums
of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and
they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would
desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by
reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they
obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and
desired that he would make haste in this design. The king of
Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into
the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of
the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those
Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted
Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon
their enemies, ran away. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but
when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also
retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as
soon as he knew who they were that made this conspiracy with the
king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and
renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of
his enemies, and forced all the rest to betake themselves to
flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress
called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously, he took
that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that
was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did
not he take Abia alive, because, when he found himself
encompassed on every side, he slew himself.

2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their
first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king's
hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to
Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he
would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who
should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated
their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and
embracing foreign customs. When the king of Parthia heard this,
he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense
for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable
privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and
threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. Upon hearing of
this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it
would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges
that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; yet because he
knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those
honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself
to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his
life; and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he
intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress,
and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the
grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well
as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. And when the
king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and
horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched
in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted
Adiabene from Media, - Izates also pitched his camp not far off,
having with him six thousand horsemen. But there came a messenger
to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large
his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to
Bactria, and enumerated that king's subjects; he also threatened
him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his
lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver
him out of the king's hands. When the messenger had delivered
this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of
Parthia's power was much greater than his own; but that he knew
also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he
had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make
supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put
ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted,
together with his wives and children. (7) Then he called upon
God, and said, "O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain
committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that
thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to
my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own
account, but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to
thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and
arrogant tongue against thee." Thus did he lament and bemoan
himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer.
And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the
contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and
Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from
home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthis waste; so that he
[was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it
was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the
providence of God.

3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed
fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom
twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and
twenty-four daughters. However, he gave order that his brother
Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting
him, because, while he was himself absent after their father's
death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. But
when Helena, his mother, heard of her son's death, she was in
great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most
dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the
succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him
in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long
outlive her son Izates. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as
those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that
they should be buried at the pyramids (8) which their mother had
erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than
three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. But for the actions of
Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life, we
will relate them hereafter.-




CHAPTER 5.

Concerning Theudas And The Sons Of Judas The Galilean; As Also
What Calamity Fell Upon The Jews On The Day Of The Passover.


1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that
a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, (9) persuaded a great
part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow
him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and
that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford
them an easy passage over it; and many were deluded by his words.
However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his
wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who,
falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many
of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his
head, and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what befell the Jews
in the time of Cuspius Fadus's government.

2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the
son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was
a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his
family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than
this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion
of his country. Under these procurators that great famine
happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at
a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want,
as I have related already. And besides this, the sons of Judas of
Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the
people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the
estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The
names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander
commanded to be crucified. But now Herod, king of Chalcis,
removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and
made Ananias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was
that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; as also
that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this
life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar. He left
behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first
wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice
his brother's daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his
dominions on Agrippa, junior.

3. Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of
Cureanus, there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem,
and many of the Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain
the occasion whence it was derived. When that feast which is
called the passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to
use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together
from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some
attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered
that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand
in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation,
if perchance any such should begin; and this was no more than
what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals. But
on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his
breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which
put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out
that this impious action was not done to approach them, but God
himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that
the soldier was set on by him, which, when Cumanus heard, he was
also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon
him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts,
and not to raise a tumult at the festival. But when he could not
induce them to be quiet for they still went on in their
reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take
their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as
we have said already, which overlooked the temple; but when the
multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them,
and ran away hastily; but as the passages out were but narrow,
and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were
crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed
to death in those narrow passages; nor indeed was the number
fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So
instead of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and
they all of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook
themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did
the impudent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon them.
(10)

4. Now before this their first mourning was over, another
mischief befell them also; for some of those that raised the
foregoing tumult, when they were traveling along the public road,
about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a
servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all
that he had with him; which things when Cureanus heard of, he
sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the
neighboring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among
them in bonds to him. Now as this devastation was making, one of
the soldiers seized the laws of Moses that lay in one of those
villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present,
and tore them to pieces; and this was done with reproachful
language, and much scurrility; which things when the Jews heard
of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down
to Cesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he
would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had
been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer,
if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this
manner. Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude
should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also,
took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the
laws should be beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition
which was ready to be kindled a second time.




CHAPTER 6.

How There Happened A Quarrel Between The Jews And The Samaritans;
And How Claudius Put An End To Their Differences.


1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews
on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans,
when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their
journeys through the country of the Samaritans; (11) and at this
time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called
Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great
plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the
Galileans, and killed a great many of them. But when the
principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done,
they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of
those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans,
with money, to do nothing in the matter; upon which the Galileans
were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to
betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying
that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was
joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable, And
when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised
to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were
killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons,
and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a
robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with
which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans.
When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of
Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the
Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them,
and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive;
whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem,
and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and
the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height
things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their
heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and
persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter
subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple,
and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, (12)
which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and
would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for
the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These
persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. So the people
dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their
places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun
with robberies.

2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius
Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre,
and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and
plundering them; and said withal, that they were not so much
displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the
contempt thereby showed the Romans; while if they had received
any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had
been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they
had not the Romans for their governors; on which account they
came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This
was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews.
But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of
this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus
had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of
those that were slain in silence; - which allegations when
Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and
promised that he would give sentence when he should come into
Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of
that matter. So these men went away without success. Yet was it
not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the
cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that
disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews
were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom
Cumanus had taken captives. From whence he came to a certain
village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in
largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time
before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan
that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and
some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the
multitude to a revolt from the Romans; whom Quadratus ordered to
be put to death: but still he sent away Ananias the high priest,
and Ananus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to
give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. He also
ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the
Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to
go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and
determine their differences one with another. But he came again
to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of
the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city
in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals
of their country to God. So he believed that they would not
attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the
festival, and returned to Antioch.

3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were
sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon
they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had
one with another. But now Caesar's freed-men and his friends were
very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and
they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was
then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and
had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor's wife, to
persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to
his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really
the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:-- whereupon
Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard
the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders
in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up
to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He
also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to
Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of
all the people, and then should be slain.




CHAPTER 7.

Felix Is Made Procurator Of Judea; As Also Concerning Agrippa,
Junior And His Sisters.


1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of
the affairs of Judea; and when he had already completed the
twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy
of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila;
which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from
him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years. And
when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar,
he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa,
upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of
king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had
promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion,
he would not now perform that promise. He also gave Mariamne in
marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had
formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which
marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice.

2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no
long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: While
Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in
love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in
beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon (13) one
of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who
pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to
forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if
she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman.
Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid
her sister Bernice's envy, for she was very ill treated by her on
account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws
of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son
by her, he named him Agrippa. But after what manner that young
man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain
Vesuvius, (14) in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related
hereafter. (15)

3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the
death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and
her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal
conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded
Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry
her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those
calumnies upon her to be false; and Poleme was prevailed upon,
and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this
matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said,
with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and
the Jewish religion; and, at the same time, Mariamne put away
Archclaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among
the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and
indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she
had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall
hereafter treat more exactly. (16)




CHAPTER 8.

After What Manner Upon The Death Of Claudius, Nero Succeeded In
The Government; As Also What Barbarous Things He Did. Concerning
The Robbers, Murderers And Impostors, That Arose While Felix And
Festus Were Procurators Of Judea.


1. Now Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years,
eight months, and twenty days; (17) and a report went about that
he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus,
the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius Aenobarbus, one
of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome;
after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood,
Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son,
Domtitus, of the same name with his father. He had before this
slain his wife Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his
children Britannicus and Octavia; their eldest sister was
Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married
Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him
afterward, upon his adopting him for his son.

2. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should
come to man's estate, he should succeed his father in the
government, and desired to seize upon the principality beforehand
for her own son [Nero]; upon which the report went that she
thence compassed the death of Claudius. Accordingly, she sent
Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the
tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest
authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him
emperor. And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got
Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not
perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not
long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born
of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances that he
obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and
many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they
plotted against him.

3. But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for
there have been a great many who have composed the history of
Nero; some of which have departed from the truth of facts out of
favor, as having received benefits from him; while others, out of
hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have
so impudently raved against him with their lies, that they justly
deserve to be condemned. Nor do I wonder at such as have told
lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the
truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his
time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their
hatred, since those writers lived a long time after them. But as
to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they
please; for in that they take delight: but as to ourselves, who
have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what
only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what
hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not
grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we
have suffered, and of the crimes we have been guilty of. I will
now therefore return to the relation of our own affairs.

4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of
Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his
kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was
intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia.
Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee,
Tiberias, and Tarichae, (18) and ordered them to submit to his
jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with
fourteen villages that lay about it.

5. Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse
continually, for the country was again filled with robbers and
impostors, who deluded the multitude. Yet did Felix catch and put
to death many of those impostors every day, together with the
robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineas, who had
gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by
treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no
harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came,
he bound him, and sent him to Rome. Felix also bore an ill-will
to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him
admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he
did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him by the
multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as
procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might
get rid of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to
him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are
disposed to act unjustly. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of
Jonathan's most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose
name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to
kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal
of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and
contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the
following manner: Certain of those robbers went up to the city,
as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers
under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the
multitude they slew Jonathan (19) and as this murder was never
avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the
festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like
manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude,
they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to
other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of
the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the
boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of
which they were guilty. And this seems to me to have been the
reason why God, out of his hatred of these men's wickedness,
rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed
it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the
Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and
brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to
make us wiser by our calamities.

6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city
with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers
persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and
pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs,
that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that
were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their
folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them.
Moreover, there came out of Egypt (20) about this time to
Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the
multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount
of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and
at the distance of five furlongs. He said further, that he would
show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem
would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them
an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were
fallen down. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he
ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them
with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and
attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also
slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. But the
Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any
more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war
with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and
when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to
their villages, and plundered them.

7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews
that inhabited Cesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also,
concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to
citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod
their king was the builder of Cesarea, and because he was by
birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about
Herod; but they said that Cesarea was formerly called Strato's
Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. When
the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they
caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with
stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a
time. But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on
that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and
hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. However, the Syrians,
though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves
highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman
soldiers that were there were either of Cesarea or Sebaste, they
also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also;
and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at
one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides,
though still the Jews were the conquerors. But when Felix saw
that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on
the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused
so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and
slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his
soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which
were full of riches. Now those Jews that were more moderate, and
of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and
desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers,
and spare them for the future, and afford them room for
repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon
to do so.

8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to
Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between
the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of
Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort
of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and
became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they
did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by
throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but
these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city,
as if it had no government over it. And such was the impudence
(21) and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they
had the hardiness to send their servants into the
threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the
priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of
the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the
seditious prevail over all right and justice.

9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by
Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up
to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to
punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate
solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in
the greatest honor by him. Two of the principal Syrians in
Cesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero's tutor, and secretary
for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to
disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which
they hitherto enjoyed. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained
leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that
purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following
miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Cesarea
were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians,
they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.

10. Upon Festus's coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was
afflicted by the robbers, while all the villages were set on
fire, and plundered by them. And then it was that the sicarii, as
they were called, who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use
of small swords, not much different in length from the Persian
acinacae, but somewhat crooked, and like the Roman sicae, [or
sickles,] as they were called; and from these weapons these
robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew
a great many; for they mingled themselves among the multitude at
their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts
to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew
those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently
upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons,
and plundered them, and set them on fire. So Festus sent forces,
both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been
seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance and
freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but
follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces
that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and
those that were his followers also.

11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large
dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the
portico. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children
of Asamoneus and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a
most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view
of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he
could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the
temple; which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they
were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the
institutions of our country or law that what was done in the
temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to
the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost
building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards
the west, which wall when it was built, did not only intercept
the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the
western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple
also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at
the festivals. At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally
Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered
them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to
give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero;
for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the
temple should be demolished; and when Festus had given them leave
so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also
Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred
treasure. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not
only forgave (22) them what they had already done, but also gave
them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted
them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero's wife, who was a religious
woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order
to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias
and Ismael as hostages with herself. As soon as the king heard
this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called
Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest.




CHAPTER 9.

Concerning Albinus Under Whose Procuratorship James Was Slain; As
Also What Edifices Were Built By Agrippa.


1. And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus
into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the
high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on
the son of Ananus, who was also himself called Ananus. Now the
report goes that this eldest Ananus proved a most fortunate man;
for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high
priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long
time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high
priests. But this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you
already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper,
and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, (23)
who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of
the Jews, as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus
was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper
opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and
Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of
judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was
called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some
of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against
them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but
as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and
such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they
disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa],
desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for
that what he had already done was not to be justified; nay, some
of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey
from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for
Ananus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. (24)
Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in
anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to
punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the
high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and
made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.

2. Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he
used all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in
peace, and this by destroying many of the Sicarii. But as for the
high priest, Ananias (25) he increased in glory every day, and
this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of
the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of
money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of
the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; he also had
servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the
boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and
took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence,
and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these
tithes to them. So the other high priests acted in the like
manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to
prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were
wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.

3. But now the Sicarii went into the city by night, just before
the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe
belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar,
who was the son of Ananus [Ananias] the high priest, and bound
him, and carried him away with them; after which they sent to
Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he
would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he
had caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly forced to
persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him. This was the
beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually
contrived to catch some of Ananias's servants; and when they had
taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby
recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again
become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great
affliction to the whole country.

4. About this time it was that king Agrippa built Cesarea
Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named
it Neronlas. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with
vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every
year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae]; he also
gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among
them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own
donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he
almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own
kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his
subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them
to adorn a foreign city. And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel,
became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high
priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which
account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to
one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of
the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of
stones at each other. But Ananias was too hard for the rest, by
his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready
to receive. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get
together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they
were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them,
because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence
with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were
weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to
pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things
grew worse and worse among us.

5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to
succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might
be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all
those prisoners who seemed to him to be most plainly worthy of
death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to
those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he
took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the
prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with
robbers.

6. Now as many of the Levites, (26) which is a tribe of ours, as
were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a
sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well
as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the
times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a
novelty, as being his doing. Nor did they fail of obtaining their
desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into
the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that
they might lay aside their former garments, and wear such a linen
one as they desired; and as a part of this tribe ministered in
the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they
had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of
our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have
never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions.

7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the
people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above
eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want
because they had earned their bread by their labors about the
temple; and while they were unwilling to keep by them the
treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being
carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the
making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these
treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a
single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded
him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. These cloisters belonged to
the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had
walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were
built of square and very white stones, the length of each of
which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This
was the work of king Solomon, (27) who first of all built the
entire temple. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple
committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy
to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that
it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would
require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied
the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not
obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with
white stone. He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the
high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus,
under whom the Jews' war with the Romans took its beginning.




CHAPTER 10.

An Enumeration Of The High Priests.


1. And now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to
give an account of our high priests; how they began, who those
are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there
had been at the end of the war. In the first place, therefore,
history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, officiated
to God as a high priest, and that, after his death, his sons
succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been
continued down from them all to their posterity. Whence it is a
custom of our country, that no one should take the high
priesthood of God but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while
every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can
never obtain that high priesthood. Accordingly, the number of all
the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already, as
of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest
during the war by the seditious, was eighty-three; of whom
thirteen officiated as high priests in the wilderness, from the
days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the
people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple to
God; for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end
of their life, although afterward they had successors while they
were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two
of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one
after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy,
and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government
was regal Now the number of years during the rule of these
thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt,
under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which
king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve.
After those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high
priesthood at Jerusalem, one in succession to another, from the
days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made
an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple, and
removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high
priest, captive; the times of these high priests were four
hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the
Jews were still under the regal government. But after the term of
seventy years' captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of
Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and
gave them leave to rebuild their temple; at which time Jesus, the
son of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when
they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in
all fifteen, until king Antiochus Eupator, were under a
democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years; and
then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his
army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high
priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son [of
Onias the third], put Jaeimus into the place of the high priest,
one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of that family
of Onias. On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias
that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into
Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and
Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high
priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of
Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; but as
for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it
frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood
three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him,
but the city continued seven years without a high priest. But
then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the
government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had
beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their
high priest, who ruled over them seven years. And when he had
been slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we have
related some where, Simon his brother took the high priesthood;
and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his
son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him,
after he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his
brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and
died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also
called Aristobulus, whose brother Alexander was his heir; which
Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood,
together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first
that put on his head a diadem for one year. And when Alexander
had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he
departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint
him that should be high priest; so she gave the high priesthood
to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and
then departed this life. The like duration [and no longer] did
her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; for after her death
his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and
deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign,
and perform the office of high priest to God. But when he had
reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him,
and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and
his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored
the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the
nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus ruled,
besides his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when
Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, passed
over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took him alive, and
made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king; and when he had
reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged
him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and
slain there. Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no
longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but
made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but
barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that
dignity to Aristobulus; for when he had made this Aristobulus,
the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the
Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby
aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind
remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward,
out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to
Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have
him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already
related that matter; but after this man he never intrusted the
priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus
also, Herod's son, did like his father in the appointment of the
high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government
over the Jews into their hands afterward. Accordingly, the number
of the high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when
Titus took the temple and the City, and burnt them, were in all
twenty-eight; the time also that belonged to them was a hundred
and seven years. Some of these were the political governors of
the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of
Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government
became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a
dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said
concerning our high priests.




CHAPTER 11.

Concerning Florus The Procurator, Who Necessitated The Jews To
Take Up Arms Against The Romans. The Conclusion.


1. Now Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by
Nero, filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of
the city of Clazomene, and brought along with him his wife
Cleopatra, (by whose friendship with Poppea, Nero's wife, he
obtained this government,) who was no way different from him in
wickedness. This Florus was so wicked, and so violent in the use
of his authority, that the Jews took Albinus to have been
[comparatively] their benefactor; so excessive were the mischiefs
that he brought upon them. For Albinus concealed his wickedness,
and was careful that it might not be discovered to all men; but
Gessius Florus, as though he had been sent on purpose to show his
crimes to every body, made a pompous ostentation of them to our
nation, as never omitting any sort of violence, nor any unjust
sort of punishment; for he was not to be moved by pity, and never
was satisfied with any degree of gain that came in his way; nor
had he any more regard to great than to small acquisitions, but
became a partner with the robbers themselves. For a great many
fell then into that practice without fear, as having him for
their security, and depending on him, that he would save them
harmless in their particular robberies; so that there were no
bounds set to the nation's miseries; but the unhappy Jews, when
they were not able to bear the devastations which the robbers
made among them, were all under a necessity of leaving their own
habitations, and of flying away, as hoping to dwell more easily
any where else in the world among foreigners [than in their own
country]. And what need I say any more upon this head? since it
was this Florus who necessitated us to take up arms against the
Romans, while we thought it better to be destroyed at once, than
by little and little. Now this war began in the second year of
the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of the reign of
Nero. But then what actions we were forced to do, or what
miseries we were enabled to suffer, may be accurately known by
such as will peruse those books which I have written about the
Jewish war.

2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my Antiquities;
after the conclusion of which events, I began to write that
account of the war; and these Antiquities contain what hath been
delivered down to us from the original creation of man, until the
twelfth year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath befallen the
Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria and in Palestine, and what we
have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what
afflictions the Persians and Macedonians, and after them the
Romans, have brought upon us; for I think I may say that I have
composed this history with sufficient accuracy in all things. I
have attempted to enumerate those high priests that we have had
during the interval of two thousand years; I have also carried
down the succession of our kings, and related their actions, and
political administration, without [considerable] errors, as also
the power of our monarchs; and all according to what is written
in our sacred books; for this it was that I promised to do in the
beginning of this history. And I am so bold as to say, now I have
so completely perfected the work I proposed to myself to do, that
no other person, whether he were a Jew or foreigner, had he ever
so great an inclination to it, could so accurately deliver these
accounts to the Greeks as is done in these books. For those of my
own nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed them in the
learning belonging to Jews; I have also taken a great deal of
pains to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and understand the
elements of the Greek language, although I have so long
accustomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot
pronounce Greek with sufficient exactness; for our nation does
not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations, and
so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods;
because they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not
only to all sorts of free-men, but to as many of the servants as
please to learn them. But they give him the testimony of being a
wise man who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to
interpret their meaning; on which account, as there have been
many who have done their endeavors with great patience to obtain
this learning, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three
that have succeeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded
for their pains.

3. And now it will not be perhaps an invidious thing, if I treat
briefly of my own family, and of the actions of my own life (28)
while there are still living such as can either prove what I say
to be false, or can attest that it is true; with which accounts I
shall put an end to these Antiquities, which are contained in
twenty books, and sixty thousand verses. And if God permit me, I
will briefly run over this war (29), and to add what befell them
further to that very day, the 13th of Domitian, or A.D. 03, is
not, that I have observed, taken distinct notice of by any one;
nor do we ever again, with what befell us therein to this very
day, which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar
Domitian, and the fifty-sixth year of my own life. I have also an
intention to write three books concerning our Jewish opinions
about God and his essence, and about our laws; why, according to
them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are
prohibited.




ANT PREFACE FOOTNOTES


(1) This preface of Josephus is excellent in its kind, and highly
worthy the repeated perusal of the reader, before he set about
the perusal of the work itself.

(2)That is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.

(3) We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote his Seven
Books of the Jewish War long before he wrote these his
Antiquities. Those books of the War were published about A.D. 75,
and these Antiquities, A. D. 93, about eighteen years later.

(4) This Epaphroditus was certainly alive in the third year of
Trajan, A.D. 100. See the note on the First Book Against Apion,
sect. 1. Who he was we do not know; for as to Epaphroditus, the
freedman of Nero, and afterwards Domitian's secretary, who was
put to death by Domitian in the 14th or 15th year of his reign,
he could not be alive in the third of Trajan.

(5) Josephus here plainly alludes to the famous Greek proverb, If
God be with us, every thing that is impossible becomes possible.

(6) As to this intended work of Josephus concerning the reasons
of many of the Jewish laws, and what philosophical or allegorical
sense they would bear, the loss of which work is by some of the
learned not much regretted, I am inclinable, in part, to
Fabricius's opinion, ap. Havercamp, p. 63, 61, That "we need not
doubt but that, among some vain and frigid conjectures derived
from Jewish imaginations, Josephus would have taught us a greater
number of excellent and useful things, which perhaps nobody,
neither among the Jews, nor among the Christians, can now inform
us of; so that I would give a great deal to find it still
extant."




Ant. BOOK 1


(1) Since Josephus, in his Preface, sect. 4, says that Moses
wrote some things enigmatically, some allegorically, and the rest
in plain words, since in his account of the first chapter of
Genesis, and the first three verses of the second, he gives us no
hints of any mystery at all; but when he here comes to ver. 4,
etc., he says that Moses, after the seventh day was over, began to
talk philosophically; it is not very improbable that he
understood the rest of the second and the third chapters in some
enigmatical, or allegorical, or philosophical sense. The change
of the name of God just at this place, from Elohim to Jehovah
Elohim, from God to Lord God, in the Hebrew, Samaritan, and
Septuagint, does also not a little favor some such change in the
narration or construction.

(2) We may observe here, that Josephus supposed man to be
compounded of spirit, soul, and body, with St. Paul, 1
Thessalonians 5:23, and the rest of the ancients: he elsewhere
says also, that the blood of animals was forbidden to be eaten,
as having in it soul and spirit, Antiq. B. III. ch. 11. sect. 2.

(3) Whence this strange notion came, which yet is not peculiar to
Joseph,, but, as Dr. Hudson says here, is derived from older
authors, as if four of the greatest rivers in the world, running
two of them at vast distances from the other two, by some means
or other watered paradise, is hard to say. Only since Josephus
has already appeared to allegorize this history, and take notice
that these four names had a particular signification; Phison for
Ganges, a multitude; Phrath for Euphrates, either a dispersion or
a flower; Diglath for Tigris, what is swift, with narrowness; and
Geon for Nile, what arises from the east,--we perhaps mistake him
when we suppose he literally means those four rivers; especially
as to Geon or Nile, which arises from the east, while he very
well knew the literal Nile arises from the south; though what
further allegorical sense he had in view, is now, I fear,
impossible to be determined.

(4) By the Red Sea is not here meant the Arabian Gulf, which
alone we now call by that name, but all that South Sea, which
included the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf, as far as the East
Indies; as Reland and Hudson here truly note, from the old
geographers.

(5) Hence it appears, that Josephus thought several, at least, of
the brute animals, particularly the serpent, could speak before
the fall. And I think few of the more perfect kinds of those
animals want the organs of speech at this day. Many inducements
there are also to a notion, that the present state they are in,
is not their original state; and that their capacities have been
once much greater than we now see them, and are capable of being
restored to their former condition. But as to this most ancient,
and authentic, and probably allegorical account of that grand
affair of the fall of our first parents, I have somewhat more to
say in way of conjecture, but being only a conjecture, I omit it:
only thus far, that the imputation of the sin of our first
parents to their posterity, any further than as some way the
cause or occasion of man's mortality, seems almost entirely
groundless; and that both man, and the other subordinate
creatures, are hereafter to be delivered from the curse then
brought upon them, and at last to be delivered from that bondage
of corruption, Romans 8:19-22.

(6) St. John's account of the reason why God accepted the
sacrifice of Abel, and rejected that of Cain; as also why Cain
slew Abel, on account of that his acceptance with God, is much
better than this of Josephus: I mean, because "Cain was of the
evil one, and slew his brother. And wherefore slew he him?
Because his own works were evil, and his brother's righteous," 1
John 3:12. Josephus's reason seems to be no better than a
pharisaical notion or tradition.

(7) From this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel, the trumpet of
jobel or jubilee; that large and loud musical instrument, used in
proclaiming the liberty at the year of jubilee.

(8) The number of Adam's children, as says the old tradition was
thirty-three sons, and twenty-three daughters.

(9) What is here said of Seth and his posterity, that they were
very good and virtuous, and at the same time very happy, without
any considerable misfortunes, for seven generations, [see ch. 2.
sect. 1, before; and ch. 3. sect. 1, hereafter,] is exactly
agreeable to the state of the world and the conduct of Providence
in all the first ages.

(10) Of Josephus's mistake here, when he took Seth the son of
Adam, for Seth or Sesostris, king of Egypt, the erector of this
pillar in the land of Siriad, see Essay on the Old Testament,
Appendix, p. 159, 160. Although the main of this relation might
be true, and Adam might foretell a conflagration and a deluge,
which all antiquity witnesses to be an ancient tradition; nay,
Seth's posterity might engrave their inventions in astronomy on
two such pillars; yet it is no way credible that they could
survive the deluge, which has buried all such pillars and
edifices far under ground in the sediment of its waters,
especially since the like pillars of the Egyptian Seth or
Sesostris were extant after the flood, in the land of Siriad, and
perhaps in the days of Josephus also, as is shown in the place
here referred to.

(11) This notion, that the fallen angels were, in some sense, the
fathers of the old giants, was the constant opinion of antiquity.

(12) Josephus here supposes that the life of these giants, for of
them only do I understand him, was now reduced to 120 years;
which is confirmed by the fragment of Enoch, sect. 10, in
Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 268. For as to the rest of mankind,
Josephus himself confesses their lives were much longer than 120
years, for many generations after the flood, as we shall see
presently; and he says they were gradually shortened till the
days of Moses, and then fixed [for some time] at 120, ch. 6.
sect. 5. Nor indeed need we suppose that either Enoch or Josephus
meant to interpret these 120 years for the life of men before the
flood, to be different from the 120 years of God's patience
[perhaps while the ark was preparing] till the deluge; which I
take to be the meaning of God when he threatened this wicked
world, that if they so long continued impenitent, their days
should be no more than 120 years.

(13) A cubit is about 21 English inches.

(14) Josephus here truly determines, that the year at the Flood
began about the autumnal equinox. As to what day of the month the
Flood began, our Hebrew and Samaritan, and perhaps Josephus's own
copy, more rightly placed it on the 17th day, instead of the
27th, as here; for Josephus agrees with them, as to the distance
of 150 days to the 17th day of the 7th month, as Genesis 7. ult.
with 8:3.

(15) Josephus here takes notice, that these ancient genealogies
were first set down by those that then lived, and from them were
transmitted down to posterity; which I suppose to be the true
account of that matter. For there is no reason to imagine that
men were not taught to read and write soon after they were taught
to speak; and perhaps all by the Messiah himself, who, under the
Father, was the Creator or Governor of mankind, and who
frequently in those early days appeared to them.

(16) This (GREEK), or Place of Descent, is the proper rendering
of the Armenian name of this very city. It is called in Ptolemy
Naxuana, and by Moses Chorenensis, the Armenian historian,
Idsheuan; but at the place itself Nachidsheuan, which signifies
The first place of descent, and is a lasting monument of the
preservation of Noah in the ark, upon the top of that mountain,
at whose foot it was built, as the first city or town after the
flood. See Antiq. B. XX. ch. 2. sect. 3; and Moses Chorenensis,
who also says elsewhere, that another town was related by
tradition to have been called Seron, or, The Place of Dispersion,
on account of the dispersion of Xisuthrus's or Noah's sons, from
thence first made. Whether any remains of this ark be still
preserved, as the people of the country suppose, I cannot
certainly tell. Mons. Tournefort had, not very long since, a mind
to see the place himself, but met with too great dangers and
difficulties to venture through them.

(17) One observation ought not here to be neglected, with regard
to that Ethiopic war which Moses, as general of the Egyptians,
put an end to, Antiq. B. II. ch. 10., and about which our late
writers seem very much unconcerned; viz. that it was a war of
that consequence, as to occasion the removal or destruction of
six or seven nations of the posterity of Mitzraim, with their
cities; which Josephus would not have said, if he had not had
ancient records to justify those his assertions, though those
records be now all lost.

(18) That the Jews were called Hebrews from this their progenitor
Heber, our author Josephus here rightly affirms; and not from
Abram the Hebrew, or passenger over Euphrates, as many of the
moderns suppose. Shem is also called the father of all the
children of Heber, or of all the Hebrews, in a history long
before Abram passed over Euphrates, Genesis 10:21, though it must
be confessed that, Genesis 14:13, where the original says they
told Abram the Hebrew, the Septuagint renders it the passenger,
(GREEK): but this is spoken only of Abram himself, who had then
lately passed over Euphrates, and is another signification of the
Hebrew word, taken as an appellative, and not as a proper name.

(19) It is worth noting here, that God required no other
sacrifices under the law of Moses, than what were taken from
these five kinds of animals which he here required of Abram. Nor
did the Jews feed upon any other domestic animals than the three
here named, as Reland observes on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 4. sect. 4.

(20) As to this affliction of Abram's posterity for 400 years,
see Antiq. B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1.

(21) These sons-in-law to Lot, as they are called, Genesis
19:12-14, might be so styled, because they were betrothed to
Lot's daughters, though not yet married to them. See the note on
Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 1.

(22) Of the War, B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 4.

(23) This pillar of salt was, we see here, standing in the days
of Josephus, and he had seen it. That it was standing then is
also attested by Clement of Rome, contemporary with Josephus; as
also that it was so in the next century, is attested by Irenaeus,
with the addition of an hypothesis, how it came to last so long,
with all its members entire. - Whether the account that some
modern travelers give be true, that it is still standing, I do
not know. Its remote situation, at the most southern point of the
Sea of Sodom, in the wild and dangerous deserts of Arabia, makes
it exceeding difficult for inquisitive travelers to examine the
place; and for common reports of country people, at a distance,
they are not very satisfactory. In the mean time, I have no
opinion of Le Clerc's dissertation or hypothesis about this
question, which can only be determined by eye-witnesses. When
Christian princes, so called, lay aside their foolish and
unchristian wars and quarrels, and send a body of fit persons to
travel over the east, and bring us faithful accounts of all
ancient monuments, and procure us copies of all ancient records,
at present lost among us, we may hope for full satisfaction in
such inquiries; but hardly before.

(24) I see no proper wicked intention in these daughters of Lot,
when in a case which appeared to them of unavoidable necessity,
they procured themselves to be with child by their father.
Without such an unavoidable necessity, incest is a horrid crime;
but whether in such a case of necessity, as they apprehended this
to be, according to Josephus, it was any such crime, I am not
satisfied. In the mean time, their making their father drunk, and
their solicitous concealment of what they did from him, shows
that they despaired of persuading him to an action which, at the
best, could not but be very suspicious and shocking to so good a
man.

(25) It is well worth observation, that Josephus here calls that
principal Angel, who appeared to Abraham and foretold the birth
of Isaac, directly God; which language of Josephus here, prepares
us to believe those other expressions of his, that Jesus was a
wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch.
3. sect. 3, and of God the Word, in his homily concerning Hades,
may be both genuine. Nor is the other expression of Divine Angel,
used presently, and before, also of any other signification.

(26) Josephus here calls Ismael a young child or infant, though
he was about 13 years of age; as Judas calls himself and his
brethren young men, when he was 47, and had two children, Antiq.
B. II. ch. 6. sect. 8, and they were of much the same age; as is
a damsel of 12 years old called a little child, Mark 5:39-42,
five several times. Herod is also said by Josephus to be a very
young man at 25. See the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 9. sect 2,
and of the War, B. I. ch. 10. And Aristobulus is styled a very
little child at 16 years of age, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 2. sect. 6, 7.
Domitian also is called by him a very young child, when he went
on his German expedition at about 18 years of age, of the War, B.
VII. ch. 4. sect. 2. Samson's wife, and Ruth, when they were
widows, are called children, Antiq. B. V. ch. 8. sect. 6, and ch.
9. sect. 2 3.

(27) Note, that both here and Hebrews 11:17, Isaac is called
Abraham's only begotten son, though he at the same time had
another son, Ismael. The Septuagint expresses the true meaning,
by rendering the text the beloved son.

(28) Here is a plain error in the copies which say that king
David afterwards built the temple on this Mount Moriah, while it
was certainly no other than king Solomon who built that temple,
as indeed Procopius cites it from Josephus. For it was for
certain David, and not Solomon, who built the first altar there,
as we learn, 2 Samuel 24:18, etc.; 1 Chronicles 21:22, etc.; and
Antiq. B. VII. ch. 13. sect. 4.

(29) It seems both here, and in God's parallel blessing to Jacob,
ch. 19. sect. 1, that Josephus had yet no notion of the hidden
meaning of that most important and most eminent promise, "In thy
seed shall all the families of the earth be blessed. He saith
not, and of seeds, as of many, but as of one; and to thy seed,
which is Christ," Galatians 3:16. Nor is it any wonder, he being,
I think, as yet not a Christian. And had he been a Christian, yet
since he was, to be sure, till the latter part of his life, no
more than an Ebionite Christian, who, above all the apostles,
rejected and despised St. Paul, it would be no great wonder if he
did not now follow his interpretation. In the mean time, we have
in effect St. Paul's exposition in the Testament of Reuben, sect.
6, in Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 302, who charges his sons "to
worship the seed of Judah, who should die for them in visible and
invisible wars; and should be among them an eternal king." Nor is
that observation of a learned foreigner of my acquaintance to be
despised, who takes notice, that as seeds in the plural, must
signify posterity, so seed in the singular may signify either
posterity, or a single person; and that in this promise of all
nations being happy in the seed of Abraham, or Isaac, or Jacob,
etc., it is always used in the singular. To which I shall add,
that it is sometimes, as it were, paraphrased by the son of
Abraham, the son of David, etc., which is capable of no such
ambiguity.

(30) The birth of Jacob and Esau is here said to be after
Abraham's death: it should have been after Sarah's death. The
order of the narration in Genesis, not always exactly according
to the order of time, seems to have led Josephus into this error,
as Dr. Bernard observes here.

(31) For Seir in Josephus, the coherence requires that we read
Esau or Seir, which signify the same thing.

(32) The supper of savory meat, as we call it, Genesis 27:4, to
be caught by hunting, was intended plainly for a festival or a
sacrifice; and upon the prayers that were frequent at sacrifices,
Isaac expected, as was then usual in such eminent cases, that a
divine impulse would come upon him, in order to the blessing of
his son there present, and his foretelling his future behavior
and fortune. Whence it must be, that when Isaac had unwittingly
blessed Jacob, and was afterwards made sensible of his mistake,
yet did he not attempt to alter it, how earnestly soever his
affection for Esau might incline him to wish it might be altered,
because he knew that this blessing came not from himself, but
from God, and that an alteration was out of his power. A second
afflatus then came upon him, and enabled him to foretell Esau's
future behavior and foretell Esau's future behavior and fortune
also.

(33) Whether Jacob or his mother Rebeka were most blameable in
this imposition upon Isaac in his old age, I cannot determine.
However the blessing being delivered as a prediction of future
events, by a Divine impulse, and foretelling things to befall to
the posterity of Jacob and Esau in future ages, was for certain
providential; and according to what Rebeka knew to be the purpose
of God, when he answered her inquiry, "before the children were
born," Genesis 25:23, "that one people should be stronger than
the other people; and the elder, Esau, should serve the younger,
Jacob." Whether Isaac knew or remembered this old oracle,
delivered in our copies only to Rebeka; or whether, if he knew
and remembered it, he did not endeavor to alter the Divine
determination, out of his fondness for his elder and worser son
Esau, to the damage of his younger and better son Jacob, as
Josephus elsewhere supposes, Antiq. B. II. ch. 7. sect. 3; I
cannot certainly say. If so, this might tempt Rebeka to contrive,
and Jacob to put this imposition upon him. However, Josephus says
here, that it was Isaac, and not Rebeka, who inquired of God at
first, and received the forementioned oracle, sect. 1; which, if
it be the true reading, renders Isaac's procedure more
inexcusable. Nor was it probably any thing else that so much
encouraged Esau formerly to marry two Canaanitish wives, without
his parents' consent, as Isaac's unhappy fondness for him.

(34) By this "deprivation of the kingdom that was to be given
Esau of God," as the first-born, it appears that Josephus thought
that a "kingdom to be derived from God" was due to him whom Isaac
should bless as his first-born, which I take to be that kingdom
which was expected under the Messiah, who therefore was to be
born of his posterity whom Isaac should so bless. Jacob therefore
by obtaining this blessing of the first-born, became the genuine
heir of that kingdom, in opposition to Esau.

(35) Here we have the difference between slaves for life and
servants, such as we now hire for a time agreed upon on both
sides, and dismiss again after he time contracted for is over,
which are no slaves, but free men and free women. Accordingly,
when the Apostolical Constitutions forbid a clergyman to marry
perpetual servants or slaves, B. VI. ch. 17., it is meant only of
the former sort; as we learn elsewhere from the same
Constitutions, ch. 47. Can. LXXXII. But concerning these twelve
sons of Jacob, the reasons of their several names, and the times
of their several births in the intervals here assigned, their
several excellent characters, their several faults and
repentance, the several accidents of their lives, with their
several prophecies at their deaths, see the Testaments of these
twelve patriarchs, still preserved at large in the Authent. Rec.
Part I. p. 294-443.

(36) I formerly explained these mandrakes, as we, with the
Septuagint, and Josephus, render the Hebrew word Dudaim, of the
Syrian Maux, with Ludolphus, Antbent. Rec. Part I. p. 420; but
have since seen such a very probable account in M. S. of my
learned friend Mr. Samuel Barker, of what we still call
mandrakes, and their description by the ancient naturalists and
physicians, as inclines me to think these here mentioned were
really mandrakes, and no other.

(37) Perhaps this may be the proper meaning of the word Israel,
by the present and the old Jerusalem analogy of the Hebrew
tongue. In the mean time, it is certain that the Hellenists of
the first century, in Egypt and elsewhere, interpreted Israel to
be a man seeing God, as is evident from the argument fore-cited.

(38) Of this slaughter of the Shechemites by Simeon and Levi, see
Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 309, 418, 432-439. But why Josephus has
omitted the circumcision of these Shechemites, as the occasion of
their death; and of Jacob's great grief, as in the Testament of
Levi, sect. 5; I cannot tell.

(39) Since Benoni signifies the son of my sorrow, and Benjamin
the son of days, or one born in the father's old age, Genesis
44:20, I suspect Josephus's present copies to be here imperfect,
and suppose that, in correspondence to other copies, he wrote
that Rachel called her son's name Benoni, but his father called
him Benjamin, Genesis 35:18. As for Benjamin, as commonly
explained, the son of the right hand, it makes no sense at all,
and seems to be a gross modern error only. The Samaritan always
writes this name truly Benjamin, which probably is here of the
same signification, only with the Chaldee termination in, instead
of im in the Hebrew; as we pronounce cherubin or cherubim
indifferently. Accordingly, both the Testament of Benjamin, sect.
2, p. 401, and Philo de Nominum Mutatione, p. 1059, write the
name Benjamin, but explain it not the son of the right hand, but
the son of days.




BOOK 2 FOOTNOTES


(1) We may here observe, that in correspondence to Joseph's
second dream, which implied that his mother, who was then alive,
as well as his father, should come and bow down to him, Josephus
represents her here as still alive after she was dead, for the
decorum of the dream that foretold it, as the interpretation of
the dream does also in all our copies, Genesis 37:10.

(2) The Septuagint have twenty pieces of gold; the Testament of
Gad thirty; the Hebrew and Samaritan twenty of silver; and the
vulgar Latin thirty. What was the true number and true sum cannot
therefore now be known.

(3) That is, bought it for Pharaoh at a very low price.

(4) This Potiphar, or, as Josephus, Petephres, who was now a
priest of On, or Heliopolis, is the same name in Josephus, and
perhaps in Moses also, with him who is before called head cook or
captain of the guard, and to whom Joseph was sold. See Genesis
37:36; 39:1, with 41:50. They are also affirmed to be one and the
same person in the Testament of Joseph, sect. 18, for he is there
said to have married the daughter of his master and mistress. Nor
is this a notion peculiar to that Testament, but, as Dr. Bernard
confesses, note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 4. sect. 1, common to
Josephus, to the Septuagint interpreters, and to other learned
Jews of old time.

(5) This entire ignorance of the Egyptians of these years of
famine before they came, told us before, as well as here, ch. 5.
sect. 7, by Josephus, seems to me almost incredible. It is in no
other copy that I know of.

(6) The reason why Symeon might be selected out of the rest for
Joseph's prisoner, is plain in the Testament of Symeon, viz. that
he was one of the bitterest of all Joseph's brethren against him,
sect. 2; which appears also in part by the Testament of Zabulon,
sect. 3.

(7) The coherence seems to me to show that the negative particle
is here wanting, which I have supplied in brackets, and I wonder
none have hitherto suspected that it ought to be supplied.

(8) Of the precious balsam of Judea, and the turpentine, see the
note on Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 6. sect. 6.

(9) This oration seems to me too large, and too unusual a
digression, to have been composed by Judas on this occasion. It
seems to me a speech or declamation composed formerly, in the
person of Judas, and in the way of oratory, that lay by him, and
which he thought fit to insert on this occasion. See two more
such speeches or declamations, Antiq. B. VI. ch. 14. sect. 4

(10) In all this speech of Judas we may observe, that Josephus
still supposed that death was the punishment of theft in Egypt,
in the days of Joseph, though it never was so among the Jews, by
the law of Moses.

(11) All the Greek copies of Josephus have the negative particle
here, that Jacob himself was not reckoned one of the 70 souls
that came into Egypt; but the old Latin copies want it, and
directly assure us he was one of them. It is therefore hardly
certain which of these was Josephus's true reading, since the
number 70 is made up without him, if we reckon Leah for one; but
if she be not reckoned, Jacob must himself be one, to complete
the number.

(12) Josephus thought that the Egyptians hated or despised the
employment of a shepherd in the days of Joseph; whereas Bishop
Cumberland has shown that they rather hated such Poehnician or
Canaanite shepherds that had long enslaved the Egyptians of old
time. See his Sanchoniatho, p. 361, 362.

(13) Reland here puts the question, how Josephus could complain
of its not raining in Egypt during this famine, while the
ancients affirm that it never does naturally rain there. His
answer is, that when the ancients deny that it rains in Egypt,
they only mean the Upper Egypt above the Delta, which is called
Egypt in the strictest sense; but that in the Delta [and by
consequence in the Lower Egypt adjoining to it] it did of old,
and still does, rain sometimes. See the note on Antiq. B. III.
ch. 1. sect. 6.

(14) Josephus supposes that Joseph now restored the Egyptians
their lands again upon the payment of a fifth part as tribute.
It seems to me rather that the land was now considered as
Pharaoh's land, and this fifth part as its rent, to be paid to
him, as he was their landlord, and they his tenants; and that the
lands were not properly restored, and this fifth part reserved as
tribute only, till the days of Sesostris. See Essay on the Old
Testament, Append. 148, 149.

(15) As to this encomium upon Joseph, as preparatory to Jacob's
adopting Ephraim and Manasses into his own family, and to be
admitted for two tribes, which Josephus here mentions, all our
copies of Genesis omit it, ch. 48.; nor do we know whence he took
it, or whether it be not his own embellishment only.

(16) As to the affliction of Abraham's posterity for 400 years,
see Antiq. B. I. ch. 10. sect. 3; and as to what cities they
built in Egypt, under Pharaoh Sesostris, and of Pharaoh
Sesostris's drowning in the Red Sea, see Essay on the Old
Testament, Append. p. 132-162.

(17) Of this building of the pyramids of Egypt by the Israelites,
see Perizonius Orig. Aegyptiac, ch. 21. It is not impossible they
might build one or more of the small ones; but the larger ones
seem much later. Only, if they be all built of stone, this does
not so well agree with the Israelites' labors, which are said to
have been in brick, and not in stone, as Mr. Sandys observes in
his Travels. p. 127, 128.

(18) Dr. Bernard informs us here, that instead of this single
priest or prophet of the Egyptians, without a name in Josephus,
the Targum of Jonathan names the two famous antagonists of Moses,
Jannes and Jambres. Nor is it at all unlikely that it might be
one of these who foreboded so much misery to the Egyptians, and
so much happiness to the Israelites, from the rearing of Moses.

(19) Josephus is clear that these midwives were Egyptians, and
not Israelites, as in our other copies: which is very probable,
it being not easily to be supposed that Pharaoh could trust the
Israelite midwives to execute so barbarous a command against
their own nation. (Consult, therefore, and correct hence our
ordinary copies, Exodus 1:15, 22. And, indeed, Josephus seems to
have had much completer copies of the Pentateuch, or other
authentic records now lost, about the birth and actions of Moses,
than either our Hebrew, Samaritan, or Greek Bibles afford us,
which enabled him to be so large and particular about him.

(20) Of this grandfather of Sesostris, Ramestes the Great, who
slew the Israelite infants, and of the inscription on his
obelisk, containing, in my opinion, one of the oldest records of
mankind, see Essay on the Old Test. Append. p. 139, 145, 147,
217-220.

(21) What Josephus here says of the beauty of Moses, that he was
of a divine form, is very like what St. Stephen says of the same
beauty; that Moses was beautiful in the sight of Acts 7:20.

(22) This history of Moses, as general of the Egyptians against
the Ethiopians, is wholly omitted in our Bibles; but is thus by
Irenaeus, from Josephus, and that soon after his own age:--
"Josephus says, that when Moses was nourished in the palace, he
was appointed general of the army against the Ethiopians, and
conquered them, when he married that king's daughter; because,
out of her affection for him, she delivered the city up to him."
See the Fragments of Irenaeus, ap. edit. Grab. p. 472. Nor
perhaps did St. Stephen refer to any thing else when he said of
Moses, before he was sent by God to the Israelites, that he was
not only learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, but was also
mighty in words and in deeds, Acts 7:22.

(23) Pliny speaks of these birds called ibes; and says, "The
Egyptians invoked them against the serpents," Hist. Nat. B. X.
ch. 28. Strabo speaks of this island Meroe, and these rivers
Astapus and Astaboras, B. XVI. p. 771, 786; and B XVII. p. 82].

(24) This superstitious fear of discovering the name with four
letters, which of late we have been used falsely to pronounce
Jehovah, but seems to have been originally pronounced Jahoh, or
Jao, is never, I think, heard of till this passage of Josephus;
and this superstition, in not pronouncing that name, has
continued among the Rabbinical Jews to this day (though whether
the Samaritans and Caraites observed it so early, does not
appear). Josephus also durst not set down the very words of the
ten commandments, as we shall see hereafter, Antiq. B. III. ch.
5. sect. 4, which superstitious silence I think has yet not been
continued even by the Rabbins. It is, however, no doubt but both
these cautious concealments were taught Josephus by the
Pharisees, a body of men at once very wicked and very
superstitious.

(25) Of this judicial hardening the hearts and blinding the eyes
of wicked men, or infatuating them, as a just punishment for
their other willful sins, to their own destruction, see the note
on Antiq. B. VII. ch. 9. sect. 6.

(26) As to this winter or spring hail near Egypt and Judea, see
the like on thunder and lightning there, in the note on Antiq. B.
VI. ch. 5. sect. 6.

(27) These large presents made to the Israelites, of vessels of
and vessels of gold, and raiment, were, as Josephus truly calls
them, gifts really given them; not lent them, as our English
falsely renders them. They were spoils required, not of them,
Genesis 15:14; Exodus 3:22; 11:2; Psalm 105:37,) as the same
version falsely renders the Hebrew word Exodus 12:35, 36. God had
ordered the Jews to demand these as their pay and reward, during
their long and bitter slavery in Egypt, as atonements for the
lives of the Egyptians, and as the condition of the Jews'
departure, and of the Egyptians' deliverance from these terrible
judgments, which, had they not now ceased, they had soon been all
dead men, as they themselves confess, ch. 12. 33. Nor was there
any sense in borrowing or lending, when the Israelites were
finally departing out of the land for ever.

(28) Why our Masorete copy so groundlessly abridges this account
in Exodus 12:40, as to ascribe 430 years to the sole
peregrination of the Israelites in Egypt, when it is clear even
by that Masorete chronology elsewhere, as well as from the
express text itself, in the Samaritan, Septuagint, and Josephus,
that they sojourned in Egypt but half that time, - and that by
consequence, the other half of their peregrination was in the
land of Canaan, before they came into Egypt, - is hard to say.
See Essay on the Old Testament, p. 62, 63.

(29) Take the main part of Reland's excellent note here, which
greatly illustrates Josephus, and the Scripture, in this history,
as follows: "[A traveller, says Reland, whose name was] Eneman,
when he returned out of Egypt, told me that he went the same way
from Egypt to Mount Sinai, which he supposed the Israelites of
old traveled; and that he found several mountainous tracts, that
ran down towards the Red Sea. He thought the Israelites had
proceeded as far as the desert of Etham, Exodus 13:20, when they
were commanded by God to return back, Exodus 14:2, and to pitch
their camp between Migdol and the sea; and that when they were
not able to fly, unless by sea, they were shut in on each side by
mountains. He also thought we might evidently learn hence, how it
might be said that the Israelites were in Etham before they went
over the sea, and yet might be said to have come into Etham after
they had passed over the sea also. Besides, he gave me an account
how he passed over a river in a boat near the city Suez, which he
says must needs be the Heroopolia of the ancients, since that
city could not be situate any where else in that neighborhood."

As to the famous passage produced here by Dr. Bernard, out of
Herodotus, as the most ancient heathen testimony of the
Israelites coming from the Red Sea into Palestine, Bishop
Cumberland has shown that it belongs to the old Canaanite or
Phoenician shepherds, and their retiring out of Egypt into Canaan
or Phoenicia, long before the days of Moses. Sanchoniatho, p.
374, &c.

(30) Of these storms of wind, thunder, and lightning, at this
drowning of Pharaoh's army, almost wanting in our copies of
Exodus, but fully extant in that of David, Psalm 77:16-18, and in
that of Josephus here, see Essay on the Old Test. Append. p.
15,1, 155.

(31) What some have here objected against this passage of the
Israelites over the Red Sea, in this one night, from the common
maps, viz. that this sea being here about thirty miles broad, so
great an army could not pass over it in so short a time, is a
great mistake. Mons. Thevenot, an authentic eye-witness, informs
us, that this sea, for about five days' journey, is no where more
than about eight or nine miles over-cross, and in one place but
four or five miles, according to De Lisle's map, which is made
from the best travelers themselves, and not copied from others.
What has been further objected against this passage of the
Israelites, and drowning of the Egyptians, being miraculous also,
viz. that Moses might carry the Israelites over at a low tide
without any miracle, while yet the Egyptians, not knowing the
tide so well as he, might be drowned upon the return of the tide,
is a strange story indeed! That Moses, who never had lived here,
should know the quantity and time of the flux and reflux of the
Red Sea better than the Egyptians themselves in its neighborhood!
Yet does Artapanus, an ancient heathen historian, inform us, that
this was what the more ignorant Memphites, who lived at a great
distance, pretended, though he confesses, that the more learned
Heliopolitans, who lived much nearer, owned the destruction of
the Egyptians, and the deliverance of the Israelites, to have
been miraculous: and De Castro, a mathematician, who surveyed
this sea with great exactness, informs us, that there is no great
flux or reflux in this part of the Red Sea, to give a color to
this hypothesis; nay, that at the elevation of the tide there is
little above half the height of a man. See Essay on the Old Test.
Append. p. 239, 240. So vain and groundless are these and the
like evasions and subterfuges of our modern sceptics and
unbelievers, and so certainly do thorough inquiries and authentic
evidence disprove and confute such evasions and subterfuges upon
all occasions.

(32) What that hexameter verse, in which Moses's triumphant song
is here said to be written, distinctly means, our present
ignorance of the old Hebrew metre or measure will not let us
determine. Nor does it appear to me certain that even Josephus
himself had a distinct notion of it, though he speaks of several
sort of that metre or measure, both here and elsewhere. Antiq. B.
IV. ch. 8. sect. 44; and B. VII. ch. 12. sect. 3.

(33) Take here the original passages of the four old authors that
still remain, as to this transit of Alexander the Great over the
Pamphylian Sea: I mean, of Callisthenes, Strabu, Arrian, and
Appian. As to Callisthenes, who himself accompanied Alexander in
this expedition, Eustathius, in his Notes on the third Iliad of
Homer, (as Dr. Bernard here informs us,) says, That "this
Callisthenes wrote how the Pamphylian Sea did not only open a
passage for Alexander, but, by rising and did pay him homage as
its king." Strabo's is this (Geog. B. XIV. p. 666): "Now about
Phaselis is that narrow passage, by the sea-side, through which
his army. There is a mountain called Climax, adjoins to the Sea
of Pamphylia, leaving a narrow passage on the shore, which, in
calm weather, is bare, so as to be passable by travelers, but
when the sea overflows, it is covered to a great degree by the
waves. Now then, the ascent by the mountains being round about
and steep, in still weather they make use of the road along the
coast. But Alexander fell into the winter season, and committing
himself chiefly to fortune, he marched on before the waves
retired; and so it happened that were a whole day in journeying
over it, and were under water up to the navel." Arrian's account
is this (B. I. p. 72, 73): Alexander removed from Phaselis, he
sent some part his army over the mountains to Perga; which road
the Thracians showed him. A difficult way it was, but short. He
himself conducted those that were with him by the sea-shore. This
road is impassable at any other time than when the north wind
blows; but if the south wind prevail, there is no passing by the
shore. Now at this time, after strong south winds, a north wind
blew, and that not without the Divine Providence, (as both he and
they that were with him supposed,) and afforded him an easy and
quick passage." Appian, when he compares Caesar and Alexander
together, (De Bel. Civil. B. II. p. 522,) says, "That they both
depended on their boldness and fortune, as much as on their skill
in war. As an instance of which, Alexander journeyed over a
country without water, in the heat of summer, to the oracle of
[Jupiter] Hammon, and quickly passed over the Bay of Pamphylia,
when, by Divine Providence, the sea was cut off - thus Providence
restraining the sea on his account, as it had sent him rain when
he traveled [over the desert]."

N. B. - Since, in the days of Josephus, as he assures us, all the
more numerous original historians of Alexander gave the account
he has here set down, as to the providential going back of the
waters of the Pamphylian Sea, when he was going with his army to
destroy the Persian monarchy, which the fore-named authors now
remaining fully confirm, it is without all just foundation that
Josephus is here blamed by some late writers for quoting those
ancient authors upon the present occasion; nor can the
reflections of Plutarch, or any other author later than Josephus,
be in the least here alleged to contradict him. Josephus went by
all the evidence he then had, and that evidence of the most
authentic sort also. So that whatever the moderns may think of
the thing itself, there is hence not the least color for finding
fault with Josephus: he would rather have been much to blame had
he omitted these quotations.




BOOK 3 FOOTNOTES


(1) Dr. Bernard takes notice here, that this place Mar, where the
waters were bitter, is called by the Syrians and Arabians Mariri,
and by the Syrians sometimes Morath, all derived from the Hebrew
Mar. He also takes notice, that it is called The Bitter Fountain
by Pliny himself; which waters remain there to this day, and are
still bitter, as Thevenot assures us and that there are also
abundance of palm-trees. See his Travels, Part I. ch. 26. p. 166.

(2)The additions here to Moses's account of the sweetening of the
waters at Marah, seem derived from some ancient profane author,
and he such an author also as looks less authentic than are
usually followed by Josephus. Philo has not a syllable of these
additions, nor any other ancienter writer that we know of. Had
Josephus written these his Antiquities for the use of Jews, he
would hardly have given them these very improbable circumstances;
but writing to Gentiles, that they might not complain of his
omission of any accounts of such miracles derived from Gentiles,
he did not think proper to conceal what he had met with there
about this matter. Which procedure is perfectly agreeable to the
character and usage of Josephus upon many occasions. This note
is, I confess, barely conjectural; and since Josephus never tells
us when his own copy, taken out of the temple, had such
additions, or when any ancient notes supplied them; or indeed
when they are derived from Jewish, and when from Gentile
antiquity, - we can go no further than bare conjectures in such
cases; only the notions of Jews were generally so different from
those of Gentiles, that we may sometimes make no improbable
conjectures to which sort such additions belong. See also
somewhat like these additions in Josephus's account of Elisha's
making sweet the bitter and barren spring near Jericho, War, B.
IV. ch. 8. sect. 3.

(3) It seems to me, from what Moses, Exodus 16:18, St. Paul, 2
Corinthians 8:15, and Josephus here say, compared together, that
the quantity of manna that fell daily, and did not putrefy, was
just so much as came to an omer apiece, through the whole host of
Israel, and no more.

(4) This supposal, that the sweet honey-dew or manna, so
celebrated in ancient and modern authors, as falling usually in
Arabia, was of the very same sort with this manna sent to the
Israelites, savors more of Gentilism than of Judaism or
Christianity. It is not improbable that some ancient Gentile
author, read by Josephus, so thought; nor would he here
contradict him; though just before, and Antiq. B. IV. ch. 3.
sect. 2, he seems directly to allow that it had not been seen
before. However, this food from heaven is here described to be
like snow; and in Artapanus, a heathen writer, it is compared to
meal, color like to snow, rained down by God," Essay on
the Old Test. Append. p. 239. But as to the derivation of
the word manna, whether from man, which Josephus says then
signified What is it or from mannah, to divide, i.e., a
dividend or portion allotted to every one, it is uncertain:
I incline to the latter derivation. This manna is called
angels' food, Psalm 78:26, and by our Sacior, John 6:31,
etc., as well as by Josephus here and elsewhere, Antiq. B. III.
ch. 5. sect. 3, said to be sent the Jews from heaven.

(5) This rock is there at this day, as the travelers agree; and
must be the same that was there in the days of Moses, as being
too large to be brought thither by our modern carriages.

(6) Note here, that the small book of the principal laws of Moses
is ever said to be laid up in the holy house itself; but the
larger Pentateuch, as here, some where within the limits of the
temple and its courts only. See Antiq. B. V. ch. 1. sect. 17.

(7) This eminent circumstance, that while Moses's hands were lift
up towards heaven, the Israelites prevailed, and while they were
let down towards the earth, the Amalekites prevailed, seems to me
the earliest intimation we have of the proper posture, used of
old, in solemn prayer, which was the stretching out of the hands
[and eyes] towards heaven, as other passages of the Old and New
Testament inform us. Nay, by the way, this posture seemed to have
continued in the Christian church, till the clergy, instead of
learning their prayers by heart, read them out of a book, which
is in a great measure inconsistent with such an elevated posture,
and which seems to me to have been only a later practice,
introduced under the corrupt state of the church; though the
constant use of divine forms of prayer, praise, and thanksgiving,
appears to me to have been the practice of God's people,
patriarchs, Jews, and Christians, in all the past ages.

(8) This manner of electing the judges and officers of the
Israelites by the testimonies and suffrages of the people, before
they were ordained by God, or by Moses, deserves to be carefully
noted, because it was the pattern of the like manner of the
choice and ordination of bishops, presbyters, and deacons, in the
Christian church.

(9) Since this mountain, Sinai, is here said to be the highest of
all the mountains that are in that country, it must be that now
called St. Katherine's, which is one-third higher than that
within a mile of it, now called Sinai, as Mons. Thevenot informs
us, Travels, Part I. ch. 23. p. 168. The other name of it, Horeb,
is never used by Josephus, and perhaps was its name among the
Egyptians only, whence the Israelites were lately come, as Sinai
was its name among the Arabians, Canaanites, and other nations.
Accordingly when (1 Kings 9:8) the Scripture says that Elijah
came to Horeb, the mount of God, Josephus justly says, Antiq.  B.
VIII. ch. 13. sect. 7, that he came to the mountain called Sinai:
and Jerome, here cited by Dr. Hudson, says, that he took this
mountain to have two names, Sinai and Choreb. De Nomin. Heb. p.
427.

(10) Of this and another like superstitious notion of the
Pharisees, which Josephus complied with, see the note on Antiq.
B. II. ch. 12. sect. 4.

(11) This other work of Josephus, here referred to, seems to be
that which does not appear to have been ever published, which yet
he intended to publish, about the reasons of many of the laws of
Moses; of which see the note on the Preface, sect. 4.

(12) Of this tabernacle of Moses, with its several parts and
furniture, see my description at large, chap. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.
12., hereto belonging.

(13) The use of these golden bells at the bottom of the high
priest's long garment, seems to me to have been this: That by
shaking his garment at the time of his offering incense in the
temple, on the great day of expiation, or at other proper periods
of his sacred ministrations there, on the great festivals, the
people might have notice of it, and might fall to their own
prayers at the time of incense, or other proper periods; and so
the whole congregation might at once offer those common prayers
jointly with the high priest himself to the Almighty See Luke
1:10; Revelation 8:3, 4. Nor probably is the son of Sirach to be
otherwise understood, when he says of Aaron, the first high
priest, Ecelus. 45:9, "And God encompassed Aaron with
pomegranates, and with many golden bells round about, that as he
went there might be a sound, and a noise made that might be heard
in the temple, for a memorial to the children of his people."

(14) The reader ought to take notice here, that the very Mosaic
Petalon, or golden plate, for the forehead of the Jewish high
priest, was itself preserved, not only till the days of Josephus,
but of Origen; and that its inscription, Holiness to the Lord,
was in the Samaritan characters. See Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 3. sect.
8, Essay on the Old Test. p. 154, and Reland, De pol. Templi, p.
132.

(15) When Josephus, both here and ch. 6. sect. 4, supposes the
tabernacle to have been parted into three parts, he seems to
esteem the bare entrance to be a third division, distinct from
the holy and the most holy places; and this the rather, because
in the temple afterward there was a real distinct third part,
which was called the Porch: otherwise Josephus would contradict
his own description of the tabernacle, which gives as a
particular account of no more than two parts.

(16) This explication of the mystical meaning of the Jewish
tabernacle and its vessels, with the garments of the high priest,
is taken out of Philo, and fitted to Gentile philosophical
notions. This may possibly be forgiven in Jews, greatly versed in
heathen learning and philosophy, as Philo had ever been, and as
Josephus had long been when he wrote these Antiquities. In the
mean time, it is not to be doubted, but in their education they
must have both learned more Jewish interpretations, such as we
meet with in the Epistle of Barnabas, in that to the Hebrews, and
elsewhere among the old Jews. Accordingly when Josephus wrote his
books of the Jewish War, for the use of the Jews, at which time
he was comparatively young, and less used to Gentile books, we
find one specimen of such a Jewish interpretation; for there (B.
VII. ch. 5. sect. 5) he makes the seven branches of the
temple-candlestick, with their seven lamps, an emblem of the
seven days of creation and rest, which are here emblems of the
seven planets. Nor certainly ought ancient Jewish emblems to be
explained any other way than according to ancient Jewish, and not
Gentile, notions. See of the War, B. I. ch. 33. sect. 2.

(17) It is well worth our observation, that the two principal
qualifications required in this section for the constitution of
the first high priest, (viz. that he should have an excellent
character for virtuous and good actions; as also that he should
have the approbation of the people,) are here noted by Josephus,
even where the nomination belonged to God himself; which are the
very same qualifications which the Christian religion requires in
the choice of Christian bishops, priests, and deacons; as the
Apostolical Constitutions inform us, B. II. ch. 3.

(18) This weight and value of the Jewish shekel, in the days of
Josephus, equal to about 2s. 10d. sterling, is, by the learned
Jews, owned to be one-fifth larger than were their old shekels;
which determination agrees perfectly with the remaining shekels
that have Samaritan inscriptions, coined generally by Simon the
Maccabee, about 230 years before Josephus published his
Antiquities, which never weigh more than 2s. 4d., and commonly
but 2s. 4d. See Reland De Nummis Samaritanorum, p. 138.

(19) The incense was here offered, according to Josephus's
opinion, before sun-rising, and at sun-setting; but in the days
of Pompey, according to the same Josephus, the sacrifices were
offered in the morning, and at the ninth hour. Antiq. B. XIV. ch.
4. sect. 3.

(20) Hence we may correct the opinions of the modern Rabbins, who
say that only one of the seven lamps burned in the day-time;
whereas our Josephus, an eyewitness, says there were three.

(21) Of this strange expression, that Moses "left it to God to be
present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleased to
be absent," see the note on B. II. against Apion, sect. 16.

(22)These answers by the oracle of Urim and Thummim, which words
signify, light and perfection, or, as the Septuagint render them,
revelation and truth, and denote nothing further, that I see, but
the shining stones themselves, which were used, in this method of
illumination, in revealing the will of God, after a perfect and
true manner, to his people Israel: I say, these answers were not
made by the shining of the precious stones, after an awkward
manner, in the high priest's breastplate, as the modern Rabbins
vainly suppose; for certainly the shining of the stones might
precede or accompany the oracle, without itself delivering that
oracle, see Antiq. B. VI. ch. 6. sect. 4; but rather by an
audible voice from the mercy-seat between the cherubims. See
Prideaux's Connect. at the year 534. This oracle had been silent,
as Josephus here informs us, two hundred years before he wrote
his Antiquities, or ever since the days of the last good high
priest of the family of the Maccabees, John Hyrcanus. Now it is
here very well worth our observation, that the oracle before us
was that by which God appeared to be present with, and gave
directions to, his people Israel as their King, all the while
they submitted to him in that capacity; and did not set over them
such independent kings as governed according to their own wills
and political maxims, instead of Divine directions. Accordingly
we meet with this oracle (besides angelic and prophetic
admonitions) all along from the days of Moses and Joshua to the
anointing of Saul, the first of the succession of the kings,
Numbers 27:21; Joshua 6:6, etc.; 19:50; Judges 1:1; 18:4-6, 30,
31; 20:18, 23, 26-28; 21:1, etc.; 1 Samuel 1:17, 18; 3. per tot.;
4. per tot.; nay, till Saul's rejection of the Divine commands in
the war with Amalek, when he took upon him to act as he thought
fit, 1 Samuel 14:3, 18, 19, 36, 37, then this oracle left Saul
entirely, (which indeed he had seldom consulted before, 1 Samuel
14:35; 1 Chronicles 10:14; 13:3; Antiq. B. 7 ch. 4 sect 2.) and
accompanied David, who was anointed to succeed him, and who
consulted God by it frequently, and complied with its directions
constantly (1 Samuel 14:37, 41; 15:26; 22:13, 15; 23:9, 10; 30:7,
8, 18; 2 Samuel 2:1; 5:19, 23; 21:1; 23:14; 1 Chronicles 14:10,
14; Antiq. B IV ch. 12 sect. 5). Saul, indeed, long after his
rejection by God, and when God had given him up to destruction
for his disobedience, did once afterwards endeavor to consult God
when it was too late; but God would not then answer him, neither
by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets, 1 Samuel 28:6. Nor did
any of David's successors, the kings of Judah, that we know of,
consult God by this oracle, till the very Babylonish captivity
itself, when those kings were at an end; they taking upon them, I
suppose, too much of despotic power and royalty, and too little
owning the God of Israel for the supreme King of Israel, though a
few of them consulted the prophets sometimes, and were answered
by them. At the return of the two tribes, without the return of
the kingly government, the restoration of this oracle was
expected, Nehemiah 7;63; 1 Esd. 5:40; 1 Macc. 4:46; 14:41. And
indeed it may seem to have been restored for some time after the
Babylonish captivity, at least in the days of that excellent high
priest, John Hyrcanus, whom Josephus esteemed as a king, a
priest, and a prophet; and who, he says, foretold several things
that came to pass accordingly; but about the time of his death,
he here implies, that this oracle quite ceased, and not before.
The following high priests now putting diadems on their heads,
and ruling according to their own will, and by their own
authority, like the other kings of the pagan countries about
them; so that while the God of Israel was allowed to be the
supreme King of Israel, and his directions to be their authentic
guides, God gave them such directions as their supreme King and
Governor, and they were properly under a theocracy, by this
oracle of Urim, but no longer (see Dr. Bernard's notes here);
though I confess I cannot but esteem the high priest Jaddus's
divine dream, Antiq. B. XI. ch. 8. sect. 4, and the high priest
Caiaphas's most remarkable prophecy, John 11:47-52, as two small
remains or specimens of this ancient oracle, which properly
belonged to the Jewish high priests: nor perhaps ought we
entirely to forget that eminent prophetic dream of our Josephus
himself, (one next to a high priest, as of the family of the
Asamoneans or Maccabees,) as to the succession of Vespasian and
Titus to the Roman empire, and that in the days of Nero, and
before either Galba, Otho, or Vitellius were thought of to
succeed him. Of the War, B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9. This, I think,
may well be looked on as the very last instance of any thing like
the prophetic Urim among the Jewish nation, and just preceded
their fatal desolation: but how it could possibly come to pass
that such great men as Sir John Marsham and Dr. Spenser, should
imagine that this oracle of Urim and Thummim with other practices
as old or older than the law of Moses, should have been ordained
in imitation of somewhat like them among the Egyptians, which we
never hear of till the days of Diodorus Siculus, Aelian, and
Maimonides, or little earlier than the Christian era at the
highest, is almost unaccountable; while the main business of the
law of Moses was evidently to preserve the Israelites from the
idolatrous and superstitious practices of the neighboring pagan
nations; and while it is so undeniable, that the evidence for the
great antiquity of Moses's law is incomparably beyond that for
the like or greater antiquity of such customs in Egypt or other
nations, which indeed is generally none at all, it is most absurd
to derive any of Moses's laws from the imitation of those heathen
practices, Such hypotheses demonstrate to us how far inclination
can prevail over evidence, in even some of the most learned part
of mankind.

(23) What Reland well observes here, out of Josephus, as compared
with the law of Moses, Leviticus 7:15, (that the eating of the
sacrifice the same day it was offered, seems to mean only before
the morning of the next, although the latter part, i.e. the
night, be in strictness part of the next day, according to the
Jewish reckoning,) is greatly to be observed upon other occasions
also. The Jewish maxim in such cases, it seems, is this: That the
day goes before the night; and this appears to me to be the
language both of the Old and New Testament. See also the note on
Antiq. B. IV. ch. 4. sect. 4, and Reland's note on B. IV. ch. 8.
sect. 28.

(24) We may here note, that Josephus frequently calls the camp
the city, and the court of the Mosaic tabernacle a temple, and
the tabernacle itself a holy house, with allusion to the latter
city, temple, and holy house, which he knew so well long
afterwards.

(25) These words of Josephus are remarkable, that the lawgiver of
the Jews required of the priests a double degree of parity, in
comparison of that required of the people, of which he gives
several instances immediately. It was for certain the case also
among the first Christians, of the clergy, in comparison of the
laity, as the Apostolical Constitutions and Canons every where
inform us.

(26) We must here note with Reland, that the precept given to the
priests of not drinking wine while they wore the sacred garments,
is equivalent; to their abstinence from it all the while they
ministered in the temple; because they then always, and then
only, wore those sacred garments, which were laid up there from
one time of ministration to another.

(27) See Antiq, B. XX. ch. 2. sect, 6. and Acts 11:28.




BOOK 4 FOOTNOTES


(1) Reland here takes notice, that although our Bibles say little
or nothing of these riches of Corah, yet that both the Jews and
Mahommedans, as well as Josephus, are full of it.

(2) It appears here, and from the Samaritan Pentateuch, and, in
effect, from the psalmist, as also from the Apostolical
Constitutions, from Clement's First Epistle to the Corinthians,
from Ignatius's Epistle to the Magnesians, and from Eusebius,
that Corah was not swallowed up with the Reubenites, but burned
with the Levites of his own tribe. See Essay on the Old
Testament, p. 64, 65.

(3) Concerning these twelve rods of the twelve tribes of Israel,
see St. Clement's account, much larger than that in our Bibles, 1
Epist. sect. 45; as is Josephus's present account in measure
larger also.

(4) Grotius, on Numbers 6:18, takes notice that the Greeks also,
aswell as the Jews, sometimes consecrated the hair of their heads
to the gods.

(5) Josephus here uses this phrase, "when the fortieth year was
completed," for when it was begun; as does St. Luke when the day
of Pentecost was completed," Acts 2:1.

(6) Whether Miriam died, as Josephus's. Greek copies imply, on
the first day of the month, may be doubted, because the Latin
copies say it was on the tenth, and so say the Jewish calendars
also, as Dr. Bernard assures us. It is said her sepulcher is
still extant near Petra, the old capital city of Arabia Petraea,
at this day; as also that of Aaron, not far off.

(7) What Josephus here remarks is well worth our remark in this
place also; viz. that the Israelites were never to meddle with
the Moabites, or Ammonites, or any other people, but those
belonging to the land of Canaan, and the countries of Sihon and
Og beyond Jordan, as far as the desert and Euphrates, and that
therefore no other people had reason to fear the conquests of the
Israelites; but that those countries given them by God were their
proper and peculiar portion among the nations, and that all who
endeavored to dispossess them might ever be justly destroyed by
them.

(8) Note that Josephus never supposes Balaam to be an idolater,
nor to seek idolatrous enchantments, or to prophesy falsely, but
to be no other than an ill-disposed prophet of the true God; and
intimates that God's answer the second time, permitting him to
go, was ironical, and on design that he deceived (which sort of
deception, by way of punishment for former crimes, Josephus never
scruples to admit, as ever esteeming such wicked men justly and
providentially deceived). But perhaps we had better keep here
close to the text which says Numbers 23:20, 21, that God only
permitted Balaam to go along with the ambassadors, in case they
came and called him, or positively insisted on his going along
with them, on any terms; whereas Balaam seems out of impatience
to have risen up in the morning, and saddled his ass, and rather
to have called them, than staid for their calling him, so zealous
does he seem to have been for his reward of divination, his wages
of unrighteousness, Numbers 23:7, 17, 18, 37; 2 Peter 2:15; Jude
5, 11; which reward or wages the truly religious prophets of God
never required nor accepted, as our Josephus justly takes notice
in the cases of Samuel, Antiq. B. V. ch. 4. sect. 1, and Daniel,
Antiq. B. X. ch. 11. sect. 3. See also Genesis 14:22, 23; 2 Kings
5:15, 16, 26, 27; and Acts 8;17-24.

(9) Whether Josephus had in his copy but two attempts of Balaam
in all to curse Israel; or whether by this his twice offering
sacrifice, he meant twice besides that first time already
mentioned, which yet is not very probable; cannot now be
certainly determined. In the mean time, all other copies have
three such attempts of Balaam to curse them in the present
history.

(10) Such a large and distinct account of this perversion of the
Israelites by the Midianite women, of which our other copies give
us but short intimations, Numbers 31:16 2 Peter 2:15; Jude 11;
Revelation 2:14, is preserved, as Reland informs us, in the
Samaritan Chronicle, in Philo, and in other writings of the Jews,
as well as here by Josephus.

(11) This grand maxim, That God's people of Israel could never be
hurt nor destroyed, but by drawing them to sin against God,
appears to be true, by the entire history of that people, both in
the Bible and in Josephus; and is often taken notice of in them
both. See in particular a most remarkable Ammonite testimony to
this purpose, Judith 5:5-21.

(12) What Josephus here puts into the mouths of these Midianite
women, who came to entice the Israelites to lewdness and
idolatry, viz. that their worship of the God of Israel, in
opposition to their idol gods, implied their living according to
the holy laws which the true God had given them by Moses, in
opposition to those impure laws which were observed under their
false gods, well deserves our consideration; and gives us a
substantial reason for the great concern that was ever shown
under the law of Moses to preserve the Israelites from idolatry,
and in the worship of the true God; it being of no less
consequence than, Whether God's people should be governed by the
holy laws of the true God, or by the impure laws derived from
demons, under the pagan idolatry.

(13) The mistake in all Josephus's copies, Greek and Latin which
have here fourteen thousand instead of twenty-four thousand, is
so flagrant, that our very learned editors, Bernard and Hudson,
have put the latter number directly into the text. I choose
rather to put it in brackets.

(14) The slaughter of all the Midianite women that had
prostituted themselves to the lewd Israelites, and the
preservation of those that had not been guilty therein; the last
of which were no fewer than thirty-two thousand, both here and
Numbers 31:15-17, 35, 40, 46, and both by the particular command
of God; are highly remarkable, and show that, even in nations
otherwise for their wickedness doomed to destruction, the
innocent were sometimes particularly and providentially taken
care of, and delivered from that destruction; which directly
implies, that it was the wickedness of the nations of Canaan, and
nothing else, that occasioned their excision. See Genesis 15;16;
1 Samuel 15:18, 33; Apost. Constit. B. VIII. ch. 12. p. 402. In
the first of which places, the reason of the delay of the
punishment of the Amorites is given, because "their iniquity was
not yet full." In the secured, Saul is ordered to go and "destroy
the sinners, the Amalekites;" plainly implying that they were
therefore to be destroyed, because they were sinners, and not
otherwise. In the third, the reason is given why king Agag was
not to be spared, viz. because of his former cruelty: "As thy
sword hath made the (Hebrew) women childless, so shall thy mother
be made childless among women by the Hebrews." In the last place,
the apostles, or their amanuensis Clement, gave this reason for
the necessity of the coming of Christ, that "men had formerly
perverted both the positive law, and that of nature; and had cast
out of their mind the memory of the Flood, the burning of Sodom,
the plagues of the Egyptians, and the slaughter of the
inhabitants of Palestine," as signs of the most amazing
impenitence and insensibility, under the punishments of horrid
wickedness.

(15) Josephus here, in this one sentence, sums up his notion of
Moses's very long and very serious exhortations in the book of
Deuteronomy; and his words are so true, and of such importance,
that they deserve to be had in constant remembrance.

(16) This law, both here and Exodus 20:25, 26, of not going up to
God's altar by ladder-steps, but on an acclivity, seems not to
have belonged to the altar of the tabernacle, which was in all
but three cubits high, Exodus 27:4; nor to that of Ezekiel, which
was expressly to be gone up to by steps, ch. 43:17; but rather to
occasional altars of any considerable altitude and largeness; as
also probably to Solomon's altar, to which it is here applied by
Josephus, as well as to that in Zorobabel's and Herod's temple,
which were, I think, all ten cubits high. See 2 Chronicles 4:1,
and Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 3. sect. 7. The reason why these temples,
and these only, were to have this ascent on an acclivity, and not
by steps, is obvious, that before the invention of stairs, such
as we now use, decency could not be otherwise provided for in the
loose garments which the priests wore, as the law required. See
Lamy of the Tabernacle and Temple, p. 444.

(17) The hire of public or secret harlots was given to Venus in
Syria, as Lucian informs us, p. 878; and against some such vile
practice of the old idolaters this law seems to have been made.

(18) The Apostolical Constitutions, B. II. ch. 26. sect. 31,
expound this law of Moses, Exodus 22. 28, "Thou shalt not revile
or blaspheme the gods," or magistrates, which is a much more
probable exposition than this of Josephus, of heathen gillis, as
here, and against Apion, B. II. ch. 3. sect. 31. What book of the
law was thus publicly read, see the note on Antiq. B. X. ch. 5.
sect. 5, and 1 Esd. 9:8-55.

(19)Whether these phylacteries, and other Jewish memorials of the
law here mentioned by Josephus, and by Muses, (besides the
fringes on the borders of their garments, Numbers 15:37,) were
literally meant by God, I much question. That they have been long
observed by the Pharisees and Rabbinical Jews is certain;
however, the Karaites, who receive not the unwritten traditions
of the elders, but keep close to the written law, with Jerome and
Grotius, think they were not literally to be understood; as
Bernard and Reland here take notice. Nor indeed do I remember
that, either in the ancienter books of the Old Testament, or in
the books we call Apocrypha, there are any signs of such literal
observations appearing among the Jews, though their real or
mystical signification, i.e. the constant remembrance and
observation of the laws of God by Moses, be frequently inculcated
in all the sacred writings.

(20) Here, as well as elsewhere, sect. 38, of his Life, sect. 14,
and of the War, B. II. ch. 20. sect. 5, are but seven judges
appointed for small cities, instead of twenty-three in the modern
Rabbins; which modern Rabbis are always but of very little
authority in comparison of our Josephus.

(21) I have never observed elsewhere, that in the Jewish
government women were not admitted as legal witnesses in courts
of justice. None of our copies of the Pentateuch say a word of
it. It is very probable, however, that this was the exposition of
the scribes and Pharisees, and the practice of the Jews in the
days of Josephus.

(22) This penalty of "forty stripes save one," here mentioned,
and sect. 23, was five times inflicted on St. Paul himself by the
Jews, 2 Corinthians 11:24

(23) Josephus's plain and express interpretation of this law of
Moses, Deuteronomy 14:28, 29; 26:12, etc., that the Jews were
bound every third year to pay three tithes, that to the Levites,
that for sacrifices at Jerusalem, and this for the indigent, the
widow, and the orphans, is fully confirmed by the practice of
good old Tobit, even when he was a captive in Assyria, against
the opinions of the Rabbins, Tobit 1:6-8.

(24) These tokens of virginity, as the Hebrew and Septuagint
style them, Deuteronomy 22:15, 17, 20, seem to me very different
from what our later interpreters suppose. They appear rather to
have been such close linen garments as were never put off
virgins, after, a certain age, till they were married, but before
witnesses, and which, while they were entire, were certain
evidences of such virginity. See these, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 8.
sect. 1; 2 Samuel 13:18; Isaiah 6:1 Josephus here determines
nothing what were these particular tokens of virginity or of
corruption: perhaps he thought he could not easily describe them
to the heathens, without saying what they might have thought a
breach of modesty; which seeming breach of modesty laws cannot
always wholly avoid.

(25) These words of Josephus are very like those of the Pharisees
to our Savior upon this very subject, Matthew 19:3, "Is it lawful
for a man to put away his wife for every cause?"

(26) Here it is supposed that this captive's husband, if she were
before a married woman, was dead before, or rather was slain in
this very battle, otherwise it would have been adultery in him
that married her.

(27) See Herod the Great insisting on the execution of this law,
with relation to two of his own sons, before the judges at
Berytus, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 11. sect. 2.

(28) Philo and others appear to have understood this law, Exodus
21:22, 23, better than Josephus, who seems to allow, that though
the infant in the mother's womb, even after the mother were
quick, and so the infant had a rational soul, were killed by the
stroke upon the mother, yet if the mother escaped, the offender
should only be fined, and not put to death; while the law seems
rather to mean, that if the infant in that case be killed, though
the mother escape, the offender must be put to death, and not
only when the mother is killed, as Josehus understood it. It
seems this was the exposition of the Pharisees in the days of
Josephus.

(29) What we render a witch, according to our modern notions of
witchcraft, Exodus 22:15, Philo and Josephus understood of a
poisoner, or one who attempted by secret and unlawful drugs or
philtra, to take away the senses or the lives of men.

(30) This permission of redeeming this penalty with money is not
in our copies, Exodus 21:24, 25; Leviticus 24:20; Deuteronomy
19:21.

(31) We may here note, that thirty shekels, the price our Savior
was sold for by Judas to the Jews, Matthew 26:15, and 27;3, was
the old value of a bought servant or slave among that people.

(32) This law against castration, even of brutes, is said to be
so rigorous elsewhere, as to inflict death on him that does it
which seems only a Pharisaical interpretation in the days of
Josephus of that law, Leviticus 21:20, and 22:24: only we may
hence observe, that the Jews could then have no oxen which are
gelded, but only bulls and cows, in Judea.

(33) These laws seem to be those above-mentioned, sect, 4, of
this chapter.

(34) What laws were now delivered to the priests, see the note on
Antiq. B. III. ch. 1. sect. 7.

(35) Of the exact place where this altar was to be built, whether
nearer Mount Gerizzim or Mount Ebal, according to Josephus, see
Essay on the Old Testament, p. 168--171.

Dr. Bernard well observes here, how unfortunate this neglect of
consulting the Urim was to Joshua himself, in the case of the
Gibeonites, who put a trick upon him, and ensnared him, together
with the rest of the Jewish rulers, with a solemn oath to
preserve them, contrary to his commission to extirpate all the
Canaanites, root and branch; which oath he and the other rulers
never durst break. See Scripture Politics, p. 55, 56; and this
snare they were brought into because they "did not ask counsel at
the mouth of the Lord," Joshua 9:14.

(36) Since Josephus assures us here, as is most naturally to be
supposed, and as the Septuagint gives the text, Deuteronomy 33:6,
that Moses blessed every one of the tribes of Israel, it is
evident that Simeon was not omitted in his copy, as it unhappily
now is, both in our Hebrew and Samaritan copies.




BOOK 5 FOOTNOTES


(1) The Amorites were one of the seven nations of Canaan. Hence
Reland is willing to suppose that Josephus did not here mean that
their land beyond Jordan was a seventh part of the whole land of
Canaan, but meant the Arnorites as a seventh nation. His reason
is, that Josephus, as well as our Bible, generally distinguish
the land beyond Jordan from the land of Canaan; nor can it be
denied, that in strictness they were all fercot: yet after two
tribes and a half of the twelve tribes came to inherit it, it
might in a general way altogether be well included under the land
of Canaan, or Palestine, or Judea, of which we have a clear
example here before us in Josephus, whose words evidently imply,
that taking the whole land of Canaan, or that inhabited by all
the twelve tribes together, and parting it into seven parts, the
part beyond Jordan was in quantity of ground one seventh part of
the whole. And this well enough agrees to Reland's own map of
that country, although this land beyond Jordan was so peculiarly
fruitful, and good for pasturage, as the two tribes and a half
took notice, Numbers 32:1, 4, 16, that it maintained about a
fifth part of the whole people.

(2) It plainly appears by the history of these spies, and the
innkeeper Rahab's deception of the king of Jericho's messengers,
by telling them what was false in order to save the lives of the
spies, and yet the great commendation of her faith and good works
in the New Testament, Hebrews 11:31; James 2:25, as well as by
many other parallel examples, both in the Old Testament and in
Josephus, that the best men did not then scruple to deceive those
public enemies who might justly be destroyed; as also might
deceive ill men in order to save life, and deliver themselves
from the tyranny of their unjust oppressors, and this by telling
direct falsehoods; I mean, all this where no oath was demanded of
them, otherwise they never durst venture on such a procedure. Nor
was Josephus himself of any other opinion or practice, as I shall
remark in the note on Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4. sect. 3. And observe,
that I still call this woman Rahab, an innkeeper, not a harlot,
the whole history, both in our copies, and especially in
Josephus, implying no more. It was indeed so frequent a thing,
that women who were innkeepers were also harlots, or maintainers
of harlots, that the word commonly used for real harlots was
usually given them. See Dr. Bernard's note here, and Judges 11:1,
and Antiq. B. V. ch. 7. sect. 8.

(3) Upon occasion of this devoting of Jericho to destruction, and
the exemplary punishment of Achar, who broke that duerein or
anathema, and of the punishment of the future breaker of it,
Hiel, 1 Kings 16:34, as also of the punishment of Saul, for
breaking the like chefera or anathema, against the Amalekites, 1
Samuel 15., we may observe what was the true meaning of that law,
Leviticus 27:28: "None devoted which shall be devoted of shall be
redeemed; but shall be put to death;" i.e. whenever any of the
Jews' public enemies had been, for their wickedness, solemnly
devoted to destruction, according to the Divine command, as were
generally the seven wicked nations of Canaan, and those sinners
the Amalekites, 1 Samuel 15:18, it was utterly unlawful to permit
those enemies to be redeemed; but they were to be all utterly
destroyed. See also Numbers 23:2, 3.

(4) That the name of this chief was not Achan, as in the common
copies, but Achar, as here in Josephus, and in the Apostolical
Constit. B. VII. ch. 2., and elsewhere, is evident by the
allusion to that name in the curse of Joshua, "Why hast thou
troubled us? - the Lord shall trouble thee;" where the Hebrew
word alludes only to the name Achar, but not to Achan.
Accordingly, this Valley of Achar, or Achor, was and is a known
place, a little north of Gilgal, so called from the days of
Joshua till this day. See Joshua 7:26; Isaiah 65:10; Hosea 2:15;
and Dr. Bernard's notes here.

(5) Here Dr. Bernard very justly observes, that a few words are
dropped out of Josephus's copies, on account of the repetition of
the word shekels, and that it ought to be read thus:-- "A piece
of gold that weighed fifty shekels, and one of silver that
weighed two hundred shekels," as in our other copies, Joshua
7:21.

(6) I agree here with Dr. Bernard, and approve of Josephus's
interpretation of Gilgal for liberty. See Joshua 5:9.

(7) Whether this lengthening of the day, by the standing still of
the sun and moon, were physical and real, by the miraculous
stoppage of the diurnal motion of the earth for about half a
revolution, or whether only apparent, by aerial phosphori
imitating the sun and moon as stationary so long, while clouds
and the night hid the real ones, and this parhelion or mock sun
affording sufficient light for Joshua's pursuit and complete
victory, (which aerial phosphori in other shapes have been more
than ordinarily common of late years,) cannot now be determined:
philosophers and astronomers will naturally incline to this
latter hypothesis. In the mean thee, the fact itself was
mentioned in the book of Jasher, now lost, Joshua 10:13, and is
confirmed by Isaiah, 28:21, Habakkuk, 3:11, and by the son of
Sirach, Ecclus. 46:4. In the 18th Psalm of Solomon, yet it is
also said of the luminaries, with relation, no doubt, to this and
the other miraculous standing still and going back, in the days
of Joshua and Hezekiah, "They have not wandered, from the day
that he created them; they have not forsaken their way, from
ancient generations, unless it were when God enjoined them [so to
do] by the command of his servants." See Authent. Rec. part i. p.
154.

(8) Of the books laid up in the temple, see the note on Antiq. B.
III. ch. 1. sect. 7.

(9) Since not only Procopius and Suidas, but an earlier author,
Moses Chorenensis, p. 52, 53, and perhaps from his original
author Mariba Carina, one as old as Alexander the Great, sets
down the famous inscription at Tangier concerning the old
Canaanites driven out of Palestine by Joshua, take it here in
that author's own words: "We are those exiles that were governors
of the Canaanites, but have been driven away by Joshua the
robber, and are come to inhabit here." See the note there. Nor is
it unworthy of our notice what Moses Chorenensis adds, p. 53, and
this upon a diligent examination, viz. that "one of those eminent
men among the Canaanites came at the same thee into Armenia, and
founded the Genthuniaa family, or tribe; and that this was
confirmed by the manners of the same family or tribe, as being
like those of the Canaanites."

(10) By prophesying, when spoken of a high priest, Josephus, both
here and frequently elsewhere, means no more than consulting God
by Urim, which the reader is still to bear in mind upon all
occasions. And if St. John, who was contemporary with Josephus,
and of the same country, made use of this style, when he says
that "Caiaphas being high priest that year, prophesied that Jesus
should die for that nation, and not for that nation only, but
that also he should gather together in one the children of God
that were scattered abroad," chap. 11;51, 52, he may possibly
mean, that this was revealed to the high priest by an
extraordinary voice from between the cherubims, when he had his
breastplate, or Urim and Thummim, on before; or the most holy
place of the temple, which was no other than the oracle of Urim
and Thummim. Of which above, in the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8.
sect. 9.

(11) This great number of seventy-two reguli, or small kings,
over whom Adonibezek had tyrannized, and for which he was
punished according to the lex talionis, as well as the thirty-one
kings of Canaan subdued by Joshua, and named in one chapter,
Joshua 12., and thirty-two kings, or royal auxiliaries to
Benhadad king of Syria, 1 Kings 20:1; Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 14.
sect. 1, intimate to us what was the ancient form of government
among several nations before the monarchies began, viz. that
every city or large town, with its neighboring villages, was a
distinct government by itself; which is the more remarkable,
because this was certainly the form of ecclesiastical government
that was settled by the apostles, and preserved throughout the
Christian church in the first ages of Christianity. Mr. Addison
is of opinion, that "it would certainly be for the good of
mankind to have all the mighty empires and monarchies of the
world cantoned out into petty states and principalities, which,
like so many large families, might lie under the observation of
their proper governors, so that the care of the prince might
extend itself to every individual person under his protection;
though he despairs of such a scheme being brought about, and
thinks that if it were, it would quickly be destroyed." Remarks
on Italy, 4to, p. 151. Nor is it unfit to be observed here, that
the Armenian records, though they give us the history of
thirty-nine of their ancientest heroes or governors after the
Flood, before the days of Sardanapalus, had no proper king till
the fortieth, Parerus. See Moses Chorehensis, p. 55. And that
Almighty God does not approve of such absolute and tyrannical
monarchies, any one may learn that reads Deuteronomy 17:14-20,
and 1 Samuel 8:1-22; although, if such kings are set up as own
him for their supreme King, and aim to govern according to his
laws, he hath admitted of them, and protected them and their
subjects in all generations.

(12) Josephus's early date of this history before the beginning
of the Judges, or when there was no king in Israel, Judges 19;1,
is strongly confirmed by the large number of Benjamites, both in
the days of Asa and Jehoshaphat, 2 Chronicles 14:8, and 16:17,
who yet were here reduced to six hundred men; nor can those
numbers be at all supposed genuine, if they were reduced so late
as the end of the Judges, where our other copies place this
reduction.

(13) Josephus seems here to have made a small mistake, when he
took the Hebrew word Bethel, which denotes the house of God, or
the tabernacle, Judges 20:18, for the proper name of a place,
Bethel, it no way appearing that the tabernacle was ever at
Bethel; only so far it is true, that Shiloh, the place of the
tabernacle in the days of the Judges, was not far from Bethel.

(14) It appears by the sacred history, Judges 1:16; 3:13, that
Eglon's pavilion or palace was at the City of Palm-Trees, as the
place where Jericho had stood is called after its destruction by
Joshua, that is, at or near the demolished city. Accordingly,
Josephus says it was at Jericho, or rather in that fine country
of palm-trees, upon, or near to, the same spot of ground on which
Jericho had formerly stood, and on which it was rebuilt by Hiel,
1 Kings 16:31. Our other copies that avoid its proper name
Jericho, and call it the City of Palm-Trees only, speak here more
accurately than Josephus.

(15) These eighty years for the government of Ehud are necessary
to Josephus's usual large numbers between the exodus and the
building of the temple, of five hundred and ninety-two or six
hundred and twelve years, but not to the smallest number of four
hundred and eighty years, 1 Kings 6:1; which lesser number
Josephus seems sometimes to have followed. And since in the
beginning of the next chapter it is said by Josephus, that there
was hardly a breathing time for the Israelites before Jabin came
and enslaved them, it is highly probable that some of the copies
in his time had here only eight years instead of eighty; as had
that of Theophilus of Antioch, Ad Autolye. 1. iii., and this most
probably from his copy of Josephus.

(16) Our present copies of Josephus all omit Tola among the
judges, though the other copies have him next after Abimelech,
and allot twenty-three years to his administration, Judges 10:1,
2; yet do all Josephus's commentators conclude, that in
Josephus's sum of the years of the judges, his twenty-three years
are included; hence we are to confess, that somewhat has been
here lost out of his copies.

(17) Josephus justly condemns Jephtha, as do the Apostolical
Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 37., for his rash vow, whether it were
for sacrificing his daughter, as Josephus thought, or for
dedicating her, who was his only child, to perpetual virginity,
at the tabernacle or elsewhere, which I rather suppose. If he had
vowed her for a sacrifice, she ought to have been redeemed,
Leviticus 27:1-8; but of the sense of ver. 28, 29, as relating
not to things vowed to. God, but devoted to destruction, see the
note on Antiq. B. V. ch. 1. sect. 8.

(18) I can discover no reason why Manoah and his wife came so
constantly into these suburbs to pray for children, but because
there was a synagogue or place of devotion in those suburbs.

(19) Here, by a prophet, Josephus seems only to mean one that was
born by a particular providence, lived after the manner of a
Nazarite devoted to God, and was to have an extraordinary
commission and strength from God for the judging and avenging his
people Israel, without any proper prophetic revelations at all.

(20) This fountain, called Lehi, or the Jaw-bone, is still in
being, as travelers assure us, and was known by this very name in
the days of Josephus, and has been known by the same name in all
those past ages. See Antiq. B. VII. ch. 12. sect. 4.

(21) See this justly observed in the Apostolical Constitutions,
B. VII. ch. 37., that Samson's prayer was heard, but that it was
before this his transgression.

(22) Although there had been a few occasional prophets before,
yet was this Samuel the first of a constant succession of
prophets in the Jewish nation, as is implied in St. Peter's
words, Acts 3:24 "Yea, and all the prophets, from Samuel, and
those that follow after, as many as have spoken, have likewise
foretold of those days." See also Acts 13:20. The others were
rather sometime called righteous men, Matthew 10:41; 13:17.




BOOK 6 Footnotes


(1) Dagon, a famous maritime god or idol, is generally supposed
to have been like a man above the navel, and like a fish beneath
it.

(2) Spanheim informs us here, that upon the coins of Tenedos, and
those of other cities, a field-mouse is engraven, together with
Apollo Smintheus, or Apollo, the driver away of field-mice, on
account of his being supposed to have freed certain tracts of
ground from those mice; which coins show how great a judgment
such mice have sometimes been, and how the deliverance from them
was then esteemed the effect of a divine power; which
observations are highly suitable to this history.

(3) This device of the Philistines, of having a yoke of kine to
draw this cart, into which they put the ark of the Hebrews, is
greatly illustrated by Sanchoniatho's account, under his ninth
generation, that Agrouerus, or Agrotes, the husbandman, had a
much-worshipped statue and temple, carried about by one or more
yoke of oxen, or kine, in Phoenicia, in the neighborhood of these
Philistines. See Cumberland's Sanchoniatho, p. 27 and 247; and
Essay on the Old Testament, Append. p. 172.

(4) These seventy men, being not so much as Levites, touched the
ark in a rash or profane manner, and were slain by the hand of
God for such their rashness and profaneness, according to the
Divine threatenings, Numbers 4:15, 20; but how other copies come
to add such an incredible number as fifty thousand in this one
town, or small city, I know not. See Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on
1 Samuel 6:19.

(5) This is the first place, so far as I remember, in these
Antiquities, where Josephus begins to call his nation Jews, he
having hitherto usually, if not constantly, called them either
Hebrews or Israelites. The second place soon follows; see also
ch. 3. sect. 5.

(6) Of this great mistake of Saul and his servant, as if true
prophet of God would accept of a gift or present, for foretelling
what was desired of him, see the note on B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 3.

(7) It seems to me not improbable that these seventy guests of
Samuel, as here, with himself at the head of them, were a Jewish
sanhedrim, and that hereby Samuel intimated to Saul that these
seventy-one were to be his constant counselors, and that he was
to act not like a sole monarch, but with the advice and direction
of these seventy-one members of that Jewish sanhedrim upon all
occasions, which yet we never read that he consulted afterward.

(8) An instance of this Divine fury we have after this in Saul,
ch. 5. sect. 2, 3; 1 Samuel 11:6. See the like, Judges 3:10;
6:34; 11:29; 13:25; and 14:6.

(9) Take here Theodoret's note, cited by Dr. Hudson:-- "He that
exposes his shield to the enemy with his left hand, thereby hides
his left eye, and looks at the enemy with his right eye: he
therefore that plucks out that eye, makes men useless in war."

(10) Mr. Reland observes here, and proves elsewhere in his note
on Antiq. B. III. ch. 1. sect. 6, that although thunder and
lightning with us usually happen in summer, yet in Palestine and
Syria they are chiefly confined to winter. Josephus takes notice
of the same thing again, War, B. IV. ch. 4. sect. 5.

(11) Saul seems to have staid till near the time of the evening
sacrifice, on the seventh day, which Samuel the prophet of God
had appointed him, but not till the end of that day, as he ought
to have done; and Samuel appears, by delaying to come to the full
time of the evening sacrifice on that seventh day, to have tried
him (who seems to have been already for some time declining from
his strict and bounden subordination to God and his prophet; to
have taken life-guards for himself and his son, which was
entirely a new thing in Israel, and savored of a distrust of
God's providence; and to have affected more than he ought that
independent authority which the pagan kings took to themselves);
Samuel, I say, seems to have here tried Saul whether he would
stay till the priest came, who alone could lawfully offer the
sacrifices, nor would boldly and profanely usurp the priest's
office, which he venturing upon, was justly rejected for his
profaneness. See Apost. Constit. B. II. ch. 27. And, indeed,
since Saul had accepted kingly power, which naturally becomes
ungovernable and tyrannical, as God foretold, and the experience
of all ages has shown, the Divine settlement by Moses had soon
been laid aside under the kings, had not God, by keeping strictly
to his laws, and severely executing the threatenings therein
contained, restrained Saul and other kings in some degree of
obedience to himself; nor was even this severity sufficient to
restrain most of the future kings of Israel and Judah from the
grossest idolatry and impiety. Of the advantage of which
strictness, in the observing Divine laws, and inflicting their
threatened penalties, see Antiq. B. VI. ch. 12. sect. 7; and
Against Apion, B. II. sect. 30, where Josephus speaks of that
matter; though it must be noted that it seems, at least in three
instances, that good men did not always immediately approve of
such Divine severity. There seems to be one instance, 1 Samuel
6:19, 20; another, 1 Samuel 15:11; and a third, 2 Samuel 6:8, 9;
Antiq. B. VI. ch. 7. sect. 2; though they all at last acquiesced
in the Divine conduct, as knowing that God is wiser than men.

(12) By this answer of Samuel, and that from a Divine commission,
which is fuller in l Samuel 13:14, and by that parallel note in
the Apostolical Constitutions just now quoted, concerning the
great wickedness of Saul in venturing, even under a seeming
necessity of affairs, to usurp the priest's office, and offer
sacrifice without the priest, we are in some degree able to
answer that question, which I have ever thought a very hard one,
viz. Whether, if there were a city or country of lay Christians
without any clergymen, it were lawful for the laity alone to
baptize, or celebrate the eucharist, etc., or indeed whether they
alone could ordain themselves either bishops, priests, or
deacons, for the due performance of such sacerdotal
ministrations; or whether they ought not rather, till they
procure clergymen to come among them, to confine themselves
within those bounds of piety and Christianity which belong alone
to the laity; such particularly as are recommended in the first
book of the Apostolical Constitutions, which peculiarly concern
the laity, and are intimated in Clement's undoubted epistle,
sect. 40. To which latter opinion I incline.

(13) This rash vow or curse of Saul, which Josephus says was
confirmed by the people, and yet not executed, I suppose
principally because Jonathan did not know of it, is very
remarkable; it being of the essence of the obligation of all
laws, that they be sufficiently known and promulgated, otherwise
the conduct of Providence, as to the sacredness of solemn oaths
and vows, in God's refusing to answer by Urim till this breach of
Saul's vow or curse was understood and set right, and God
propitiated by public prayer, is here very remarkable, as indeed
it is every where else in the Old Testament.

(14) Here we have still more indications of Saul's affectation of
despotic power, and of his entrenching upon the priesthood, and
making and endeavoring to execute a rash vow or curse, without
consulting Samuel or the sanhedrim. In this view it is also that
I look upon this erection of a new altar by Saul, and his
offering of burnt-offerings himself upon it, and not as any
proper instance of devotion or religion, with other commentators.

(15) The reason of this severity is distinctly given, 1 Samuel
15:18, "Go and utterly destroy the sinners the Amalekites:" nor
indeed do we ever meet with these Amalekites but as very cruel
and bloody people, and particularly seeking to injure and utterly
to destroy the nation of Israel. See Exodus 17:8-16; Numbers
14:45; Deuteronomy 25:17-19; Judges 6:3, 6; 1 Samuel 15:33;
Psalms 83:7; and, above all, the most barbarous of all cruelties,
that of Haman the Agagite, or one of the posterity of Agag, the
old king of the Amalekites, Esther 3:1-15.

(16) Spanheim takes notice here that the Greeks had such singers
of hymns; and that usually children or youths were picked out for
that service; as also, that those called singers to the harp, did
the same that David did here, i.e. join their own vocal and
instrumental music together.

(17) Josephus says thrice in this chapter, and twice afterwards,
ch. 11. sect. 2, and B. VII. ch. 1. sect. 4, i.e. five times in
all, that Saul required not a bare hundred of the foreskins of
the Philistines, but six hundred of their heads. The Septuagint
have 100 foreskins, but the Syriac and Arabic 200. Now that these
were not foreskins, with our other copies, but heads, with
Josephus's copy, seems somewhat probable, from 1 Samuel 29:4,
where all copies say that it was with the heads of such
Philistines that David might reconcile himself to his master,
Saul.

(18) Since the modern Jews have lost the signification of the
Hebrew word here used, cebr; and since the LXX., as well as
Josephus, reader it the liver of the goat, and since this
rendering, and Josephus's account, are here so much more clear
and probable than those of others, it is almost unaccountable
that our commentators should so much as hesitate about its true
interpretation.

(19) These violent and wild agitations of Saul seem to me to have
been no other than demoniacal; and that the same demon which used
to seize him, since he was forsaken of God, and which the divine
hymns and psalms which were sung to the harp by David used to
expel, was now in a judicial way brought upon him, not only in
order to disappoint his intentions against innocent David, but to
expose him to the laughter and contempt of all that saw him, or
heard of those agitations; such violent and wild agitations being
never observed in true prophets, when they were under the
inspiration of the Spirit of God. Our other copies, which say the
Spirit of God came him, seem not so here copy, which mentions
nothing of God at all. Nor does Josephus seem to ascribe this
impulse and ecstasy of Saul to any other than to his old
demoniacal spirit, which on all accounts appears the most
probable. Nor does the former description of Saul's real
inspiration by the Divine Spirit, 1 Samuel 10:9-12; Antiq. B. VI.
ch. 4. sect. 2, which was before he was become wicked, well agree
with the descriptions before us.

(20) What is meant by Saul's lying down naked all that day, and
all that night, 1 Samuel 19:4, and whether any more than laying
aside his royal apparel, or upper garments, as Josephus seems to
understand it, is by no means certain. See the note on Antiq. B.
VIII. ch. 14. sect. 2.

(21) This city Nob was not a city allotted to the priests, nor
had the prophets, that we know of, any particular cities allotted
them. It seems the tabernacle was now at Nob, and probably a
school of the prophets was here also. It was full two days'
journey on foot from Jerusalem, 1 Samuel 21:5. The number of
priests here slain in Josephus is three hundred and eighty-five,
and but eighty-five in our Hebrew copies; yet are they three
hundred and five in the Septuagint. I prefer Josephus's number,
the Hebrew having, I suppose, only dropped the hundreds, the
other the tens. This city Nob seems to have been the chief, or
perhaps the only seat of the family of Ithamar, which here
perished, according to God's former terrible threatenings to Eli,
1 Samuel 2:27-36; 3:11-18. See ch. 14. sect. D, hereafter.

(22) This section contains an admirable reflection of Josephus
concerning the general wickedness of men in great authority, and
the danger they are in of rejecting that regard to justice and
humanity, to Divine Providence and the fear of God, which they
either really had, or pretended to have, while they were in a
lower condition. It can never be too often perused by kings and
great men, nor by those who expect to obtain such elevated
dignities among mankind. See the like reflections of our
Josephus, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 1. sect. 5, at the end; and B. VIII.
ch. 10. sect. 2, at the beginning. They are to the like purport
with one branch of Agur's prayer: "One thing have I required of
thee, deny it me not before I die: Give me not riches, lest I be
full, and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord?" Proverbs 30:7-9.

(23) The phrase in David's speech to Saul, as set down in
Josephus, that he had abstained from just revenge, puts me in
mind of the like words in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII.
ch. 2., "That revenge is not evil, but that patience is more
honorable."

(24) The number of men that came first to David, are distinctly
in Josephus, and in our common copies, but four hundred. When he
was at Keilah still but four hundred, both in Josephus and in the
LXXX.; but six hundred in our Hebrew copies, 1 Samuel 23:3; see
30:9, 10. Now the six hundred there mentioned are here estimated
by Josephus to have been so many, only by an augmentation of two
hundred afterward, which I suppose is the true solution of this
seeming disagreement.

(25) In this and the two next sections, we may perceive how
Josephus, nay, how Abigail herself, would understand, the "not
avenging ourselves, but heaping coals of fire on the head of the
injurious," Proverbs 25:22; Romans 12:20, not as we do now, of
them into but of leaving them to the judgment of God, "to whom
vengeance belongeth," Deuteronomy 32:35; Psalms 94:1; Hebrews
10:30, and who will take vengeance on the wicked. And since all
God's judgments are just, and all fit to be executed, and all at
length for the good of the persons punished, I incline to think
that to be the meaning of this phrase of "heaping coals of fire
on their heads."

(26) We may note here, that how sacred soever an oath was
esteemed among the people of God in old times, they did not think
it obligatory where the action was plainly unlawful. For so we
see it was in this case of David, who, although he had sworn to
destroy Nabal and his family, yet does he here, and 1 Samuel
25:32-41, bless God for preventing his keeping his oath, and
shedding of blood, which he had swore to do.

(27) This history of Saul's consultation, not with a witch, as we
render the Hebrew word here, but with a necromancer, as the whole
history shows, is easily understood, especially if we consult the
Recognitions of Clement, B. I. ch. 5. at large, and more briefly,
and nearer the days of Samuel Ecclus. 46:20, "Samuel prophesied
after his death, and showed the king his end, and lift up his
voice from the earth in prophecy," to blot out "the wickedness of
the people." Nor does the exactness of the accomplishment of this
prediction, the very next day, permit us to suppose any
imposition upon Saul in the present history; for as to all modern
hypotheses against the natural sense of such ancient and
authentic histories, I take them to be of very small value or
consideration.

(28) These great commendations of this necromantic woman of
Endor, and of Saul's martial courage, when yet he knew he should
die in the battle, are somewhat unusual digressions in Josephus.
They seem to me extracted from some speeches or declamations of
his composed formerly, in the way of oratory, that lay by him,
and which he thought fit to insert upon this occasion. See before
on Antiq. B. I. ch. 6 sect. 8.

(29) This way of speaking in Josephus, of fasting "seven days
without meat or drink," is almost like that of St. Paul, Acts
27:33, "This day is the fourteenth day that ye have tarried, and
continued fasting, having taken nothing:" and as the nature of
the thing, and the impossibility of strictly fasting so long,
require us here to understand both Josephus and the sacred author
of this history, 1 Samuel 30:13, from whom he took it, of only
fasting fill the evening; so must we understand St. Paul, either
that this was really the fourteenth day that they had taken
nothing till the evening, or else that this was the fourteenth
day of their tempestuous weather in the Adriatic Sea, as ver. 27,
and that on this fourteenth day alone they had continued fasting,
and had taken nothing before that evening. The mention of their
long abstinence, ver. 21, inclines me to believe the former
explication to be the truth, and that the case was then for a
fortnight what it was here for a week, that they kept all those
days entirely as lasts till the evening, but not longer. See
Judges 20:26; 21:2; 1 Samuel 14:24; 2 Samuel 1:12; Antiq. B. VII.
ch. 7. sect. 4.




BOOK 7 Footnotes


(1) It ought to be here noted, that Joab, Abishai, and Asahel
were all three David's nephews, the sons of his sister Zeraiah,
as 1 Chronicles 2:16; and that Amasa was also his nephew by his
other sister Abigail, ver. 17.

(2) This may be a true observation of Josephus's, that Samuel by
command from God entailed the crown on David and his posteerity;
for no further did that entail ever reach, Solomon himself having
never had any promise made him that his posterity should always
have the right to it.

(3) These words of Josephus concerning the tribe of Issachar, who
foreknew what was to come hereafter," are best paraphrased by the
parallel text. 1 Chronicles 12:32, "Who had understanding of the
times to know what Israel ought to do;" that is, who had so much
knowledge in astronomy as to make calendars for the Israelites,
that they might keep their festivals, and plough and sow, and
gather in their harvests and vintage, in due season.

(4) What our other copies say of Mount Sion, as alone properly
called the city of David, 2 Samuel 5:6-9, and of this its siege
and conquest now by David, Josephus applies to the whole city
Jerusalem, though including the citadel also; by what authority
we do not now know perhaps, after David had united them together,
or joined the citadel to the lower city, as sect. 2, Josephus
esteemed them as one city. However, this notion seems to be
confirmed by what the same Josephus says concerning David's and
many other kings of Judah's sepulchers, which as the authors of
the books of Kings and Chronicles say were in the city of David,
so does Josephus still say they were in Jerusalem. The sepulcher
of David seems to have been also a known place in the several
days of Hyrcanus, of Herod, and of St. Peter, Antiq. B. XIII. ch.
8. sect. 4 B. XVI. ch. 8. sect. 1; Acts 2:29. Now no such royal
sepulchers have been found about Mount Sion, but are found close
by the north wall of Jerusalem, which I suspect, therefore, to be
these very sepulchers. See the note on ch. 15. sect. 3. In the
meantime, Josephus's explication of the lame, and the blind, and
the maimed, as set to keep this city or citadel, seems to be the
truth, and gives the best light to that history in our Bible. Mr.
Ottius truly observes, (up. Hayercamp, p. 305,) that Josephus
never mentions Mount Sion by that name, as taking it for an
appellative, as I suppose, and not for a proper name; he still
either styles it The Citadel, or The Upper City; nor do I see any
reason for Mr. Ottius's evil suspicions about this procedure of
Josephus.

(5) Some copies of Josephus have here Solyma, or Salem; and
others Hierosolyma, or Jerusalem. The latter best agree to what
Josephus says elsewhere, (Of the War, B. VI. ch. 10.,) that this
city was called Solyma, or Salem, before the days of Melchisedec,
but was by him called Hierosolyma, or Jerusalem. I rather suppose
it to have been so called after Abraham had received that oracle
Jehovah Jireh, "The Lord will see, or provide," Genesis 22;14.
The latter word, Jireh, with a little alteration, prefixed to the
old name Salem, Peace, will be Jerusalem; and since that
expression, "God will see," or rather, "God will provide himself
a lamb for a burnt-offering," ver. 8, 14, is there said to have
been proverbial till the days of Moses, this seems to me the most
probable derivation of that name, which will then denote that God
would provide peace by that "Lamb of God which was to take away
the sins of the world." However, that which is put into brackets
can hardly be supposed the genuine words of Josephus, as Dr.
Hudson well judges.

(6) It deserves here to be remarked, that Saul very rarely, and
David very frequently, consulted God by Urim; and that David
aimed always to depend, not on his own prudence or abilities but
on the Divine direction, contrary to Saul's practice. See sect.
2, and the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9; and when Saul's
daughter, (but David's wife,) Michal, laughed at David's dancing
before the ark, 2 Samuel 6:16, &c., and here, sect. l, 2, 3, it
is probable she did so, because her father Saul did not use to
pay such a regard to the ark, to the Urim there inquired by, or
to God's worship before it, and because she thought it beneath
the dignity of a king to be so religious.

(7) Josephus seems to be partly in the right, when he observes
here that Uzzah was no priest, (though perhaps he might be a
Levite,) and was therefore struck dead for touching the ark,
contrary to the law, and for which profane rashness death was the
penalty by that law, Numbers 4:15, 20. See the like before,
Antiq. B. VI. ch. 1. sect. 4. It is not improbable that the
putting this ark in a cart, when it ought to have been carried by
the priests or Levites, as it was presently here in Josephus so
carried from Obededom's house to David's, might be also an
occasion of the anger of God on that breach of his law. See
Numbers 4:15; 1 Chronicles 15:13.

(8) Josephus here informs us, that, according to his
understanding of the sense of his copy of the Pentateuch, Moses
had himself foretold the building of the temple, which yet is no
where, that I know of, in our present copies. And that this is
not a mistake set down by him unwarily, appears by what he
observed before, on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 46, how Moses
foretold that, upon the Jews' future disobedience, their temple
should be burnt and rebuilt, and that not once only, but several
times afterward. See also Josephus's mention of God's former
commands to build such a temple presently, ch. 14. sect. 2,
contrary to our other copies, or at least to our translation of
the Hebrew, 2 Samuel 7:6, 7; 1 Chronicles 17:5, 6.

(9) Josephus seems, in this place, with our modern interpreters
to confound the two distinct predictions which God made to David
and to Nathan, concerning the building him a temple by one of
David's posterity; the one belongeth to Solomon, the other to the
Messiah; the distinction between which is of the greatest
consequence to the Christian religion.

(10) Whether Syria Zobah, 2 Samuel 3:8; 1 Chronicles 18:3-8, be
Sophene, as Josephus here supposes; which yet Ptolemy places
beyond Euphrates, as Dr. Hudson observes here, whereas Zobah was
on this side; or whether Josephus was not here guilty of a
mistake in his geography; I cannot certainly determine.

(11) David's reserving only one hundred chariots for himself out
of one thousand he had taken from Hadadezer, was most probably in
compliance with the law of Moses, which forbade a king of Israel
"to multiply horses to himself," Deuteronomy 17:16; one of the
principal uses of horses in Judea at that time being for drawing
their chariots. See Joshua 12:6; and Antiq. B. V. ch. 1. sect.
18. It deserves here to be remarked, that this Hadad, being a
very great king, was conquered by David, whose posterity yet for
several generations were called Benhadad, or the son of Hadad,
till the days of Hazael, whose son Adar or Ader is also in our
Hebrew copy (2 Kings 13:24) written Benhadad, but in Josephus
Adad or Adar. And strange it is, that the son of Hazael, said to
be such in the same text, and in Josephus, Antiq. B. IX. ch. 8.
sect. 7, should still be called the son of Hadad. I would,
therefore, here correct our Hebrew copy from Josephus's, which
seems to have the true reading, nor does the testimony of
Nicolaus of Damascus, produced in this place by Josephus, seem to
be faultless, when it says that he was the third of the Hadads,
or second of the Benhadads, who besieged Samaria in the days of
Ahab. He must rather have been the seventh or eighth, if there
were ten in all of that name, as we are assured there were. For
this testimony makes all the Hadads or Benhadads of the same
line, and to have immediately succeeded one another; whereas
Hazael was not of that line, nor is he called Hadad or Benhadad
in any copy. And note, that from this Hadad, in the days of
David, to the beginning of Hazael, were near two hundred years,
according to the exactest chronology of Josephus.

(12) By this great victory over the Idameans or Edomites, the
posterity of Esau, and by the consequent tribute paid by that
nation to the Jews, were the prophecies delivered to Rebecca
before Jacob and Esau were born, and by old Isaac before his
death, that the elder, Esau, (or the Edomites,) should serve  and
the younger, Jacob, (or the Israelites,) and Jacob (or the
Israelites) should be Esau's (or the Edomites') lord, remarkably
fulfilled. See Antiq. B. VIII. ch 7. sect. 6; Genesis 25;9,3; and
the notes on Antiq. B. I. ch. 18. sect. 5, 6.

(13) That a talent of gold was about seven pounds weight, see the
description of the temple ch. 13. Nor could Josephus well
estimate it higher, since he here says that David wore it on his
head perpetually.

(14) Whether Josephus saw the words of our copies, 2 Samuel
12:31, and 1 Chronicles 20:3, that David put the inhabitants, or
at least the garrison of Rabbah, and of the other Ammonite
cities, which he besieged and took, under, or cut them with saws,
and under, or with harrows of iron, and under, or with axes of
iron, and made them pass through the brick-kiln, is not here
directly expressed. If he saw them, as is most probable he did,
he certainly expounded them of tormenting these Ammonites to
death, who were none of those seven nations of Canaan whose
wickedness had rendered them incapable of mercy; otherwise I
should be inclinable to think that the meaning, at least as the
words are in Samuel, might only be this: That they were made the
lowest slaves, to work in sawing of timber or stone, in harrowing
the fields, in hewing timber, in making and burning bricks, and
the like hard services, but without taking away their lives. We
never elsewhere, that I remember, meet with such methods of
cruelty in putting men to death in all the Bible, or in any other
ancient history whatsoever; nor do the words in Samuel seem
naturally to refer to any such thing.

(15) Of this weight of Absalom's hair, how in twenty or thirty
years it might well amount to two hundred shekels, or to somewhat
above six pounds avoirdupois, see the Literal Accomplishment of
Prophecies, p. 77, 78. But a late very judicious author thinks
that the LXXX. meant not its weight, but its value, Was twenty
shekels. - Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon 2
Samuel 14:26. It does not appear what was Josephus's opinion: he
sets the text down honestly as he found it in his copies, only he
thought that "at the end of days," when Absalom polled or weighed
his hair, was once a week.

(16) This is one of the best corrections that Josephus's copy
affords us of a text that in our ordinary copies is grossly
corrupted. They say that this rebellion of Absalom was forty
years after what went before, (of his reconciliation to his
father,) whereas the series of the history shows it could not be
more than four years after it, as here in Josephus; whose number
is directly confirmed by that copy of the Septuagint version
whence the Armenian translation was made, which gives us the
small number of four years.

(17) This reflection of Josephus's, that God brought to nought
the dangerous counsel of Ahithophel, and directly infatuated
wicked Absalom to reject it, (which infatuation is what the
Scripture styles the judicial hardening the hearts and blinding
the eyes of men, who, by their former voluntary wickedness, have
justly deserved to be destroyed, and are thereby brought to
destruction,) is a very just one, and in him not unfrequent. Nor
does Josephus ever puzzle himself, or perplex his readers, with
subtle hypotheses as to the manner of such judicial infatuations
by God, while the justice of them is generally so obvious. That
peculiar manner of the Divine operations, or permissions, or the
means God makes use of in such cases, is often impenetrable by
us. "Secret things belong to the Lord our God; but those things
that are revealed belong to us, and to our children for ever,
that we may do all the words of this law," Deuteronomy 29:29. Nor
have all the subtleties of the moderns, as far as I see, given
any considerable light in this, and many other the like points of
difficulty relating either to Divine or human operations.--See
the notes on Antiq. B. V ch. 1. sect. 2; and Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4.
sect. 3.

(18) Those that take a view of my description of the gates of the
temple, will not be surprised at this account of David's throne,
both here and 2 Samuel 18:21, that it was between two gates or
portals. Gates being in cities, as well as at the temple, large
open places, with a portal at the entrance, and another at the
exit, between which judicial causes were heard, and public
consultations taken, as is well known from several places of
Scripture, 2 Chronicles 31:2; Psalm 9:14; 137:5; Proverbs 1:21;
8:3, 31; 31:23, and often elsewhere.

(19) Since David was now in Mahanairn, and in the open place of
that city gate, which seems still to have been built the highest
of any part of the wall, and since our other copies say he went
up to the chamber over the gate, 2 Samuel 18:33, I think we ought
to correct our present reading in Josephus, and for city, should
read gate, i.e. instead of the highest part of the city, should
say the highest part of the gate. Accordingly we find David
presently, in Josephus, as well as in our other copies, 2 Samuel
19:8, sitting as before, in the gate of the city.

(20) By David's disposal of half Mephibosheth's estate to Ziba,
one would imagine that he was a good deal dissatisfied, and
doubtful whether Mephibosheth's story were entirely true or not;
nor does David now invite him to diet with him, as he did before,
but only forgives him, if he had been at all guilty. Nor is this
odd way of mourning that Mephibosheth made use of here, and 2
Samuel 19:24, wholly free from suspicion by hypocrisy. If Ziba
neglected or refused to bring Mephibosheh an ass of his own, on
which he might ride to David, it is half to suppose that so great
a man as he was should not be able to procure some other beast
for the same purpose.

(21) I clearly prefer Josephus's reading here, when it supposes
eleven tribes, including Benjamin, to be on the one side, and the
tribe of Judah alone on the other, since Benjamin, in general,
had been still father of the house of Saul, and less firm to
David hitherto, than any of the rest, and so cannot be supposed
to be joined with Judah at this time, to make it double,
especially when the following rebellion was headed by a
Benjamite. See sect. 6, and 2 Samuel 20:2, 4.

(22) This section is a very remarkable one, and shows that, in
the opinion of Josephus, David composed the Book of Psalms, not
at several times before, as their present inscriptions frequently
imply, but generally at the latter end of his life, or after his
wars were over. Nor does Josephus, nor the authors of the known
books of the Old and New Testament, nor the Apostolical
Constitutions, seem to have ascribed any of them to any other
author than to David himself. See Essay on the Old Testament,
pages 174, 175. Of these metres of the Psalms, see the note on
Antiq. B. II. ch. 16. sect. 4.

(23) The words of God by Moses, Exodus 30:12, sufficiently
satisfy the reason here given by Josephus for the great plague
mentioned in this chapter:-- "When thou takest the sum of the
children of Israel after their number, then shall they give a
ransom for his soul unto the Lord, when thou numberest them; that
there be no plague amongst them, when numberest them." Nor indeed
could David's or the neglect of executing this law at this
numeration of half a shekel apiece with them, when they came
numbered. The great reason why nations are so committed by and
with their wicked kings and governors that they almost constantly
comply with them in their of or disobedience to the Divine laws,
and suffer Divine laws to go into disuse or contempt, in order to
kings and governors; and that they sub-political laws and
commands of those governors, instead of the righteous laws of
God, which all mankind ought ever to obey, let their kings and
governors say what they please to the contrary; this preference
of human before Divine laws seeming to me the principal character
of idolatrous or antichristian nations. Accordingly, Josephus
well observes, Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 17, that it was the
duty of the people of Israel to take care that their kings, when
they should have them, did not exceed their proper limits of
power, and prove ungovernable by the laws of God, which would
certainly be a most pernicious thing to their Divine settlement.
Nor do I think that negligence peculiar to the Jews: those
nations which are called Christians, are sometimes indeed very
solicitous to restrain their kings and governors from breaking
the human laws of their several kingdoms, but without the like
care for restraining them from breaking the laws of God. "Whether
it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto men more than to
God, judge ye," Acts 4:19. "We ought to obey God rather than
men," ver. 29.

(24) What Josephus adds here is very remarkable, that this Mount
Moriah was not only the very place where Abraham offered up Isaac
long ago, but that God had foretold to David by a prophet, that
here his son should build him a temple, which is not directly in
any of our other copies, though very agreeable to what is in
them, particularly in 1 Chronicles 21:25, 28; 22:1, to which
places I refer the reader.

(25) Of the quantity of gold and silver expended in the building
of Solomon's temple, and whence it arose, see the description of
ch. 13.

(26) David is here greatly blamed by some for recommending Joab
and Shimei to be punished by Solomon, if he could find a proper
occasion, after he had borne with the first a long while, and
seemed to have pardoned the other entirely, which Solomon
executed accordingly; yet I cannot discern any fault either in
David or Solomon in these cases. Joab's murder of Abner and Amasa
were very barbarous, and could not properly be forgiven either by
David or Solomon; for a dispensing power in kings for the crime
of willful murder is warranted by no law of God, nay, is directly
against it every where; nor is it, for certain, in the power of
men to grant such a prerogative to any of their kings; though
Joab was so nearly related to David, and so potent in the army
under a warlike administration, that David durst not himself put
him to death, 2 Samuel 3:39; 19:7. Shimei's cursing the Lord's
anointed, and this without any just cause, was the highest act of
treason against God and his anointed king, and justly deserved
death; and though David could forgive treason against himself,
yet had he done no more in the case of Shimei than promised him
that he would not then, on the day of his return and
reinauguration, or upon that occasion, himself put him to death,
2 Samuel 19:22; and he swore to him no further, ver. 23, as the
words are in Josephus, than that he would not then put him to
death, which he performed; nor was Solomon under any obligation
to spare such a traitor.




BOOK 8 FOOTNOTES


(1) This execution upon Joab, as a murderer, by slaying him, even
when he had taken sanctuary at God's altar, is perfectly
agreeable to the law of Moses, which enjoins, that "if a man come
presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile, thou
shalt take him from mine altar that he die," Exodus 21:14.

(2) This building of the walls of Jerusalem, soon after David's
death, illustrates the conclusion of the 51st Psalm, where David
prays, "Build thou the walls of Jerusalem;" they being, it seems,
unfinished or imperfect at that time. See ch. 6. sect. 1; and ch.
1. sect. 7; also 1 Kings 9:15.

(3) It may not be amiss to compare the daily furniture of king
Solomon's table, here set down, and 1 Kings 4;22, 23, with the
like daily furniture of Nehemiah the governor's table, after the
Jews were come back from Babylon; and to remember withal, that
Nehemiah was now building the walls of Jerusalem, and maintained,
more than usual, above a hundred and fifty considerable men every
day, and that, because the nation was then very poor, at his own
charges also, without laying any burden upon the people at all.
"Now that which was prepared for me daily was one ox and six
choice sheep; also fowls were prepared for me, and once in ten
days store of all sorts of wine; and yet for all this required
not the bread of the governor, because the bondage was heavy upon
this people," Nehemiah 5:18: see the whole context, ver. 14-19.
Nor did the governor's usual allowance of forty shekels of silver
a-day, ver. 15, amount to 45 a day, nor to 1800 a-year. Nor does
it indeed appear that, under the judges, or under Samuel the
prophet, there was any such public allowance to those governors
at all. Those great charges upon the public for maintaining
courts came in with kings, as God foretold they would, 1 Samuel
8:11-18.

(4) Some pretended fragments of these books of conjuration of
Solomon are still extant in Fabricius's Cod. Pseudepigr. Vet.
Test. page 1054, though I entirely differ from Josephus in this
his supposal, that such books and arts of Solomon were parts of
that wisdom which was imparted to him by God in his younger days;
they must rather have belonged to such profane but curious arts
as we find mentioned Acts 19:13-20, and had been derived from the
idolatry and superstition of his heathen wives and concubines in
his old age, when he had forsaken God, and God had forsaken him,
and given him up to demoniacal delusions. Nor does Josephus's
strange account of the root Baara (Of the War, B. VIII. ch. 6.
sect. 3) seem to be other than that of its magical use in such
conjurations. As for the following history, it confirms what
Christ says, Matthew 12;27 "If I by Beelzebub cast out demons, by
whom do your Sons cast them out?"

(5) These epistles of Solomon and Hiram are those in 1 Kings
5:3-9, and, as enlarged, in 2 Chronicles 2:3-16, but here given
us by Josephus in his own words.

(6) What Josephus here puts into his copy of Hiram's epistle to
Solomon, and repeats afterwards, ch. 5. sect. 3, that Tyre was
now an island, is not in any of the three other copies, viz. that
of the Kings, Chronicles, or Eusebius; nor is it any other, I
suppose, than his own conjectural paraphrase; for when I, many
years ago, inquired into this matter, I found the state of this
famous city, and of the island whereupon it stood, to have been
very different at different times. The result of my inquiries in
this matter, with the addition of some later improvements, stands
thus: That the best testimonies hereto relating, imply, that
Paketyrus, or Oldest Tyre, was no other than that most ancient
smaller fort or city Tyre, situated on the continent, and
mentioned in Joshua 19:29, out of which the Canaanite or
Phoenician inhabitants were driven into a large island, that lay
not far off in the sea, by Joshua: that this island was then
joined to the continent at the present remains of Paketyrus, by a
neck of land over against Solomon's cisterns, still so called;
and the city's fresh water, probably, was carried along in pipes
by that neck of land; and that this island was therefore, in
strictness, no other than a peninsula, having villages in its
fields, Ezekiel 26:6, and a wall about it, Amos 1:10, and the
city was not of so great reputation as Sitlon for some ages: that
it was attacked both by sea and land by Salmanasser, as Josephus
informs us, Antiq. B. IX. ch. 14. sect. 2, and afterwards came to
be the metropolis of Phoenicia; and was afterwards taken and
destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the numerous Scripture
prophecies thereto relating, Isaiah 23.; Jeremiah 25:22; 27:3;
47:4; Ezekiel 26., 27., 28.: that seventy years after that
destruction by Nebuchadnezzar, this city was in some measure
revived and rebuilt, Isaiah 23:17, 18, but that, as the prophet
Ezekiel had foretold, chap. 26:3-5, 14; 27: 34, the sea arose
higher than before, till at last it over flowed, not only the
neck of land, but the main island or peninsula itself, and
destroyed that old and famous city for ever: that, however, there
still remained an adjoining smaller island, once connected to Old
Tyre itself by Hiram, which was afterwards inhabited; to which
Alexander the Great, with incredible pains, raised a new bank or
causeway: and that it plainly appears from Ifaundreh, a most
authentic eye-witness, that the old large and famous city, on the
original large island, is now laid so generally under water, that
scarce more than forty acres of it, or rather of that adjoining
small island remain at this day; so that, perhaps, not above a
hundredth part of the first island and city is now above water.
This was foretold in the same prophecies of Ezekiel; and
according to them, as Mr. Maundrell distinctly observes, these
poor remains of Old Tyre are now "become like the top of a rock,
a place for the spreading of nets in the midst of the sea."

(7) Of the temple of Solomon here described by Josephus, in this
and the following sections of this chapter, see my description of
the temples belonging to this work, ch. 13, These small rooms, or
side chambers, seem to have been, by Josephus's description, no
less than twenty cubits high a piece, otherwise there must have
been a large interval between one and the other that was over it;
and this with double floors, the one of six cubits distance from
the floor beneath it, as 1 Kings 6:5

(8) Josephus says here that the cherubims were of solid gold, and
only five cubits high, while our Hebrew copies (1 Kings 6;23, 28)
say they were of the olive tree, and the LXXX. of the cypress
tree, and only overlaid with gold; and both agree they were ten
cubits high. I suppose the number here is falsely transcribed,
and that Josephus wrote ten cubits also.

(9) As for these two famous pillars, Jachin and Booz, their
height could be no more than eighteen cubits, as here, and 1
Kings 7:15; 2 Kings 25:17; Jeremiah 3:21; those thirty-five
cubits in 2 Chronicles 3:15, being contrary to all the rules of
architecture in the world.

(10) The round or cylindrical lavers of four cubits in diameter,
and four in height, both in our copies, 1 Kings 7:38, 39, and
here in Josephus, must have contained a great deal more than
these forty baths, which are always assigned them. Where the
error lies is hard to say: perhaps Josephus honestly followed his
copies here, though they had been corrupted, and he was not able
to restore the true reading. In the mean time, the forty baths
are probably the true quantity contained in each laver, since
they went upon wheels, and were to be drawn by the Levites about
the courts of the priests for the washings they were designed
for; and had they held much more, they would have been too heavy
to have been so drawn.

(11) Here Josephus gives us a key to his own language, of right
and left hand in the tabernacle and temple; that by the right
hand he means what is against our left, when we suppose ourselves
going up from the east gate of the courts towards the tabernacle
or temple themselves, and so vice versa; whence it follows, that
the pillar Jachin, on the right hand of the temple was on the
south, against our left hand; and Booz on the north, against our
right hand. Of the golden plate on the high priest's forehead
that was in being in the days of Josephus, and a century or two
at least later, seethe note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 7. sect. 6.

(12) When Josephus here says that the floor of the outmost temple
or court of the Gentiles was with vast labor raised to be even,
or of equal height, with the floor of the inner, or court of the
priests, he must mean this in a gross estimation only; for he and
all others agree, that the inner temple, or court of the priests,
was a few cubits more elevated than the middle court, the court
of Israel, and that much more was the court of the priests
elevated several cubits above that outmost court, since the court
of Israel was lower than the one and higher than the other. The
Septuagint say that "they prepared timber and stones to build the
temple for three years," 1 Kings 5:18; and although neither our
present Hebrew copy, nor Josephus, directly name that number of
years, yet do they both say the building itself did not begin
till Solomon's fourth year; and both speak of the preparation of
materials beforehand, 1 Kings v. 18; Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 5. sect.
1. There is no reason, therefore, to alter the Septuagint's
number; but we are to suppose three years to have been the just
time of the preparation, as I have done in my computation of the
expense in building that temple.

(13) This solemn removal of the ark from Mount Sion to Mount
Moriah, at the distance of almost three quarters of a mile,
confutes that notion of the modern Jews, and followed by many
Christians also, as if those two were after a sort one and the
same mountain, for which there is, I think, very little
foundation.

(14) This mention of the Corinthian ornaments of architecture in
Solomon's palace by Josephus seems to be here set down by way of
prophecy although it appears to me that the Grecian and Roman
most ancient orders of architecture were taken from Solomon's
temple, as from their original patterns, yet it is not so clear
that the last and most ornamental order of the Corinthian was so
ancient, although what the same Josephus says, (Of the War, B. V.
ch. 5. sect. 3,) that one of the gates of Herod's temple was
built according to the rules of this Corinthian order, is no way
improbable, that order being, without dispute, much older than
the reign of Herod. However, upon some trial, I confess I have
not hitherto been able fully to understand the structure of this
palace of Solomon, either as described in our Bibles, or even
with the additional help of this description here by Josephus;
only the reader may easily observe with me, that the measures of
this first building in Josephus, a hundred cubits long, and fifty
cubits broad, are the very same with the area of the cart of the
tabernacle of Moses, and just hall' an Egyptian orout, or acre.

(15) This signification of the name Pharaoh appears to be true.
But what Josephus adds presently, that no king of Egypt was
called Pharaoh after Solomon's father-in-law, does hardly agree
to our copies, which have long afterwards the names of Pharaoh
Neehob, and Pharaoh Hophrah, 2 Kings 23:29; Jeremiah 44:30,
besides the frequent mention of that name Pharaoh in the
prophets. However, Josephus himself, in his own speech to the
Jews, Of the War, B. V. ch. 9. sect. 4, speaks of Neehao, who was
also called Pharaoh, as the name of that king of Egypt with whom
Abraham was concerned; of which name Neehao yet we have elsewhere
no mention till the days of Josiah, but only of Pharaoh. And,
indeed, it must be conceded, that here, and sect. 5, we have more
mistakes made by Josephus, and those relating to the kings of
Egypt, and to that queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, whom he supposes
to have come to see Solomon, than almost any where else in all
his Antiquities.

(16) That this queen of Sheba was a queen of Sabea in South
Arabia, and not of Egypt and Ethiopia, as Josephus here asserts,
is, I suppose, now generally agreed. And since Sabea is well
known to be a country near the sea in the south of Arabia Felix,
which lay south from Judea also; and since our Savior calls this
queen, "the queen of the south," and says, "she came from the
utmost parts of the earth," Matthew 12:42; Luke 11:31, which
descriptions agree better to this Arabia than to Egypt and
Ethiopia; there is little occasion for doubting in this matter.

(17) Some blame Josephus for supposing that the balsam tree might
be first brought out of Arabia, or Egypt, or Ethiopia, into
Judea, by this queen of Sheba, since several have said that of
old no country bore this precious balsam but Judea; yet it is not
only false that this balsam was peculiar to Judea but both Egypt
and Arabia, and particularly Sabea; had it; which last was that
very country whence Josephus, if understood not of Ethiopia, but
of Arabia, intimates this queen might bring it first into Judea.
Nor are we to suppose that the queen of Sabaea could well omit
such a present as this balsam tree would be esteemed by Solomon,
in case it were then almost peculiar to her own country. Nor is
the mention of balm or balsam, as carried by merchants, and sent
as a present out of Judea by Jacob, to the governor of Egypt,
Genesis 37:25; 43:11, to be alleged to the contrary, since what
we there render balm or balsam, denotes rather that turpentine
which we now call turpentine of Chio, or Cyprus, the juice of the
turpentine tree, than this precious balm. This last is also the
same word that we elsewhere render by the same mistake balm of
Gilead; it should be rendered, the turpentine of Gilead, Jeremiah
8:22.

(18) Whether these fine gardens and rivulets of Etham, about six
miles from Jerusalem, whither Solomon rode so often in state, be
not those alluded to, Ecclesiastes 2:5, 6, where he says, "He
made him gardens and orchards, and planted trees in them of all
kinds of fruits: he made him pools of water, to water the wood
that bringeth forth trees;" and to the finest part whereof he
seems to allude, when, in the Canticles, he compares his spouse
to a garden "enclosed," to a "spring shut up," to a "fountain
sealed," ch. 4. 12 (part of which from rains are still extant, as
Mr. Matmdrell informs us, page 87, 88); cannot now be certainly
determined, but may very probably be conjectured. But whether
this Etham has any relation to those rivers of Etham, which
Providence once dried up in a miraculous manner, Psalm 74:15, in
the Septuagint, I cannot say.

(19) These seven hundred wives, or the daughters of great men,
and the three hundred concubines, the daughters of the ignoble,
make one thousand in all; and are, I suppose, those very one
thousand women intimated elsewhere by Solomon himself, when he
speaks of his not having found one [good] woman among that very
number, Ecclesiastes 7:28.

(20) Josephus is here certainly too severe upon Solomon, who, in
making the cherubims, and these twelve brazen oxen, seems to have
done no more than imitate the patterns left him by David, which
were all given David by Divine inspiration. See my description of
the temples, ch. 10. And although God gave no direction for the
lions that adorned his throne, yet does not Solomon seem therein
to have broken any law of Moses; for although the Pharisees and
latter Rabbins have extended the second commandment, to forbid
the very making of any image, though without any intention to
have it worshipped, yet do not I suppose that Solomon so
understood it, nor that it ought to be so understood. The making
any other altar for worship but that at the tabernacle was
equally forbidden by Moses, Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 5; yet did
not the two tribes and a half offend when they made an altar for
a memorial only, Joshua 22; Antiq. B. V. ch. 1. sect. 26, 27.

(21) Since the beginning of Solomon's evil life and adversity was
the time when Hadad or Ader, who was born at least twenty or
thirty years before Solomon came to the crown, in the days of
David, began to give him disturbance, this implies that Solomon's
evil life began early, and continued very long, which the
multitude of his wives and concubines does imply also; I suppose
when he was not fifty years of age.

(22) This youth of Jeroboam, when Solomon built the walls of
righteous and keep the laws, because he hath proposed to thee the
greatest of all rewards for thy piety, and the honor thou shalt
pay to God, namely, to be as greatly exalted as thou knowest
David to have been." Jerusalem, not very long after he had
finished his twenty years building of the temple and his own
palace, or not very long after the twenty-fourth of his reign, 1
Kings 9:24; 2 Chronicles 8:11, and his youth here still
mentioned, when Solomon's wickedness was become intolerable,
fully confirm my former observation, that such his wickedness
began early, and continued very long. See Ecclus. 47:14.

(23) That by scorpions is not here meant that small animal so
called, which was never used in corrections, but either a shrub,
furze bush, or else some terrible sort of whip of the like nature
see Hudson's and Spanheim's notes here.

(24) Whether these "fountains of the Lesser Jordan" were near a
place called Dan, and the fountains of the Greater near a place
called Jor, before their conjunction; or whether there was only
one fountain, arising at the lake Phiala, at first sinking under
ground, and then arising near the mountain Paneum, and thence
running through the lake Scmochonitis to the Sea of Galilee, and
so far called the Lesser Jordan; is hardly certain, even in
Josephus himself, though the latter account be the most probable.
However, the northern idolatrous calf, set up by Jeroboam, was
where Little Jordan fell into Great Jordan, near a place called
Daphnae, as Josephus elsewhere informs us, Of the War, B. IV. ch.
1. sect. 1: see the note there.

(25) How much a larger and better copy Josephus had in this
remarkable history of the true prophet of Judea, and his concern
with Jeroboam, and with the false prophet of Bethel, than our
other copies have, is evident at first sight. The prophet's very
name, Jadon, or, as the Constitutions call him, Adonias, is
wanting in our other copies; and it is there, with no little
absurdity, said that God revealed Jadon the true prophet's death,
not to himself as here, but to the false prophet. Whether the
particular account of the arguments made use of, after all, by
the false prophet against his own belief and his own conscience,
in order to persuade Jeroboam to persevere in his idolatry and
wickedness, than which more plausible could not be invented, was
intimated in Josephus's copy, or in some other ancient book,
cannot now be determined; our other copies say not one word of
it.

(26) That this Shishak was not the same person with the famous
Sesostris, as some have very lately, in contradiction to all
antiquity, supposed, and that our Josephus did not take him to be
the same, as they pretend, but that Sesostris was many centuries
earlier than Shishak, see Authent. Records, part II. page 1024.

(27) Herodotus, as here quoted by Josephus, and as this passage
still stands in his present copies, B. II. ch. 14., affirms, that
"the Phoenicians and Syrians in Palestine [which last are
generally supposed to denote the Jews] owned their receiving
circumcision from the Egyptians;" whereas it is abnudantly
evident that the Jews received their circumcision from the
patriarch Abraham, Genesis 17:9-14; John 7:22, 23, as I conclude
the Egyptian priests themselves did also. It is not therefore
very unlikely that Herodotus, because the Jews had lived long in
Egypt, and came out of it circumcised, did thereupon think they
had learned that circumcision in Egypt, and had it not broke.
Manetho, the famous Egyptian chronologer and historian, who knew
the history of his own country much better than Herodotus,
complains frequently of his mistakes about their affairs, as does
Josephus more than once in this chapter. Nor indeed does
Herodotus seem at all acquainted with the affairs of the Jews;
for as he never names them, so little or nothing of what he says
about them, their country, or maritime cities, two of which he
alone mentions, Cadytus and Jenysus, proves true; nor indeed do
there appear to have ever been any such cities on their coast.

(28) This is a strange expression in Josephus, that God is his
own workmanship, or that he made himself, contrary to common
sense and to catholic Christianity; perhaps he only means that he
was not made by one, but was unoriginated.

(29) By this terrible and perfectly unparalleled slaughter of
five hundred thousand men of the newly idolatrous and rebellious
ten tribes, God's high displeasure and indignation against that
idolatry and rebellion fully appeared; the remainder were thereby
seriously cautioned not to persist in them, and a kind of balance
or equilibrium was made between the ten and the two tribes for
the time to come; while otherwise the perpetually idolatrous and
rebellious ten tribes would naturally have been too powerful for
the two tribes, which were pretty frequently free both from such
idolatry and rebellion; nor is there any reason to doubt of the
truth of the prodigious number upmost: signal an occasion.

(30) The reader is to remember that Cush is not Ethiopia, but
Arabia. See Bochart, B. IV. ch. 2.

(31) Here is a very great error in our Hebrew copy in this place,
2 Chronicles 15:3-6, as applying what follows to times past, and
not to times future; whence that text is quite misapplied by Sir
Isaac Newton.

(32) This Abelmain, or, in Josephus's copy, Abellane, that
belonged to the land of Israel, and bordered on the country of
Damascus, is supposed, both by Hudson and Spanheim, to be the
same with Abel, or Ahila, whence came Abilene. This may be that
city so denominated from Abel the righteous, there buried,
concerning the shedding of whose blood within the compass of the
land of Israel, I understand our Savior's words about the fatal
war and overthrow of Judea by Titus and his Roman army; "That
upon you may come all the righteous blood shed upon the land,
from the blood of righteous Abel to the blood of Zacharias son of
Barnchins, whom ye slew between the temple and the altar. Verily,
I say unto you, all these things shall come upon this
generation," Matthew 23;35, 36; Luke 11:51.

(33) Josephus, in his present copies, says, that a little while
rain upon the earth; whereas, in our other copies, it is after
many days, 1 Kings 18:1. Several years are also intimated there,
and in Josephus, sect. 2, as belonging to this drought and
famine; nay, we have the express mention of the third year, which
I suppose was reckoned from the recovery of the widow's son, and
the ceasing of this drought in Phmuiela (which, as Menander
informs us here, lasted one whole year); and both our Savior and
St. James affirm, that this drought lasted in all three years and
six months, as their copies of the Old Testament then informed
them, Luke 4:25; James 5:17. Josephus here seems to mean, that
this drought affected all the habitable earth, and presently all
the earth, as our Savior says it was upon all the earth, Luke
4:25. They who restrain these expressions to the land of Judea
alone, go without sufficient authority or examples.

(34) Mr. Spanheim takes notice here, that in the worship of
Mithra (the god of the Persians) the priests cut themselves in
the same manner as did these priests in their invocation of Baal
(the god of the Phoenicians).

(35) For Izar we may here read (with Hudson and Cocceius)
Isachar, i.e of the tribe of Isachar, for to that tribe did
Jezreel belong; and presently at the beginning of sect. 8, as
also ch. 15. sect. 4, we may read for Iar, with one MS. nearly,
and the Scripture, Jezreel, for that was the city meant in the
history of Naboth.

(36) "The Jews weep to this day," (says Jerome, here cited by
Reland,) "and roll themselves upon sackcloth, in ashes, barefoot,
upon such occasions." To which Spanheim adds, "that after the
same manner Bernice, when his life was in danger, stood at the
tribunal of Florus barefoot." Of the War, B. II. ch. 15. sect. 1.
See the like of David, 2 Samuel 15:30; Antiq. B. VII. ch. 9.
sect. 2.

(37) Mr. Reland notes here very truly, that the word naked does
not always signify entirely naked, but sometimes without men's
usual armor, without heir usual robes or upper garments; as when
Virgil bids the husbandman plough naked, and sow naked; when
Josephus says (Antiq. B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 2) that God had given
the Jews the security of armor when they were naked; and when he
here says that Ahab fell on the Syrians when they were naked and
drunk; when (Antiq. B. XI. ch. 5. sect. 8) he says that Nehemiah
commanded those Jews that were building the walls of Jerusalem to
take care to have their armor on upon occasion, that the enemy
might not fall upon them naked. I may add, that the case seems to
be the same in the Scripture, when it says that Saul lay down
naked among the prophets, 1 Samuel 19:24; when it says that
Isaiah walked naked and barefoot, Isaiah 20:2, 3; and when it
says that Peter, before he girt his fisher's coat to him, was
naked, John 21:7. What is said of David also gives light to this,
who was reproached by Michal for "dancing before the ark, and
uncovering himself in the eyes of his handmaids, as one of the
vain fellows shamelessly uncovereth himself," 2 Samuel 6:14, 20;
yet it is there expressly said (ver. 14) that "David was girded
with a linen ephod," i.e. he had laid aside his robes of state,
and put on the sacerdotal, Levitical, or sacred garments, proper
for such a solemnity.

(38) Josephus's number, two myriads and seven thousand, agrees
here with that in our other copies, as those that were slain by
the falling down of the walls of Aphek; but I suspected at first
that this number in Josephus's present copies could not be his
original number, because he calls them "oligoi," a few, which
could hardly be said of so many as twenty-seven thousand, and
because of the improbability of the fall of a particular wall
killing so many; yet when I consider Josephus's next words, how
the rest which were slain in the battle were "ten other myriads,"
that twenty-seven thousand are but a few in comparison of a
hundred thousand, and that it was not "a wall," as in our English
version, but "the walls" or "the entire walls" of the city that
fell down, as in all the originals, I lay aside that suspicion,
and firmly believe that Josephus himself hath, with the rest,
given us the just number, twenty-seven thousand.

(39) This manner of supplication for men's lives among the
Syrians, with ropes or halters about their heads or necks, is, I
suppose, no strange thing in later ages, even in our own country.

(40) It is here remarkable, that in Josephus's copy this prophet,
whose severe denunciation of a disobedient person's slaughter by
a lion had lately come to pass, was no other than Micaiah, the
son of Imlah, who, as he now denounced God's judgment on
disobedient Ahab, seems directly to have been that very prophet
whom the same Ahab, in 1 Kings 22:8, 18, complains of, "as one
whom he hated, because he did not prophesy good concerning him,
but evil," and who in that chapter openly repeats his
denunciations against him; all which came to pass accordingly;
nor is there any reason to doubt but this and the former were the
very same prophet.

(41) What is most remarkable in this history, and in many
histories on other occasions in the Old Testament, is this, that
during the Jewish theocracy God acted entirely as the supreme
King of Israel, and the supreme General of their armies, and
always expected that the Israelites should be in such absolute
subjection to him, their supreme and heavenly King, and General
of their armies, as subjects and soldiers are to their earthly
kings and generals, and that usually without knowing the
particular reasons of their injunctions.

(42) These reasonings of Zedekiah the false prophet, in order to
persuade Ahab not to believe Micaiah the true prophet, are
plausible; but being omitted in our other copies, we cannot now
tell whence Josephus had them, whether from his own temple copy,
from some other original author, or from certain ancient notes.
That some such plausible objection was now raised against Micaiah
is very likely, otherwise Jehoshaphat, who used to disbelieve all
such false prophets, could never have been induced to accompany
Ahab in these desperate circumstances.

(43) This reading of Josephus, that Jehoshaphat put on not his
own, but Ahab's robes, in order to appear to be Ahab, while Ahab
was without any robes at all, and hoped thereby to escape his own
evil fate, and disprove Micaiah's prophecy against him, is
exceeding probable. It gives great light also to this whole
history; and shows, that although Ahab hoped Jehoshaphat would be
mistaken for him, and run the only risk of being slain in the
battle, yet he was entirely disappointed, while still the escape
of the good man Jehoshaphat, and the slaughter of the bad man
Ahab, demonstrated the great distinction that Divine providence
made betwixt them.

(44) We have here a very wise reflection of Josephus about Divine
Providence, and what is derived from it, prophecy, and the
inevitable certainty of its accomplishment; and that when wicked
men think they take proper methods to elude what is denounced
against them, and to escape the Divine judgments thereby
threatened them, without repentance, they are ever by Providence
infatuated to bring about their own destruction, and thereby
withal to demonstrate the perfect veracity of that God whose
predictions they in vain endeavored to elude.




BOOK 9 FOOTNOTES


(1) These judges constituted by Jehoshaphat were a kind of
Jerusalem Sanhedrim, out of the priests, the Levites, and the
principal of the people, both here and 2 Chronicles 19:8; much
like the old Christian judicatures of the bishop, the presbyters,
the deacons, and the people.

(2) Concerning this precious balsam, see the note on Atiq. B.
VIII. ch. 6. sect. 6.

(3) What are here Pontus and Thrace, as the places whither
Jehoshaphat's fleet sailed, are in our other copies Ophir and
Tarshish, and the place whence it sailed is in them Eziongeber,
which lay on the Red Sea, whence it was impossible for any ships
to sail to Pontus or Thrace; so that Josephus's copy differed
from our other copies, as is further plain from his own words,
which render what we read, that "the ships were broken at
Eziongeber, from their unwieldy greatness." But so far we may
conclude, that Josephus thought one Ophir to be some where in the
Mediterranean, and not in the South Sea, though perhaps there
might be another Ophir in that South Sea also, and that fleets
might then sail both from Phoenicia and from the Red Sea to fetch
the gold of Ophir.

(4) This god of flies seems to have been so called, as was the
like god among the Greeks, from his supposed power over flies, in
driving them away from the flesh of their sacrifices, which
otherwise would have been very troublesome to them.

(5) It is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of Elijah, when
he called for fire from heaven, and consumed no fewer than two
captains and a hundred soldiers, and this for no other crime than
obeying the orders of their king, in attempting to seize him; and
it is owned by our Savior, that it was an instance of greater
severity than the spirit of the New Testament allows, Luke 9:54.
But then we must consider that it is not unlikely that these
captains and soldiers believed that they were sent to fetch the
prophet, that he might be put to death for foretelling the death
of the king, and this while they knew him to be the prophet of
the true God, the supreme King of Israel, (for they were still
under the theocracy,) which was no less than impiety, rebellion,
and treason, in the highest degree: nor would the command of a
subaltern, or inferior captain, contradicting the commands of the
general, when the captain and the soldiers both knew it to be so,
as I suppose, justify or excuse such gross rebellion and
disobedience in soldiers at this day. Accordingly, when Saul
commanded his guards to slay Ahimelech and the priests at Nob,
they knew it to be an unlawful command, and would not obey it, 1
Samuel 22:17. From which cases both officers and soldiers may
learn, that the commands of their leaders or kings cannot justify
or excuse them in doing what is wicked in the sight of God, or in
fighting in an unjust cause, when they know it so to be.

(6) This practice of cutting down, or plucking up by the roots,
the fruit trees was forbidden, even in ordinary wars, by the law
of Moses, Deuteronomy 20:19, 20, and only allowed by God in this
particular case, when the Moabites were to be punished and cut
off in an extraordinary manner for their wickedness See Jeremiah
48:11-13, and many the like prophecies against them. Nothing
could therefore justify this practice but a particular commission
from God by his prophet, as in the present case, which was ever a
sufficient warrant for breaking any such ritual or ceremonial law
whatsoever.

(7) That this woman who cried to Elisha, and who in our Bible is
styled "the wife of one of the sons of the prophets," 2 Kings
4:1, was no other than the widow of Obadiah, the good steward of
Ahab, is confirmed by the Chaldee paraphrast, and by the Rabbins
and others. Nor is that unlikely which Josephus here adds, that
these debts were contracted by her husband for the support of
those "hundred of the Lord's prophets, whom he maintained by
fifty in a cave," in the days of Ahab and Jezebel, 1 Kings 18:4;
which circumstance rendered it highly fit that the prophet Elisha
should provide her a remedy, and enable her to redeem herself and
her sons from the fear of that slavery which insolvent debtors
were liable to by the law of Moses, Leviticus 25:39; Matthew
18:25; which he did accordingly, with God's help, at the expense
of a miracle.

(8) Dr. Hudson, with very good reason, suspects that there is no
small defect in our present copies of Josephus, just before the
beginning of this section, and that chiefly as to that distinct
account which he had given us reason to expect in the first
section, and to which he seems to refer, ch. 8. sect. 6.
concerning the glorious miracles which Elisha wrought, which
indeed in our Bibles are not a few, 2 Kings 6-9., but of which we
have several omitted in Josephus's present copies. One of those
histories, omitted at present, was evidently in his Bible, I mean
that of the curing of Nanman's leprosy, 2 Kings 5.; for he
plainly alludes to it, B. III. ch. 11. sect. 4, where he
observes, that "there were lepers in many nations who yet have
been in honor, and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but
who have been great captains of armies, and been intrusted with
high offices in the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of
entering into holy places and temples." But what makes me most
regret the want of that history in our present copies of Josephus
is this, that we have here, as it is commonly understood, one of
the greatest difficulties in all the Bible, that in 2 Kings 5:18,
19, where Naaman, after he had been miraculously cured by a
prophet of the true God, and had thereupon promised (ver. 17)
that "he would henceforth offer neither burnt-offering nor
sacrifice unto other gods, but unto the Lord," adds, "In this
thing the Lord pardon thy servant, that when my master goeth into
the house of Rimnu to worship there, and he leaneth on my hands,
and I bow myself in the house of Rimmort; when I bow down myself
in the house of Rimmort, the Lord pardon thy servant in this
thing. And Elisha said, Go in peace." This looks like a prophet's
permission for being partaker in idolatry itself, out of
compliance with an idolatrous court.

(9) Upon occasion of this stratagem of Elisha, in Josephus, we
may take notice, that although Josephus was one of the greatest
lovers of truth in the world, yet in a just war he seems to have
had no manner of scruple upon him by all such stratagems possible
to deceive public enemies. See this Josephus's account of
Jeremiah's imposition on the great men of the Jews in somewhat
like case, Antiq. B. X. ch. 7. sect. 6; 2 Samuel 16:16, &c.

(10) This son of a murderer was Joram, the son of Ahab, which
Ahab slew, or permitted his wife Jezebel to slay, the Lord's
prophets, and Naboth, 1 Kings 18:4; 21:19; and he is here called
by this name, I suppose, because he had now also himself sent an
officer to murder him; yet is Josephus's account of Joram's
coming himself at last as repenting of his intended cruelty,
much more probable than that in our copies, 2 Kings 6:33, which
rather implies the contrary.

(11) This law of the Jews, for the exclusion of lepers out of the
camp in the wilderness, and out of the cities in Judea, is a
known one, Leviticus 13:46; Numbers 5:14.

(12) Since Elijah did not live to anoint Hazael king of Syria
himself, as he was empowered to do, 1 Kings 19:15, it was most
probably now done, in his name, by his servant and successor
Elisha. Nor does it seem to me otherwise but that Benhadad
immediately recovered of his disease, as the prophet foretold;
and that Hazael, upon his being anointed to succeed him though he
ought to have staid till he died by the course of nature, or some
other way of Divine punishment, as did David for many years in
the like case, was too impatient, and the very next day smothered
or strangled him, in order to come directly to the succession.

(13) What Mr. Le Clerc pretends here, that it is more probable
that Hazael and his son were worshipped by the Syrians and people
of Damascus till the days of Josephus, than Benhadad and Hazael,
because under Benhadad they had greatly suffered, and because it
is almost incredible that both a king and that king's murderer
should be worshipped by the same Syrians, is of little force
against those records, out of which Josephus drew this history,
especially when it is likely that they thought Benhadad died of
the distemper he labored under, and not by Hazael's treachery.
Besides, the reason that Josephus gives for this adoration, that
these two kings had been great benefactors to the inhabitants of
Damascus, and had built them temples, is too remote from the
political suspicions of Le Clerc; nor ought such weak suspicions
to be deemed of any force against authentic testimonies of
antiquity.

(14) This epistle, in some copies of Josephus, is said to come to
Jotare from Elijah, with this addition," for he was yet upon
earth," which could not be true of Elijah, who, as all agree, was
gone from the earth about four years before, and could only be
true of Elisha; nor perhaps is there any more mystery here, than
that the name of Elijah has very anciently crept into the text
instead of Elisha, by the copiers, there being nothing in any
copy of that epistle peculiar to Elijah.

(15) Spanheim here notes, that this putting off men's garments,
and strewing them under a king, was an Eastern custom, which he
had elsewhere explained.

(16) Our copies say that this "driving of the chariots was like
the driving of Jehu the son of Nimshi; for he driveth furiously,"
2 Kings 9:20; whereas Josephus's copy, as he understood it, was
this, that, on the contrary, Jehu marched slowly, and in good
order. Nor can it be denied, that since there was interval enough
for king Joram to send out two horsemen, one after another, to
Jehu, and at length to go out with king Ahaziah to meet him, and
all this after he was come within sight of the watchman, and
before he was come to Jezreel, the probability is greatly on the
side of Josephus's copy or interpretation.

(17) This character of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, that "he was a
good man, and in his disposition not at all like to his father,"
seems a direct contradiction to our ordinary copies, which say (2
Kings 13:11) that "he did evil in the sight of the Lord; and that
he departed not from all the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat,
who made Israel to sin: he walked therein." Which copies are here
the truest it is hard positively to determine. If Josephus's be
true, this Joash is the single instance of a good king over the
ten tribes; if the other be true, we have not one such example.
The account that follows, in all copies, of Elisha the prophet's
concern for him, and his concern for Elisha, greatly favors
Josephus's copies, and supposes this king to have been then a
good man, and no idolater, with whom God's prophets used not to
be so familiar. Upon the whole, since it appears, even by
Josephus's own account, that Amaziah, the good king of Judah,
while he was a good king, was forbidden to make use of the
hundred thousand auxiliaries he had hired of this Joash, the king
of Israel, as if he and they were then idolaters, 2 Chronicles
25:6-9, it is most likely that these different characters of
Joash suited the different parts of his reign, and that,
according to our common copies, he was at first a wicked king,
and afterwards was reclaimed, and became a good one, according to
Josephus.

(18) What I have above noted concerning Jehoash, seems to me to
have been true also concerning his son Jeroboam II., viz. that
although he began wickedly, as Josephus agrees with our other
copies, and, as he adds, "was the cause of a vast number of
misfortunes to the Israelites" in those his first years, (the
particulars of which are unhappily wanting both in Josephus and
in all our copies,) so does it seem to me that he was afterwards
reclaimed, and became a good king, and so was encouraged by the
prophet Jonah, and had great successes afterward, when "God had
saved the Israelites by the hand of Jeroboam, the son of Joash,"
2 Kings 14:27; which encouragement by Jonah, and great successes,
are equally observable in Josephus, and in the other copies.

(19) When Jonah is said in our Bibles to have gone to Tarshish,
Jonah 1:3, Josephus understood it that he went to Tarsus in
Cilicia, or to the Mediterranean Sea, upon which Tarsus lay; so
that he does not appear to have read the text, 1 Kings 22:48, as
our copies do, that ships of Tarshish could lie at Ezion-geber,
upon the Red Sea. But as to Josephus's assertion, that Jonah's
fish was carried by the strength of the current, upon a nean, it
is by no means an improbable determination in Josephus.

(20) This ancient piece of religion, of supposing there was great
sin where there was great misery, and of casting lots to discover
great sinners, not only among the Israelites, but among these
heathen mariners, seems a remarkable remains of the ancient
tradition which prevailed of old over all mankind, that I
Providence used to interpose visibly in all human affairs, and
storm, as far as the Euxine Sea, it is no way impossible; and
since the storm might have driven the ship, while Jonah was in it
never to bring, or at least not long to continue, notorious
judge, near to that Euxine Sea, and since in three more days,
while but for notorious sins, which the most ancient Book of he
was in the fish's belly, that current might bring him to the Job
shows to have been the state of mankind for about the Assyrian
coast, and since withal that coast could bring him former three
thousand years of the world, till the days of Job nearer to
Nineveh than could any coast of the Mediterranian and Moses.

(21) This account of an earthquake at Jerusalem at the very same
time when Uzziah usurped the priest's office, and went into the
sanctuary to burn incense, and of the consequences of the
earthquake, is entirely wanting in our other copies, though it be
exceeding like to a prophecy of Jeremiah, now in Zechariah 14:4,
5; in which prophecy mention is made of "fleeing from that
earthquake, as they fled from this earthquake in the days of
Uzziah king of Judah;" so that there seems to have been some
considerable resemblance between these historical and prophetical
earthquakes.

(22) Dr. Wall, in his critical notes on 2 Kings 15:20, observes,
"that when this Menahem is said to have exacted the money of
Israel of all the mighty men of wealth, of each man fifty shekels
of silver, to give Pul, the king of Assyria, a thousand talents,
this is the first public money raised by any [Israelite] king by
tax on the people; that they used before to raise it out of the
treasures of the house of the Lord, or of their own house; that
it was a poll-money on the rich men, [and them only,] to raise
oe353,000, or, as others count a talent, oe400,000, at the rate of
oe6 or oe7 per head; and that God commanded, by Ezekiel, ch. 45:8;
46:18, that no such thing should be done [at the Jews'
restoration], but the king should have land of his own."

(23) This passage is taken out of the prophet Nahum, ch. 2:8-13,
and is the principal, or rather the only, one that is given us
almost verbatim, but a little abridged, in all Josephus's known
writings: by which quotation we learn what he himself always
asserts, viz. that he made use of the Hebrew original and not of
the Greek version]; as also we learn, that his Hebrew copy
considerably differed from ours. See all three texts particularly
set down and compared together in the Essay on the Old Testament,
page 187.

(24) This siege of Samaria, though not given a particular account
of, either in our Hebrew or Greek Bibles, or in Josephus, was so
very long, no less than three years, that it was no way
improbable but that parents, and particularly mothers, might
therein be reduced to eat their own children, as the law of Moses
had threatened upon their disobedience, Leviticus 26;29;
Deuteronomy 28:53-57; and as was accomplished in the other
shorter sieges of both the capital cities, Jerusalem and Samaria;
the former mentioned Jeremiah 19:9; Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4. sect. 4,
and the latter, 2 Kings 6:26-29.




BOOK 10 FOOTNOTES


(1) This title of great king, both in our Bibles, 2 Kings 18:19;
Isaiah 36:4, and here in Josephus, is the very same that
Herodotus gives this Sennacherib, as Spanheim takes notice on
this place.

(2) What Josephus says here, how Isaiah the prophet assured
Hezekiah that "at this time he should not be besieged by the king
of Assyria; that for the future he might be secure of being not
at all disturbed by him; and that [afterward] the people might go
on peaceably, and without fear, with their husbandry and other
affairs," is more distinct in our other copies, both of the Kings
and of Isaiah, and deserves very great consideration. The words
are these: "This shall be a sign unto thee, Ye shall eat this
year such as groweth of itself, and the second year that which
springeth of the same; and in the third year sow ye, and reap,
and plant vineyards, and eat the fruit thereof," 2 Kings 19:29;
Isaiah 37:30; which seem to me plainly to design a Sabbatic year,
a year of jubilee next after it, and the succeeding usual labors
and fruits of them on the third and following years.

(3) That this terrible calamity of the slaughter of the 185,000
Assyrians is here delivered in the words of Berosus the Chaldean,
and that it was certainly and frequently foretold by the Jewish
prophets, and that it was certainly and undeniably accomplished,
see Authent. Rec. part II. p. 858.

(3) We are here to take notice, that these two sons of
Sennacherib, that ran away into Armenia, became the heads of two
famous families there, the Arzerunii and the Genunii; of which
see the particular histories in Moses Chorenensis, p. 60.

(4) Josephus, and all our copies, place the sickness of Hezekiah
after the destruction of Sennacherib's army, because it appears
to have been after his first assault, as he was going into Arabia
and Egypt, where he pushed his conquests as far as they would go,
and in order to despatch his story altogether; yet does no copy
but this of Josephus say it was after that destruction, but only
that it happened in those days, or about that time of Hezekiah's
life. Nor will the fifteen years' prolongation of his life after
his sickness, allow that sickness to have been later than the
former part of the fifteenth year of his reign, since chronology
does not allow him in all above twenty-nine years and a few
months; whereas the first assault of Sennacherib was on the
fourteenth year of Hezekiah, but the destruction of Sennacherib's
army was not till his eighteenth year.

(5) As to this regress of the shadow, either upon a sun-dial, or
the steps of the royal palace built by Ahaz, whether it were
physically done by the real miraculous revolution of the earth in
its diurnal motion backward from east to west for a while, and
its return again to its old natural revolution from west to east;
or whether it were not apparent only, and performed by an aerial
phosphorus, which imitated the sun's motion backward, while a
cloud hid the real sun; cannot now be determined. Philosophers
and astronomers will naturally incline to the latter hypothesis.
However, it must be noted, that Josephus seems to have understood
it otherwise than we generally do, that the shadow was
accelerated as much at first forward as it was made to go
backward afterward, and so the day was neither longer nor shorter
than usual; which, it must be confessed agrees best of all to
astronomy, whose eclipses, older than the time were observed at
the same times of the day as if this miracle had never happened.
After all, this wonderful signal was not, it seems, peculiar to
Judea, but either seen, or at least heard of, at Babylon also, as
appears by 2 Chronicles 32:31, where we learn that the Babylonian
ambassadors were sent to Hezekiah, among other things, to inquire
of the wonder that was done in the land.

(6) This expression of Josephus, that the Medes, upon this
destruction of the Assyrian army, "overthrew" the Assyrian
empire, seems to be too strong; for although they immediately
cast off the Assrian yoke, and set up Deioces, a king of their
own, yet it was some time before the Medes and Babylonians
overthrew Nineveh, and some generations ere the Medes and
Persians under Cyaxares and Cyrus overthrew the Assyrian or
Babylonian empire, and took Babylon.

(7) It is hard to reconcile the account in the Second Book of
Kings (ch. 23:11) with this account in Josephus, and to translate
this passage truly in Josephus, whose copies are supposed to be
here imperfect. However, the general sense of both seems to be
this: That there were certain chariots, with their horses,
dedicated to the idol of the sun, or to Moloch; which idol might
be carried about in procession, and worshipped by the people;
which chariots were now "taken away," as Josephus says, or, as
the Book of Kings says, "burnt with fire, by Josiah."

(8) This is a remarkable passage of chronology in Josephus, that
about the latter end of the reign of Josiah, the Medes and
Babylonians overthrew the empire of the Assyrians; or, in the
words of Tobit's continuator, that "before Tobias died, he heard
of the destruction of Nineveh, which was taken by Nebuchodonosor
the Babylonian, and Assuerus the Mede," Tob. 14:15. See Dean
Prideaux's Connexion, at the year 612.

(9) This battle is justly esteemed the very same that Herodotus
(B. II. sect. 156) mentions, when he says, that "Necao joined
battle with the Syrians [or Jews] at Magdolum, [Megiddo,] and
beat them," as Dr. Hudson here observes.

(10) Whether Josephus, from 2 Chronicles 35:25, here means the
book of the Lamentations of Jeremiah, still extant, which chiefly
belongs to the destruction of Jerusalem under Nebuchadnezzar, or
to any other like melancholy poem now lost, but extant in the
days of Josephus, belonging peculiarly to Josiah, cannot now be
determined.

(11) This ancient city Hamath, which is joined with Arpad, or
Aradus, and with Damascus, 2 Kings 18:34; Isaiah 36:19; Jeremiah
49:23, cities of Syria and Phoenicia, near the borders of Judea,
was also itself evidently near the same borders, though long ago
utterly destroyed.

(12) Josephus says here that Jeremiah prophesied not only of the
return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, and this under
the Persians and Medes, as in our other copies; but of cause they
did not both say the same thing as to this circumstance, he
disbelieved what they both appeared to agree in, and condemned
them as not speaking truth therein, although all the things
foretold him did come to pass according to their prophecies, as
we shall show upon a fitter opportunity their rebuilding the
temple, and even the city Jerusalem, which do not appear in our
copies under his name. See the note on Antiq. B. XI. ch. 1. sect.
3.

(13) This observation of Josephus about the seeming disagreement
of Jeremiah, ch. 32:4, and 34:3, and Ezekiel 12:13, but real
agreement at last, concerning the fate of Zedekiah, is very true
and very remarkable. See ch. 7. sect. 2. Nor is it at all
unlikely that the courtiers and false prophets might make use of
this seeming contradiction to dissuade Zedekiah from believing
either of those prophets, as Josephus here intimates he was
dissuaded thereby.

(14) I have here inserted in brackets this high priest Azarias,
though he be omitted in all Josephus's copies, out of the Jewish
chronicle, Seder Olam, of how little authority soever I generally
esteem such late Rabbinical historians, because we know from
Josephus himself, that the number of the high priests belonging
to this interval was eighteen, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 10., whereas his
copies have here but seventeen. Of this character of Baruch, the
son of Neriah, and the genuineness of his book, that stands now
in our Apocrypha, and that it is really a canonical book, and an
appendix to Jeremiah, see Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 1--11.

(15) Herodotus says, this king of Egypt [Pharaoh Hophra, or
Apries] was slain by the Egyptians, as Jeremiah foretold his
slaughter by his enemies, Jeremiah 44:29, 30, and that as a sign
of the destruction of Egypt [by Nebuchadnezzar]. Josephus says,
this king was slain by Nebuchadnezzar himself.

(16) We see here that Judea was left in a manner desolate after
the captivity of the two tribes and was not I with foreign
colonies, perhaps as an indication of Providence that the Jews
were to repeople it without opposition themselves. I also esteem
the latter and present desolate condition of the same country,
without being repeopled by foreign colonies, to be a like
indication, that the same Jews are hereafter to repeople it again
themselves, at their so long expected future restoration.

(17) That Daniel was made one of these eunuchs of which Isaiah
prophesied, Isaiah 39:7, and the three children his companions
also, seems to me plain, both here in Josephus, and in our copies
of Daniel, Daniel 1:3, 6-11, 18, although it must be granted that
some married persons, that had children, were sometimes called
eunuchs, in a general acceptation for courtiers, on account that
so many of the ancient courtiers were real eunuchs. See Genesis
39:1.

(18) Of this most remarkable passage in Josephus concerning the
"stone cut out of the mountain, and destroying the image," which
he would not explain, but intimated to be a prophecy of futurity,
and probably not safe for him to explain, as belonging to the
destruction of the Roman empire by Jesus Christ, the true Messiah
of the Jews, take the words of Hayercamp, ch. 10. sect. 4: "Nor
is this to be wondered at, that he would not now meddle with
things future, for he had no mind to provoke the Romans, by
speaking of the destruction of that city which they called the
Eternal City."

(19) Since Josephus here explains the seven prophetic times which
were to pass over Nebuchadnezzar (Daniel 4:16) to be seven years,
we thence learn how he most probably must have understood those
other parallel phrases, of "a time, times, and a half," Antiq. B.
VII. ch. 25., of so many prophetic years also, though he withal
lets us know, by his hint at the interpretation of the seventy
weeks, as belonging to the fourth monarchy, and the destruction
of Jerusalem by the Romans in the days of Josephus, ch. 2. sect.
7, that he did not think those years to be bare years, but rather
days for years; by which reckoning, and by which alone, could
seventy weeks, or four hundred and ninety days, reach to the age
of Josephus. But as to the truth of those seven years' banishment
of Nebuchadnezzar from men, and his living so long among the
beasts, the very small remains we have any where else of this
Nebuchadnezzar prevent our expectation of any other full account
of it. So far we knew by Ptolemy's canon, a contemporary record,
as well as by Josephus presently, that he reigned in all
forty-three years, that is, eight years after we meet with any
account of his actions; one of the last of which was the thirteen
years' siege of Tyre, Antiq. B. XI. ch. 11., where yet the Old
Latin has but three years and ten months: yet were his actions
before so remarkable, both in sacred and profane authors, that a
vacuity of eight years at the least, at the latter end of his
reign, must be allowed to agree very well with Daniel's accounts;
that after a seven years' brutal life, he might return to his
reason, and to the exercise of his royal authority, for one whole
year at least before his death.

(20) These forty-three years for the duration of the reign of
Nebuchadnezzar are, as I have just now observed, the very same
number in Ptolemy's canon. Moses Chorenensis does also confirm
this captivity of the Jews under Nebuchadnezzar, and adds, what
is very remarkable, that sale of those Jews that were carried by
him into captivity got away into Armenia, and raised the great
family of the Bagratide there.

(21) These twenty-one years here ascribed to one named
Naboulassar, in the first book against Apion, or to
Nabopollassar, the father of the great Nebuchadnezzar, are also
the very same with those given him in Ptolemy's canon. And note
here, that what Dr. Prideaux says, at the year, that
Nebuchadnezzar must have been a common name of other kings of
Babylon, besides the great Nebuchadnezzar himself is a groundless
mistake of some modern chronologers rely, and destitute of all
proper original authority.

(22) These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings at
Babylon, in Josephus's copy of Berosus, would seem too absurd to
be supposed to be the true number, were it not for the same
testimony extant also in the first book against Apion, sect. 19,
with the same number. It thence indeed appears that Josephus's
copy of Berosus had this small number, but that it is the true
number I still doubt. Josephus assures us, that the walls of so
much a smaller city as Jerusalem were two years and four months
in building by Nehemiah, who yet hastened the work all he could,
Antiq. B. XI. ch. 5. sect. 8. I should think one hundred and
fifteen days, or a year and fifteen days, much more
proportionable to so great a work.

(23) It is here remarkable that Josephus, without the knowledge
of Ptolemy's canon, should call the same king whom he himself
here (Bar. i. 11, and Daniel 5:1, 2, 9, 12, 22, 29, 39) styles
Beltazar, or Belshazzar, from the Babylonian god Bel, Naboandelus
also; and in the first book against Apion, sect. 19, vol. iii.,
from the same citation out of Berosus, Nabonnedon, from the
Babylonian god Nabo or Nebo. This last is not remote from the
original pronunciation itself in Ptolemy's canon, Nabonadius; for
both the place of this king in that canon, as the last of the
Assyrian or Babylonian kings, and the number of years of his
reign, seventeen, the same in both demonstrate that it is one and
the same king that is meant by them all. It is also worth noting,
that Josephus knew that Darius, the partner of Cyrus, was the son
of Astyages, and was called by another name among the Greeks,
though it does not appear he knew what that name was, as having
never seen the best history of this period, which is Xenophon's.
But then what Josephus's present copies say presently, sect. 4,
that it was only within no long time after the hand-writing on
the wall that Baltasar was slain, does not so well agree with our
copies of Daniel, which say it was the same night, Daniel 5:30.

(24) This grandmother, or mother of Baltasar, the queen dowager
of Babylon, (for she is distinguished from his queen, Daniel
5:10, 13,) seems to have been the famous Nitocris, who fortified
Babylon against the Medes and Persians, and, in all probability
governed under Baltasar, who seems to be a weak and effeminate
prince.

(25) It is no way improbable that Daniel's enemies might suggest
this reason to the king why the lions did not meddle with him and
that they might suspect the king's kindness to Daniel had
procured these lions to be so filled beforehand, and that thence
it was that he encouraged Daniel to submit to this experiment, in
hopes of coming off safe; and that this was the true reason of
making so terrible an experiment upon those his enemies, and all
their families, Daniel 6:21, though our other copies do not
directly take notice of it.

(26) What Josephus here says, that the stones of the sepulchers
of the kings of Persia at this tower, or those perhaps of the
same sort that are now commonly called the ruins of Persepolis,
continued so entire and unaltered in his days, as if they were
lately put there, "I (says Reland) here can show to be true, as
to those stones of the Persian mansoleum, which Com. Brunius
brake off and gave me." He ascribed this to the hardness of the
stones, which scarcely yields to iron tools, and proves
frequently too hard for cutting by the chisel, but oftentimes
breaks it to pieces.




BOOK 11 FOOTNOTES


(1) This Cyrus is called God's shepherd by Xenophon, as well as
by Isaiah, Isaiah 44:28; as also it is said of him by the same
prophet, that "I will make a man more precious than fine gold,
even a man than the golden wedge of Ophir," Isaiah 13:12, which
character makes Xenophon's most excellent history of him very
credible.

(2) This leave to build Jerusalem, sect. 3, and this epistle of
Cyrus to Sisinnes and Sathrabuzanes, to the same purpose, are
most unfortunately omitted in all our copies but this best and
completest copy of Josephus; and by such omission the famous
prophecy of Isaiah, Isaiah 44:28, where we are informed that God
said of or to Cyrus, "He is my shepherd, and shall perform all my
pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem, Thou shalt be built, and to
the temple, Thy foundation shall be laid," could not hitherto be
demonstrated from the sacred history to have been completely
fulfilled, I mean as to that part of it which concerned his
giving leave or commission for rebuilding the city Jerusalem as
distinct from the temple, whose rebuilding is alone permitted or
directed in the decree of Cyrus in all our copies.

(3) Of the true number of golden and silver vessels here and
elsewhere belonging to the temple of Solomon, see the description
of the temples, chap. 13.

(4) Josephus here follows Herodotus, and those that related how
Cyrus made war with the Scythians and Massagets, near the Caspian
Sea, and perished in it; while Xenophon's account, which appears
never to have been seen by Josephus, that Cyrus died in peace in
his own country of Persia, is attested to by the writers of the
affairs of Alexander the Great, when they agree that he found
Cyrus's sepulcher at Pasargadae, near Persepolis. This account of
Xenophon is also confirmed by the circumstances of Cambyses, upon
his succession to Cyrus, who, instead of a war to avenge his
father's death upon the Scythians and Massagets, and to prevent
those nations from overrunning his northern provinces, which
would have been the natural consequence of his father's ill
success and death there, went immediately to an Egyptian war,
long ago begun by Cyrus, according to Xenophon, p. 644, and
conquered that kingdom; nor is there, that I ever heard of, the
least mention in the reign of Cambyses of any war against the
Scythians and Massagets that he was ever engaged in all his life.

(5) The reader is to note, that although the speeches or papers
of these three of the king's guard are much the same, in our
Third Book of Esdras, ch. 3. and 4., as they are here in
Josephus, yet that the introduction of them is entirely
different, while in our Esdras the whole is related as the
contrivance of the three of the king's guards themselves; and
even the mighty rewards are spoken of as proposed by themselves,
and the speeches are related to have been delivered by themselves
to the king in writing, while all is contrary in Josephus. I need
not say whose account is the most probable, the matters speak for
themselves; and there can be no doubt but Josephus's history is
here to be very much preferred before the other. Nor indeed does
it seem to me at all unlikely that the whole was a contrivance of
king Darius's own, in order to be decently and inoffensively put
in mind by Zorobabel of fulfilling his old vow for the rebuilding
of Jerusalem and the temple, and the restoration of the worship
of the "one true God" there. Nor does the full meaning of
Zorobabel, when he cries out, 3 Esd. 4. 41), "Blessed be the God
of truth;" and here, "God is true and righteous;" or even of all
the people, 3 Esd. 4. 41, "Great is truth, and mighty above all
things;" seem to me much different from this, "There is but one
true God, the God of Israel." To which doctrine, such as Cyrus
and Darius; etc., the Jews' great patrons, seem not to have been
very averse, though the entire idolatry of their kingdoms made
them generally conceal it.

(6) This strange reading in Josephus's present copies of four
millions instead of forty thousand, is one of the grossest errors
that is in them, and ought to be corrected from Ezra 2:61; 1 Esd.
5:40; and Nehemiah 7:66, who all agree the general sum was but
about forty-two thousand three hundred and sixty. It is also very
plain that Josephus thought, that when Esdras afterwards brought
up another company out of Babylon and Persia, in the days of
Xerxes, they were also, as well as these, out of the two tribes,
and out of them only, and were in all no more than "a seed" and
"a remnant," while an "immense number" of the ten tribes never
returned, but, as he believed, continued then beyond Euphrates,
ch. 5. sect. 2, 3; of which multitude, the Jews beyond Euphrates,
he speaks frequently elsewhere, though, by the way, he never
takes them to be idolaters, but looks on them still as observers
of the laws of Moses. The "certain part" of the people that now
came up from Babylon, at the end of this chapter, imply the same
smaller number of Jews that now came up, and will no way agree
with the four millions.

(7) The history contained in this section is entirely wanting in
all our other copies, both of Ezra and Esdras.

(8) Dr. Hudson takes notice here, that this kind of brass or
copper, or rather mixture of gold and brass or copper, was called
aurichalcum, and that this was of old esteemed the most precious
of all metals.

(9) This procedure of Esdras, and of the best part of the Jewish
nation, after their return from the Babylonish captivity, of
reducing the Jewish marriages, once for all, to the strictness of
the law of Moses, without any regard to the greatness of those
who had broken it, and without regard to that natural affection
or compassion for their heathen wives, and their children by
them, which made it so hard for Esdras to correct it, deserves
greatly to be observed and imitated in all attempts for
reformation among Christians, the contrary conduct having ever
been the bane of true religion, both among Jews and Christians,
while political views, or human passions, or prudential motives,
are suffered to take place instead of the Divine laws, and so the
blessing of God is forfeited, and the church still suffered to
continue corrupt from one generation to another. See ch. 8. sect.
2.

(10) This Jewish feast of tabernacles was imitated in several
heathen solemnities, as Spanheim here observes and proves. He
also further observes presently, what great regard many heathens
had to the monuments of their forefathers, as Nehemiah had here,
sect. 6.

(11) This rule of Esdras, not to fast on a festival day, is
quoted in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. V., as obtaining
among Christians also.

(12) This miserable condition of the Jews, and their capital,
must have been after the death of Esdras, their former governor,
and before Nehemiah came with his commission to build the walls
of Jerusalem. Nor is that at all disagreeable to these histories
in Josephus, since Esdras came on the seventh, and Nehemiah not
till the twenty-fifth of Xerxes, at the interval of eighteen
years.

(13) This showing king Xerxes's epistles to God, or laying them
open before God in the temple, is very like the laying open the
epistles of Sennacherib before him also by Hezekiah, 2 Kings
19:14; Isaiah 37:14, although this last was for a memorial, to
put him in mind of the enemies, in order to move the Divine
compassion, and the present as a token of gratitude for mercies
already received, as Hayercamp well observes on this place.

(14) It may not be very improper to remark here, with what an
unusual accuracy Josephus determines these years of Xerxes, in
which the walls of Jerusalem were built, viz. that Nehemiah came
with his commission in the twenty-fifth of Xerxes, that the walls
were two years and four months in building, and that they were
finished on the twenty-eighth of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8. It may also
be remarked further, that Josephus hardly ever mentions more than
one infallible astronomical character, I mean an eclipse of the
moon, and this a little before the death of Herod the Great,
Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 6. sect. 4. Now on these two chronological
characters in great measure depend some of the most important
points belonging to Christianity, viz. the explication of
Daniel's seventy weeks, and the duration of our Savior's
ministry, and the time of his death, in correspondence to those
seventy weeks. See the Supplement to the Lit. Accorap. of Proph.
p. 72.

(15) Since some skeptical persons are willing to discard this
Book of Esther as no true history; and even our learned and
judicious Dr. Wall, in his late posthumous Critical Notes upon
all the other Hebrew books of the Old Testament, gives none upon
the Canticles, or upon Esther, and seems thereby to give up this
book, as well as he gives up the Canticles, as indefensible; I
shall venture to say, that almost all the objections against this
Book of Esther are gone at once, if, as we certainly ought to do,
and as Dean Prideaux has justly done, we place this history under
Artsxerxes Longimanus, as do both the Septuagint interpretation
and Josephus. The learned Dr. Lee, in his posthumous Dissertation
on the Second Book of Esdras, p. 25, also says, that "the truth
of this history is demonstrated by the feast of Purlin, kept up
from that time to this very day. And this surprising providential
revolution in favor of a captive people, thereby constantly
commemorated, standeth even upon a firmer basis than that there
ever was such a man as king Alexander [the Great] in the world,
of whose reign there is no such abiding monument at this day to
be found any where. Nor will they, I dare say, who quarrel at
this or any other of the sacred histories, find it a very easy
matter to reconcile the different accounts which were given by
historians of the affairs of this king, or to confirm any one
fact of his whatever with the same evidence which is here given
for the principal fact in this sacred book, or even so much as to
prove the existence of such a person, of whom so great things are
related, but upon granting this Book of Esther, or sixth of
Esdras, (as it is placed in some of the most ancient copies of
the Vulgate,) to be a most true and certain history," etc.

(16) If the Chaldee paraphrast be in the right, that Artaxerxes
intended to show Vashti to his guests naked, it is no wonder at
all that she would not submit to such an indignity; but still if
it were not so gross as that, yet it might, in the king's cups,
be done in a way so indecent, as the Persian laws would not then
bear, no more than the common laws of modesty. And that the king
had some such design seems not improbable, for otherwise the
principal of these royal guests could be no strangers to the
queen, nor unapprized of her beauty, so far as decency admitted.
However, since Providence was now paving the way for the
introduction of a Jewess into the king's affections, in order to
bring about one of the most wonderful deliverances which the
Jewish or any other nation ever had, we need not be further
solicitous about the motives by which the king was induced to
divorce Vashti, and marry Esther.

(17) Herodotus says that this law [against any one's coming
uncalled to the kings of Persia when they were sitting on their
thrones] was first enacted by Deioces [i.e. by him who first
withdrew the Medes from the dominion of the Assyrians, and
himself first reigned over them]. Thus also, lays Spanheim, stood
guards, with their axes, about the throne of Tenus, or Tenudus,
that the offender might by them be punished immediately.

(18) Whether this adoration required of Mordecai to Haman were by
him deemed too like the adoration due only to God, as Josephus
seems here to think, as well as the Septuagint interpreters also,
by their translation of Esther 13:12-14, or whether he thought he
ought to pay no sort of adoration to an Amalekite, which nation
had been such great sinners as to have been universally devoted
to destruction by God himself, Exodus 17:14-16; 1 Samuel 15:18,
or whether both causes concurred, cannot now, I doubt, be
certainly determined.

(19) The true reason why king Artaxerxes did not here properly
revoke his former barbarous decree for the universal slaughter of
the Jews, but only empowered and encouraged the Jews to fight for
their lives, and to kill their enemies, if they attempted their
destruction, seems to have been that old law of the Medes and
Persians, not yet laid aside, that whatever decree was signed
both by the king and his lords could not be changed, but remained
unalterable, Daniel 6:7-9, 12, 15, 17; Esther 1:19; 8:8. And
Haman having engrossed the royal favor might perhaps have himself
signed this decree for the Jews' slaughter instead of the ancient
lords, and so might have rendered it by their rules irrevocable.

(21) These words give an intimation as if Artaxerxes suspected a
deeper design in Haman than openly appeared, viz. that knowing
the Jews would be faithful to him, and that he could never
transfer the crown to his own family, who was an Agagite, Esther
3:1, 10, or of the posterity of Agag, the old king of the
Amalekites, 1 Samuel 15:8, 32, 33, while they were alive, and
spread over all his dominions, he therefore endeavored to destroy
them. Nor is it to me improbable that those seventy-five thousand
eight hundred of the Jews' enemies which were soon destroyed by
the Jews, on the permission of the king, which must be on some
great occasion, were Amalekites, their old and hereditary
enemies, Exodus 17:14, 15; and that thereby was fulfilled
Balaam's prophecy, "Amalek was the first of the nations, but his
latter end shall be, that he perish for ever" Numbers 24:20.

(21) Take here part of Reland's note on this disputed passage:
"In Josephus's copies these Hebrew words, 'days of Purim,' or '
lots,' as in the Greek copies of Esther, ch. 9:26, 28-32, is read
'days of Phurim,' or 'days of protection,' but ought to be read'
days of Parira,' as in the Hebrew; than which creation," says he,
"nothing is more certain." And had we any assurance that
Josephus's copy mentioned the "casting of lots," as our other
copies do, Esther 3:7, I should fully agree with Reland; but, as
it now stands, it seems to me by no means certain. As to this
whole Book of Esther in the present Hebrew copy, it is so very
imperfect, in a case where the providence of God was so very
remarkable, and the Septuagint and Josephus have so much of
religion, that it has not so much as the name of God once in it;
and it is hard to say who made that epitome which the Masorites
have given us for the genuine book itself; no religious Jews
could well be the authors of it, whose education obliged them to
have a constant regard to God, and whatsoever related to his
worship; nor do we know that there ever was so imperfect a copy
of it in the world till after the days of Barchochab, in the
second century.

(22) Concerning this other Artaxerxes, called Muemon, and the
Persian affliction and captivity of the Jews under him,
occasioned by the murder of the high priest's brother in the holy
house itself, see Authent. Rec. at large, p. 49. And if any
wonder why Josephus wholly omits the rest of the kings of Persia
after Artaxerxes Mnemon, till he came to their last king Darius,
who was conquered by Alexander the Great, I shall give them
Vossius's and Dr. Hudson's answer, though in my own words, viz.
that Josephus did not do ill in admitting those kings of Persia
with whom the Jews had no concern, because he was giving the
history of the Jews, and not of the Persians [which is a
sufficient reason also why he entirely omits the history and the
Book of Job, as not particularly relating to that nation]. He
justly therefore returns to the Jewish affairs after the death of
Longimanus, without any intention of Darius II. before Artaxerxes
Mnemon, or of Ochus or Arogus, as the Canon of Ptolemy names
them, after him. Nor had he probably mentioned this other
Artaxerxes, unless Bagoses, one of the governors and commanders
under him, had occasioned the pollution of the Jewish temple, and
had greatly distressed the Jews upon that pollution.

(23) The place showed Alexander might be Daniel 7:6; 8:3-8,
20--22; 11:3; some or all of them very plain predictions of
Alexander's conquests and successors.




BOOK 12 FOOTNOTES


(1) Here Josephus uses the very word koinopltagia, "eating things
common," for "eating things unclean;" as does our New Testament,
Acts 10:14, 15, 28; 11:8, 9; Romans 14:14.

(2) The great number of these Jews and Samaritans that were
formerly carried into Egypt by Alexander, and now by Ptolemy the
son of Lagus, appear afterwards in the vast multitude who as we
shall see presently, were soon ransomed by Philadelphus, and by
him made free, before he sent for the seventy-two interpreters;
in the many garrisons and other soldiers of that nation in Egypt;
in the famous settlement of Jews, and the number of their
synagogues at Alexandria, long afterward; and in the vehement
contention between the Jews and Samatitans under Philometer,
about the place appointed for public worship in the law of Moses,
whether at the Jewish temple of Jerusalem, or at the Samaritan
temple of Gerizzim; of all which our author treats hereafter. And
as to the Samaritans carried into Egypt under the same princes,
Scaliger supposes that those who have a great synagogue at Cairo,
as also those whom the Arabic geographer speaks of as having
seized on an island in the Red Sea, are remains of them at this
very day, as the notes here inform us.

(3) Of the translation of the other parts of the Old Testament by
seventy Egyptian Jews, in the reigns of Ptolemy the son of Lagus,
and Philadelphus; as also of the translation of the Pentateuch by
seventy-two Jerusalem Jews, in the seventh year of Philadelphus
at Alexandria, as given us an account of by Aristeus, and thence
by Philo and Josephus, with a vindication of Aristeus's history;
see the Appendix to Lit. Accorap. of Proph. at large, p.
117--152.

(4) Although this number one hundred and twenty drachmee [of
Alexandria, or sixty Jewish shekels] be here three times
repeated, and that in all Josephus's copies, Greek and Latin; yet
since all the copies of Aristeus, whence Josephus took his
relation, have this sum several times, and still as no more than
twenty drachmae, or ten Jewish shekels; and since the sum of the
talents, to be set down presently, which is little above four
hundred and sixty, for somewhat more than one hundred thousand
slaves, and is nearly the same in Josephus and Aristeus, does
better agree to twenty than to one hundred and twenty drachmae;
and since the value of a slave of old was at the utmost but
thirty shekels, or sixty drachmae; see Exodus 21:32; while in the
present circumstances of these Jewish slaves, and those so very
numerous, Philadelphus would rather redeem them at a cheaper than
at a dearer rate; - there is great reason to prefer here
Aristeus's copies before Josephus's.

(5) We have a very great encomium of this Simon the Just, the son
of Onias, in the fiftieth chapter of the Ecclesiasticus, through
the whole chapter. Nor is it improper to consult that chapter
itself upon this occasion.

(6) When we have here and presently mention made of
Philadelphus's queen and sister Arsinoe, we are to remember, with
Spanheim, that Arsinoe was both his sister and his wife,
according to the old custom of Persia, and of Egypt at this very
time; nay, of the Assyrians long afterwards. See Antiq. B. XX.
ch. 2. sect. 1. Whence we have, upon the coins of Philadelphus,
this known inscription, "The divine brother and sister."

(7) The Talmudists say, that it is not lawful to write the law in
letters of gold, contrary to this certain and very ancient
example. See Hudson's and Reland's notes here.

(8) This is the most ancient example I have met with of a grace,
or short prayer, or thanksgiving before meat; which, as it is
used to be said by a heathen priest, was now said by Eleazar, a
Jewish priest, who was one of these seventy-two interpreters. The
next example I have met with, is that of the Essenes, (Of the
War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 5,) both before and after it; those of
our Savior before it, Mark 8:6; John 6:11, 23; and St. Paul, Acts
27:35; and a form of such a grace or prayer for Christians, at
the end of the fifth book of the Apostolical Constitutions, which
seems to have been intended for both times, both before and after
meat.

(9) They were rather political questions and answers, tending to
the good and religious government of mankind.

(10) This purification of the interpreters, by washing in the
sea, before they prayed to God every morning, and before they set
about translating, may be compared with the like practice of
Peter the apostle, in the Recognitions of Clement, B. IV. ch. 3.,
and B. V. ch. 36., and with the places of the Proseuchre, or of
prayer, which were sometimes built near the sea or rivers also;
of which matter see Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 9,3; Acts 16:13.
16.

(11) The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives of it
much more valuable, in Judea, and the neighboring countries, than
it is amongst us. It was also, in the days of Josephus, thought
unlawful for Jews to make use of any oil that was prepared by
heathens, perhaps on account of some superstitions intermixed
with its preparation by those heathens. When therefore the
heathens were to make them a donative of oil,: they paid them
money instead of it. See Of the War, B. II. ch. 21. sect. 2; the
Life of Josephus, sect. 13; and Hudson's note on the place before
us.

(12) This, and the like great and just characters, of the
justice, and equity, and generosity of the old Romans, both to
the Jews and other conquered nations, affords us a very good
reason why Almighty God, upon the rejection of the Jews for their
wickedness, chose them for his people, and first established
Christianity in that empire; of which matter see Josephus here,
sect. 2; as also Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 22, 23; B. XVI. ch.
2. sect. 4.

(13) The name of this place, Phicol, is the very same with that
of the chief captain of Abimelech's host, in the days of Abraham,
Genesis 21:22, and might possibly be the place of that Phicol's
nativity or abode, for it seems to have been in the south part of
Palestine, as that was.

(14) Whence it comes that these Lacedemonians declare themselves
here to be of kin to the Jews, as derived from the same ancestor,
Abraham, I cannot tell, unless, as Grotius supposes, they were
derived from Dores, that came of the Pelasgi. These are by
Herodotus called Barbarians, and perhaps were derived from the
Syrians and Arabians, the posterity of Abraham by Keturah. See
Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 22; and Of the War, B. I. ch. 26.
sect. l; and Grot. on 1 Macc. 12:7. We may further observe from
the Recognitions of Clement, that Eliezer, of Damascus, the
servant of Abraham, Genesis 15:2; 24., was of old by some taken
for his son. So that if the Lacedemonians were sprung from him,
they might think themselves to be of the posterity of Abraham, as
well as the Jews, who were sprung from Isaac. And perhaps this
Eliezer of Damascus is that very Damascus whom Trogus Pompeius,
as abridged by Justin, makes the founder of the Jewish nation
itself, though he afterwards blunders, and makes Azelus, Adores,
Abraham, and Israel kings of Judea, and successors to this
Damascus. It may not be improper to observe further, that Moses
Chorenensis, in his history of the Armenians, informs us, that
the nation of the Parthians was also derived from Abraham by
Keturah and her children.

(15) This word" Gymnasium" properly denotes a place where the
exercises were performed naked, which because it would naturally
distinguish circumcised Jews from uncircumcised Gentiles, these
Jewish apostates endeavored to appear uncircumcised, by means of
a surgical operation, hinted at by St. Paul, 1 Corinthians 7:18,
and described by Celsus, B. VII. ch. 25., as Dr. Hudson here
informs us.

(16) Hereabout Josephus begins to follow the First Book of the
Maccabees, a most excellent and most authentic history; and
accordingly it is here, with great fidelity and exactness,
abridged by him; between whose present copies there seem to be
fewer variations than in any other sacred Hebrew book of the Old
Testament whatsoever, (for this book also was originally written
in Hebrew,) which is very natural, because it was written so much
nearer to the times of Josephus than the rest were.

(17) This citadel, of which we have such frequent mention in the
following history, both in the Maccabees and Josephus, seems to
have been a castle built on a hill, lower than Mount Zion, though
upon its skirts, and higher than Mount Moriah, but between them
both; which hill the enemies of the Jews now got possession of,
and built on it this citadel, and fortified it, till a good while
afterwards the Jews regained it, demolished it, and leveled the
hill itself with the common ground, that their enemies might no
more recover it, and might thence overlook the temple itself, and
do them such mischief as they had long undergone from it, Antiq.
B. XIII. ch. 6. sect. 6.

(18) This allegation of the Samaritans is remarkable, that though
they were not Jews, yet did they, from ancient times, observe the
Sabbath day, and, as they elsewhere pretend, the Sabbatic year
also, Antiq. B. XI. ch. 8. sect. 6.

(19) That this appellation of Maccabee was not first of all given
to Judas Maccabeus, nor was derived from any initial letters of
the Hebrew words on his banner, "Mi Kamoka Be Elire, Jehovah?"
("Who is like unto thee among the gods, O Jehovah?") Exodus 15:11
as the modern Rabbins vainly pretend, see Authent. Rec. Part I.
p. 205, 206. Only we may note, by the way, that the original name
of these Maccabees, and their posterity, was Asamoneans; which
was derived from Asamoneus, the great-grandfather of Mattathias,
as Josephus here informs us.

(20) The reason why Bethshah was called Scythopolis is well known
from Herodotus, B. I. p. 105, and Syncellus, p. 214, that the
Scythians, when they overran Asia, in the days of Josiah, seized
on this city, and kept it as long as they continued in Asia, from
which time it retained the name of Scythopolis, or the City of
the Scythians.

(21) This most providential preservation of all the religious
Jews in this expedition, which was according to the will of God,
is observable often among God's people, the Jews; and somewhat
very like it in the changes of the four monarchies, which were
also providential. See Prideaux at the years 331, 333, and 334.

(22) Here is another great instance of Providence, that when,
even at the very time that Simon, and Judas, and Jonathan were so
miraculously preserved and blessed, in the just defense of their
laws and religion, these other generals of the Jews, who went to
fight for honor in a vain-glorious way, and without any
commission from God, or the family he had raised up to deliver
them, were miserably disappointed and defeated. See 1 Macc. 5:61,
62.

(23) Since St. Paul, a Pharisee, confesses that he had not known
concupiscence, or desires, to be sinful, had not the tenth
commandment said, "Thou shalt not covet," Romans 7:7, the case
seems to have been much the same with our Josephus, who was of
the same sect, that he had not a deep sense of the greatness of
any sins that proceeded no further than the intention. However,
since Josephus speaks here properly of the punishment of death,
which is not intended by any law, either of God or man, for the
bare intention, his words need not to be strained to mean, that
sins intended, but not executed, were no sins at all.

(24) No wonder that Josephus here describes Antiochus Eupator as
young, and wanting tuition, when he came to the crown, since
Appian informs us (Syriac. p. 177) that he was then but nine
years old.

(25) It is no way probable that Josephus would call Bacchidoa,
that bitter and bloody enemy of the Jews, as our present copies
have it, a man good, or kind, and gentle, What the author of the
First Book of Maccabees, whom Josephus here follows, instead of
that character, says of him, is, that he was a great man in the
kingdom, and faithful to his king; which was very probably
Josephus's meaning also.

(26) Josephus's copies must have been corrupted when they here
give victory to Nicanor, contrary to the words following, which
imply that he who was beaten fled into the citadel, which for
certain belonged to the city of David, or to Mount Zion, and was
in the possession of Nicanor's garrison, and not of Judas's. As
also it is contrary to the express words of Josephus's original
author, 1 Macc. 7:32, who says that Nicanor lost about five
thousand men, and fled to the city of David.

(27) This account of the miserable death of Alcimus, or Jac-mus,
the wicked high priest, (the first that was not of the family of
the high priests, and made by a vile heathen, Lysias,) before the
death of Judas, and of Judas's succession to him as high priest,
both here, and at the conclusion of this book, directly
contradicts 1 Macc. 9:54-57, which places his death after the
death of Judas, and says not a syllable of the high priesthood of
Judas. How well the Roman histories agree to this account of the
conquests and powerful condition of the Romans at this time, see
the notes in Havercamp's edition; only that the number of the
senators of Rome was then just three hundred and twenty, is, I
think, only known from 1 Macc. 8:15.

(28) This subscription is wanting 1 Macc. 8:17, 29, and must be
the words of Josephus, who by mistake thought, as we have just
now seen, that Judas was at this time high priest, and
accordingly then reckoned his brother Jonathan to be the general
of the army, which yet he seems not to have been till after the
death of Judas.

(29) That this copy of Josephus, as he wrote it, had here not one
thousand, but three thousand, with 1 Macc 9:5, is very plain,
because though the main part ran away at first, even in Josephus,
as well as in 1 Macc. 9:6, yet, as there, so here, eight hundred
are said to have remained with Judas, which would be absurd, if
the whole number had been no more than one thousand.




BOOK 13 FOOTNOTES


(1) This Alexander Bala, who certainly pretended to be the son of
Antiochus Epiphanes, and was owned for such by the Jews and
Romans, and many others, and yet is by several historians deemed
to be a counterfeit, and of no family at all, is, however, by
Josephus believed to have been the real son of that Antiochus,
and by him always spoken of accordingly. And truly, since the
original contemporary and authentic author of the First Book of
Maccabees (10:1) calls him by his father's name, Epiphanes, and
says he was the son of Antiochus, I suppose the other writers,
who are all much later, are not to be followed against such
evidence, though perhaps Epiphanes might have him by a woman of
no family. The king of Egypt also, Philometor, soon gave him his
daughter in marriage, which he would hardly have done, had he
believed him to be a counterfeit, and of so very mean a birth as
the later historians pretend.

(2) Since Jonathan plainly did not put on the pontifical robes
till seven or eight years after the death of his brother Judas,
or not till the feast of tabernacles, in the 160th of the
Seleucidm, 1 Macc. 10;21, Petitus's emendation seems here to
deserve consideration, who, instead of "after four years since
the death of his brother Judas," would have us read, "and
therefore after eight years since the death of his brother
Judas." This would tolerably well agree with the date of the
Maccabees, and with Josephus's own exact chronology at the end of
the twentieth book of these Antiquities, which the present text
cannot be made to do.

(3) Take Grotius's note here: "The Jews," says he, "were wont to
present crowns to the kings [of Syria]; afterwards that gold
which was paid instead of those crowns, or which was expended in
making them, was called the crown gold and crown tax." On 1 Macc.
10:29.

(4) Since the rest of the historians now extant give this
Demetrius thirteen years, and Josephus only eleven years, Dean
Prideaux does not amiss in ascribing to him the mean number
twelve.

(5) It seems to me contrary to the opinion of Josephus, and of
the moderns, both Jews and Christians, that this prophecy of
Isaiah, 19:19, etc., "In that day there shall be an altar to the
Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt," etc., directly foretold
the building of this temple of Onias in Egypt, and was a
sufficient warrant to the Jews for building it, and for
worshipping the true God, the God of Israel, therein. See
Authent. Rec. 11. p. 755. That God seems to have soon better
accepted of the sacrifices and prayers here offered him than
those at Jerusalem, see the note on ch. 10. sect. 7. And truly
the marks of Jewish corruption or interpolation in this text, in
order to discourage their people from approving of the Worship of
God here, are very strong, and highly deserve our consideration
and correction. The foregoing verse in Isaiah runs thus in our
common copies, "In that day shall five cities in the land of
Egypt speak the language of Canaan," [the Hebrew language; shall
be full of Jews, whose sacred books were in Hebrew,] "and swear
to the Lord of hosts; one" [or the first] "shall be called, The
City of Destruction," Isaiah 19:18. A strange-name, "City of
Destruction," upon so joyful occasion, and a name never heard of
in the land of Egypt, or perhaps in any other nation. The old
reading was evidently the City of the Sun, or Heliopolis; and
Unkelos, in effect, and Symmachus, with the Arabic version,
entirely confess that to be the true reading. The Septuagint
also, though they have the text disguised in the common copies,
and call it Asedek, the City of Righteousness; yet in two or
three other copies the Hebrew word itself for the Sun, Achares,
or Thares, is preserved. And since Onias insists with the king
and queen, that Isaiah's prophecy contained many other
predictions relating to this place besides the words by him
recited, it is highly probable that these were especially meant
by him; and that one main reason why he applied this prediction
to himself, and to his prefecture of Heliopolis, which Dean
Prideaux well proves was in that part of Egypt, and why he chose
to build in that prefecture of Heliopolis, though otherwise an
improper place, was this, that the same authority that he had for
building this temple in Egypt, the very same he had for building
it in his own prefecture of Heliopolis also, which he desired to
do, and which he did accordingly. Dean Prideaux has much ado to
avoid seeing this corruption of the Hebrew; but it being in
support of his own opinion about this temple, he durst not see
it; and indeed he reasons here in the most injudicious manner
possible. See him at the year 149.

(6) A very unfair disputation this! while the Jewish disputant,
knowing that he could not properly prove out of the Pentateuch,
that "the place which the Lord their God shall choose to place
his name there," so often referred to in the Book of Deuteronomy,
was Jerusalem any more than Gerizzim, that being not determined
till the days of David, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 13. sect. 4, proves
only, what the Samaritans did not deny, that the temple at
Jerusalem was much more ancient, and much more celebrated and
honored, than that at Gerizzim, which was nothing to the present
purpose. The whole evidence, by the very oaths of both parties,
being, we see, obliged to be confined to the law of Moses, or to
the Pentateuch alone. However, worldly policy and interest and
the multitude prevailing, the court gave sentence, as usual, on
the stronger side, and poor Sabbeus and Theodosius, the Samaritan
disputants, were martyred, and this, so far as appears, without
any direct hearing at all, which is like the usual practice of
such political courts about matters of religion. Our copies say
that the body of the Jews were in a great concern about those men
(in the plural) who were to dispute for their temple at
Jerusalem, whereas it seems here they had but one disputant,
Andronicus by name. Perhaps more were prepared to speak on the
Jews' side; but the firstraying answered to his name, and
overcome the Samaritans, there was necessity for any other
defender of the Jerusalem temple.

(7) Of the several Apollonius about these ages, see Dean Prideaux
at the year 148. This Apollonius Daus was, by his account, the
son of that Apollonius who had been made governor of Celesyria
and Phoenicia by Seleueus Philopater, and was himself a confidant
of his son Demetrius the father, and restored to his father's
government by him, but afterwards revolted from him to Alexander;
but not to Demetrius the son, as he supposes.

(8) Dr. Hudson here observes, that the Phoenicians and Romans
used to reward such as had deserved well of them, by presenting
to them a golden button. See ch. 5. sect. 4.

(9) This name, Demetrius Nicator, or Demetrius the conqueror, is
so written on his coins still extant, as Hudson and Spanheim
inform us; the latter of whom gives us here the entire
inscription, "King Demetrius the God, Philadelphus, Nicator."

(10) This clause is otherwise rendered in the First Book of
Maccabees, 12:9, "For that we have the holy books of Scripture in
our hands to comfort us." The Hebrew original being lost, we
cannot certainly judge which was the truest version only the
coherence favors Josephus. But if this were the Jews' meaning,
that they were satisfied out of their Bible that the Jews and
Lacedemonians were of kin, that part of their Bible is now lost,
for we find no such assertion in our present copies.

(11) Those that suppose Josephus to contradict himself in his
three several accounts of the notions of the Pharisees, this
here, and that earlier one, which is the largest, Of the War B.
II. ch. 8. sect. 14, and that later, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 1.
sect. 3, as if he sometimes said they introduced an absolute
fatality, and denied all freedom of human actions, is almost
wholly groundless if he ever, as the very learned Casaubon here
truly observes, asserting, that the Pharisees were between the
Essens and Sadducees, and did so far ascribe all to fate or
Divine Providence as was consistent with the freedom of human
actions. However, their perplexed way of talking about fate, or
Providence, as overruling all things, made it commonly thought
they were willing to excuse their sins by ascribing them to fate,
as in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VI. ch. 6. Perhaps under
the same general name some difference of opinions in this point
might be propagated, as is very common in all parties, especially
in points of metaphysical subtilty. However, our Josephus, who in
his heart was a great admirer of the piety of the Essens, was yet
in practice a Pharisee, as he himself informs us, in his own
Life, sect. 2. And his account of this doctrine of the Pharisees
is for certain agreeable to his own opinion, who ever both fully
allowed the freedom of human actions, and yet strongly believed
the powerful interposition of Divine Providence. See concerning
this matter a remarkable clause, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 11. sect. 7.

(12) This king, who was of the famous race of Arsaces, is
bethused to call them; but by the elder author of the First
Maccahere, and 1 Macc. 14:2, called by the family name Arsaces;
was, the king of the Persians and Medes, according to the land
but Appion says his proper name was Phraates. He is language of
the Eastern nations. See Authent. Rec. Part II. also called by
Josephus the king of the Parthians, as the Greeks p. 1108.

(13) There is some error in the copies here, when no more than
four years are ascribed to the high priesthood of Jonathan. We
know by Josephus's last Jewish chronology, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 10.,
that there was an interval of seven years between the death of
Alcimus, or Jacimus, the last high priest, and the real high
priesthood of Jonathan, to whom yet those seven years seem here
to be ascribed, as a part of them were to Judas before, Antiq. B.
XII. ch. 10. sect. 6. Now since, besides these seven years
interregnum in the pontificate, we are told, Antiq. B. XX. ch.
10., that Jonathan's real high priesthood lasted seven years
more, these two seven years will make up fourteen years, which I
suppose was Josephus's own number in this place, instead of the
four in our present copies.

(14) These one hundred and seventy years of the Assyrians mean no
more, as Josephus explains himself here, than from the sara of
Seleucus, which as it is known to have began on the 312th year
before the Christian sara, from its spring in the First Book of
Maccabees, and from its autumn in the Second Book of Maccabees,
so did it not begin at Babylon till the next spring, on the 311th
year. See Prid. at the year 312. And it is truly observed by Dr.
Hudson on this place, that the Syrians and Assyrians are
sometimes confounded in ancient authors, according to the words
of Justin, the epitomiser of Trogus -pompeius, who says that "the
Assyrians were afterward called Syrian." B. I. ch. 11. See Of the
War, B. V. ch. 9. sect. 4, where the Philistines themselves, at
the very south limit of Syria, in its utmost extent, are called
Assyrians by Josephus as Spanheim observes.

(15) It must here be diligently noted, that Josephus's copy of
the First Book of Maccabees, which he had so carefully followed,
and faithfully abridged, as far as the fiftieth verse of the
thirteenth chapter, seems there to have ended. What few things
there are afterward common to both, might probably be learned by
him from some other more imperfect records. However, we must
exactly observe here, what the remaining part of that book of the
Maccabees informs us of, and what Josephus would never have
omitted, had his copy contained so much, that this Simon the
Great, the Maccabee, made a league with Antiochus Soter, the son
of Demetrius Soter, and brother of the other Demetrius, who was
now a captive in Parthis: that upon his coming to the crown,
about the 140th year before the Christian sets, he granted great
privileges to the Jewish nation, and to Simon their high priest
and ethnarch; which privileges Simon seems to have taken of his
own accord about three years before. In particular, he gave him
leave to coin money for his country with his own stamp; and as
concerning Jerusalem and the sanctuary, that they should be free,
or, as the vulgar Latin hath it, "holy and free," 1 Macc. 15:6,
7, which I take to be the truer reading, as being the very words
of his father's concession offered to Jonathan several years
before, ch. 10:31; and Antiq. B, XIII. ch. 2. sect. 3. Now what
makes this date and these grants greatly remarkable, is the state
of the remaining genuine shekels of the Jews with Samaritan
characters, which seem to have been (most of them at least)
coined in the first four years of this Simon the Asamonean, and
having upon them these words on one side, "Jerusalem the Holy;"
and on the reverse, "In the Year of Freedom," 1, or 2, or 3, or
4; which shekels therefore are original monuments of these times,
and undeniable marks of the truth of the history in these
chapters, though it be in great measure omitted by Josephus. See
Essay on the Old Test. p. 157, 158. The reason why I rather
suppose that his copy of the Maccabees wanted these chapters,
than that his own copies are here imperfect, is this, that all
their contents are not here omitted, though much the greatest
part be.

(16) How Trypho killed this Antiochus the epitome of Livy informs
us, ch. 53, viz. that he corrupted his physicians or surgeons,
who falsely pretending to the people that he was perishing with
the stone, as they cut him for it, killed him, which exactly
agrees with Josephus.

(17) That this Antiochus, the son of Alexader Balas, was called
"The God," is evident from his coins, which Spanheim assures us
bear this inscription, "King Antiochus the God, Epiphanes the
Victorious."

(18) Here Josephus begins to follow and to abridge the next
sacred Hebrew book, styled in the end of the First Book of
Maccabees, "The Chronicle of John [Hyrcanus's] high priesthood;"
but in some of the Greek copies," The Fourth Book of Maccabees."
A Greek version of this chronicle was extant not very long ago in
the days of Sautes Pagninus, and Sixtus Senensis, at Lyons,
though it seems to have been there burnt, and to be utterly lost.
See Sixtus Senensis's account of it, of its many Hebraisms, and
its great agreement with Josephus's abridgement, in the Authent.
Rec. Part I. p. 206, 207, 208.

(19) Hence we learn, that in the days of this excellent high
priest, John Hyrcanus, the observation of the Sabbatic year, as
Josephus supposed, required a rest from war, as did that of the
weekly sabbath from work; I mean this, unless in the case of
necessity, when the Jews were attacked by their enemies, in which
case indeed, and in which alone, they then allowed defensive
fighting to be lawful, even on the sabbath day, as we see in
several places of Josephus, Antlq. B. XII. ch. 6. sect. 2; B.
XIII. ch. 1. sect. 2; Of the War, B. I. ch. 7. sect. 3. But then
it must be noted, that this rest from war no way appears in the
First Book of Maccabees, ch. 16., but the direct contrary; though
indeed the Jews, in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, did not
venture upon fighting on the Sabbath day, even in the defense of
their own lives, till the Asamoneans or Maccabees decreed so to
do, 1 Macc. 2:32-41; Antiq. B. XII. ch. 6. sect. 2.

(20) Josephus's copies, both Greek and Latin, have here a gross
mistake, when they say that this first year of John Hyrcanus,
which we have just now seen to have been a Sabbatic year, was in
the 162nd olympiad, whereas it was for certain the second year of
the 161st. See the like before, B. XII. ch. 7. sect. 6.

(21) This heliacal setting of the Pleiades, or seven stars, was,
in the days of Hyrcanus and Josephus, early in the spring, about
February, the time of the latter rain in Judea; and this, so far
as I remember, is the only astronomical character of time,
besides one eclipse of the moon in the reign of Herod, that we
meet with in all Josephus; the Jews being little accustomed to
astronomical observations, any further than for the uses of their
calendar, and utterly forbidden those astrological uses which the
heathens commonly made of them.

(22) Dr. Hudson tells us here, that this custom of gilding the
horns of those oxen that were to be sacrificed is a known thing
both in the poets and orators.

(23) This account in Josephus, that the present Antiochus was
persuaded, though in vain, not to make peace with the Jews, but
to cut them off utterly, is fully confirmed by Diodorus Siculus,
in Photiua's extracts out of his 34th Book.

(24) The Jews were not to march or journey on the sabbath, or on
such a great festival as was equivalent to the sabbath, any
farther than a sabbath day's journey, or two thousand cubits, see
the note on Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 6.

(25) This account of the Idumeans admitting circumcision, and the
entire Jewish law, from this time, or from the days of Hyrcanus,
is confirmed by their entire history afterward. See Antiq. B.
XIV. ch. 8. sect. 1; B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 9. Of the War, B. II.
ch. 3. sect. 1; B. IV. ch. 4. sect. 5. This, in the opinion of
Josephus, made them proselytes of justice, or entire Jews, as
here and elsewhere, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 1. However,
Antigonus, the enemy of Herod, though Herod were derived from
such a proselyte of justice for several generations, will allow
him to be no more than a half Jew, B. XV. ch. 15. sect. 2. But
still, take out of Dean Prideaux, at the year 129, the words of
Ammouius, a grammarian, which fully confirm this account of the
Idumeans in Josephus: "The Jews," says he, are such by nature,
and from the beginning, whilst the Idumeans were not Jews from
the beginning, but Phoenicians and Syrians; but being afterward
subdued by the Jews, and compelled to be circumcised, and to
unite into one nation, and be subject to the same laws, they were
called Jews." Dio also says, as the Dean there quotes him, from
Book XXXVI. p. 37, "That country is called Judea, and the people
Jews; and this name is given also to as many others as embrace
their religion, though of other nations." But then upon what
foundation so good a governor as Hyrcanus took upon him to compel
those Idumeans either to become Jews, or to leave the country,
deserves great consideration. I suppose it was because they had
long ago been driven out of the land of Edom, and had seized on
and possessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern parts of
the tribe of Judah, which was the peculiar inheritance of the
worshippers of the true God without idolatry, as the reader may
learn from Reland, Palestine, Part I. p. 154, 305; and from
Prideaux, at the years 140 and 165.

(26) In this decree of the Roman senate, it seems that these
ambassadors were sent from the "people of the Jews," as well as
from their prince or high priest, John Hyrcanus.

(27) Dean Prideaux takes notice at the year 130, that Justin, in
agreement with Josephus, says, "The power of the Jews was now
grown so great, that after this Antiochus they would not bear any
Macedonian king over them; and that they set up a government of
their own, and infested Syria with great wars."

(28) The original of the Sadducees, as a considerable party among
the Jews, being contained in this and the two following sections,
take Dean Prideaux's note upon this their first public
appearance, which I suppose to be true: "Hyrcanus," says be,
"went over to the party of the Sadducees; that is, by embracing
their doctrine against the traditions of the eiders, added to the
written law, and made of equal authority with it, but not their
doctrine against the resurrection and a future state; for this
cannot be supposed of so good and righteous a man as John
Hyrcanus is said to be. It is most probable, that at this time
the Sadducees had gone no further in the doctrines of that sect
than to deny all their unwritten traditions, which the Pharisees
were so fond of; for Josephus mentions no other difference at
this time between them; neither doth he say that Hyrcanna went
over to the Sadducees in any other particular than in the
abolishing of all the traditionary constitutions of the
Pharisees, which our Savior condemned as well as they." [At the
year.]

(29) This slander, that arose from a Pharisee, has been preserved
by their successors the Rabbins to these later ages; for Dr.
Hudson assures us that David Gantz, in his Chronology, S. Pr. p.
77, in Vorstius's version, relates that Hyrcanus's mother was
taken captive in Mount Modinth. See ch. 13. sect. 5.

(30) Here ends the high priesthood, and the life of this
excellent person John Hyrcanus, and together with him the holy
theocracy, or Divine government of the Jewish nation, and its
concomitant oracle by Urim. Now follows the profane and
tyrannical Jewish monarchy, first of the Asamoneans or Maccabees,
and then of Herod the Great, the Idumean, till the coming of the
Messiah. See the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9. Hear
Strabo's testimony on this occasion, B. XVI. p. 761, 762:
"Those," says he, "that succeeded Moses continued for some time
in earnest, both in righteous actions and in piety; but after a
while there were others that took upon them the high priesthood,
at first superstitious and afterward tyrannical persons. Such a
prophet was Moses and those that succeeded him, beginning in a
way not to be blamed, but changing for the worse. And when it
openly appeared that the government was become tyrannical,
Alexander was the first that set up himself for a king instead of
a priest; and his sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus." All in
agreement with Josephus, excepting this, that Strabo omits the
first king, Aristobulus, who reigning but a single year, seems
hardly to have come to his knowledge. Nor indeed does
Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, pretend that the name of king
was taken before his father Alexander took it himself, Antiq. B.
XIV. ch. 3. sect. 2. See also ch. 12. sect. l, which favor Strabo
also. And indeed, if we may judge from the very different
characters of the Egyptian Jews under high priests, and of the
Palestine Jews under kings, in the two next centuries, we may
well suppose that the Divine Shechinah was removed into Egypt,
and that the worshippers at the temple of Onias were better men
than those at the temple of Jerusalem.

(31) Hence we learn that the Essens pretended to have ruled
whereby men might foretell things to come, and that this Judas
the Essen taught those rules to his scholars; but whether their
pretense were of an astrological or magical nature, which yet in
such religious Jews, who were utterly forbidden such arts, is no
way probable, or to any Bath Col, spoken of by the later Rabbins,
or otherwise, I cannot tell. See Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect.
12.

(32) The reason why Hyrcanus suffered not this son of his whom he
did not love to come into Judea, but ordered him to be brought up
in Galilee, is suggested by Dr. Hudson, that Galilee was not
esteemed so happy and well cultivated a country as Judea, Matthew
26:73; John 7:52; Acts 2:7, although another obvious reason
occurs also, that he was out of his sight in Galilee than he
would have been in Judea.

(33) From these, and other occasional expressions, dropped by
Josephus, we may learn, that where the sacred hooks of the Jews
were deficient, he had several other histories then extant, (but
now most of them lost,) which he faithfully followed in his own
history; nor indeed have we any other records of those times,
relating to Judea, that can be compared to these accounts of
Josephus, though when we do meet with authentic fragments of such
original records, they almost always confirm his history.

(34) This city, or island, Cos, is not that remote island in the
Aegean Sea, famous for the birth of the great Hippocrates, but a
city or island of the same name adjoining to Egypt, mentioned
both by Stephanus and Ptolemy, as Dr. Mizon informs us. Of which
Cos, and the treasures there laid up by Cleopatra and the Jews,
see Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 7, sect. 2.

(35) This account of the death of Antiochus Grypus is confirmed
by Appion, Syriac. p. 132, here cited by Spanheim.

(36) Porphyry says that this Antiochus Grypus reigned but
twenty-six years, as Dr. Hudson observes. The copies of Josephus,
both Greek and Latin, have here so grossly false a reading,
Antiochus and Antoninus, or Antonius Plus, for Antiochus Pius,
that the editors are forced to correct the text from the other
historians, who all agree that this king's name was nothing more
than Antiochus Plus.

(37) These two brothers, Antiochus and Philippus are called twins
by Porphyry; the fourth brother was king of Damascus: both which
are the observations of Spanheim.

(38) This Laodicea was a city of Gilead beyond Jordan. However,
Porphyry says that this Antiochus Pius did not die in this
battle; but, running away, was drowned in the river Orontes.
Appian says that he, was deprived of the kingdom of Syria by
Tigranes; but Porphyry makes this Laodice queen of the Calamans;
- all which is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of the later
historians, we have no reason to prefer any of them before
Josephus, who had more original ones before him. This reproach
upon Alexander, that he was sprung from a captive, seems only the
repetition of the old Pharisaical calumny upon his father, ch.
10. sect. 5.

(39) This Theodorus was the son of Zeno, and was in possession of
Areathus, as we learn from sect. 3 foregoing.

(40) This name Thracida, which the Jews gave Alexander, must, by
the coherence, denote as barbarous as a Thracian, or somewhat
like it; but what it properly signifies is not known.

(41) Spanheim takes notice that this Antiochus Dionysus [the
brother of Philip, and of Demetrius Eucerus, and of two otbsrs]
was the fifth son of Antiochus Grypus; and that he is styled on
the coins, "Antiochus, Epiphanes, Dionysus."

(42) This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who took
Damascus, and reigned there; which name became afterwards common
to such Arabian kings, both at Petra and at Damascus, as we learn
from Josephus in many places; and from St. Paul, 2 Corinthians
11:32. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 9. sect. 4.

(43) We may here and elsewhere take notice, that whatever
countries or cities the Asamoneans conquered from any of the
neighboring nations, or whatever countries or cities they gained
from them that had not belonged to them before, they, after the
days of Hyrcanus, compelled the inhabitants to leave their
idolatry, and entirely to receive the law of Moses, as proselytes
of justice, or else banished them into other lands. That
excellent prince, John Hyrcanus, did it to the Idumeans, as I
have noted on ch. 9. sect. 1, already, who lived then in the
Promised Land, and this I suppose justly; but by what right the
rest did it, even to the countries or cities that were no part of
that land, I do not at all know. This looks too like unjust
persecution for religion.

(44) It seems, by this dying advice of Alexander Janneus to his
wife, that he had himself pursued the measures of his father
Hyrcanus and taken part with the Sadducees, who kept close to
the written law, against the Pharisees, who had introduced their
own traditions, ch. 16. sect. 2; and that he now saw a political
necessity of submitting to the Pharisees and their traditions
hereafter, if his widow and family minded to retain their
monarchical government or tyranny over the Jewish nation; which
sect yet, thus supported, were at last in a great measure the
ruin of the religion, government, and nation of the Jews, and
brought them into so wicked a state, that the vengeance of God
came upon them to their utter excision. Just thus did Caiaphas
politically advise the Jewish sanhedrim, John 11:50, "That it was
expedient for them that one man should die for the people, and
that the whole nation perish not;" and this in consequence of
their own political supposal, ver. 48, that, "If they let Jesus
alone," with his miracles, "all men would believe on him, and the
Romans would come and take away both their place and nation."
Which political crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth brought down the
vengeance of God upon them, and occasioned those very Romans, of
whom they seemed so much afraid, that to prevent it they put him
to death, actually to "come and take away both their place and
nation" within thirty-eight years afterwards. I heartily wish the
politicians of Christendom would consider these and the like
examples, and no longer sacrifice all virtue and religion to
their pernicious schemes of government, to the bringing down the
judgments of God upon themselves, and the several nations
intrusted to their care. But this is a digression. I wish it were
an unseasonable one also. Josephus himself several times makes
such digressions, and I here venture to follow him. See one of
them at the conclusion of the very next chapter.

(45) The number of five hundred thousand or even three hundred
thousand, as one Greek copy, with the Latin copies, have it, for
Tigranes's army, that came out of Armenia into Syria and Judea,
seems much too large. We have had already several such
extravagant numbers in Josephus's present copies, which are not
to be at all ascribed to him. Accordingly, I incline to Dr.
Hudson's emendation here, which supposes them but forty thousand.

(46) This fortress, castle, citadel, or tower, whither the wife
and children of Aristobulus were new sent, and which overlooked
the temple, could be no other than what Hyrcanus I. built,
(Antiq. B. XVIII ch. 4. sect. 3,) and Herod the Great rebuilt,
and called the "Tower of Antonia," Aatiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 5.




BOOK 14 FOOTNOTES


(1) Reland takes notice here, very justly, how Josephus's
declaration, that it was his great concern not only to write "an
agreeable, an accurate," and "a true" history, but also
distinctly not to omit any thing [of consequence], either through
"ignorance or laziness," implies that he could not, consistently
with that resolution, omit the mention of [so famous a person as]
"Jesus Christ."

(2) That the famous Antipater's or Antipas's father was also
Antipater or Antipas (which two may justly be esteemed one and
the same frame, the former with a Greek or Gentile, the latter
with a Hebrew or Jewish termination) Josephus here assures us,
though Eusebias indeed says it was Herod.

(3) This "golden vine," or "garden," seen by Strabo at Rome, has
its inscription here as if it were the gift of Alexander, the
father of Aristobulus, and not of Aristobulus himself, to whom
yet Josephus ascribes it; and in order to prove the truth of that
part of his history, introduces this testimony of Strabo; so that
the ordinary copies seem to be here either erroneous or
defective, and the original reading seems to have been either
Aristobulus, instead of Alexander, with one Greek copy, or else
"Aristobulus the son of Alexander," with the Latin copies; which
last seems to me the most probable. For as to Archbishop Usher's
conjectures, that Alexander made it, and dedicated it to God in
the temple, and that thence Aristobulus took it, and sent it to
Pompey, they are both very improbable, and no way agreeable to
Josephus, who would hardly have avoided the recording both these
uncommon points of history, had he known any thing of them; nor
would either the Jewish nation, or even Pompey himself, then have
relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege.

(4) These express testimonies of Josephus here, and Antiq. B.
VIII. ch. 6. sect. 6, and B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 2, that the only
balsam gardens, and the best palm trees, were, at least in his
days, near Jericho and Kugaddi, about the north part of the Dead
Sea, (whereabout also Alexander the Great saw the balsam drop,)
show the mistake of those that understand Eusebius and Jerom as
if one of those gardens were at the south part of that sea, at
Zoar or Segor, whereas they must either mean another Zoar or
Segor, which was between Jericho and Kugaddi, agreeably to
Josephus: which yet they do not appear to do, or else they
directly contradict Josephus, and were therein greatly mistaken:
I mean this, unless that balsam, and the best palm trees, grew
much more southward in Judea in the days of Eusebius and Jerom
than they did in the days of Josephus.

(5) The particular depth and breadth of this ditch, whence the
stones for the wall about the temple were probably taken, are
omitted in our copies of Josephus, but set down by Strabo, B.
XVI. p. 763; from whom we learn that this ditch was sixty feet
deep, and two hundred and fifty feet broad. However, its depth
is, in the next section, said by Josephus to be immense, which
exactly agrees to Strabo's description, and which numbers in
Strabo are a strong confirmation of the truth of Josephus's
description also.

(6) That is, on the 23rd of Sivan, the annual fast for the
defection and idolatry of Jeroboam, "who made Israel to sin;" or
possibly some other fast might fall into that month, before and
in the days of Josephus.

(7) It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical,
superstitious notion, that offensive fighting was unlawful to
Jews, even under the utmost necessity, on the Sabbath day, of
which we hear nothing before the times of the Maccabees, was the
proper occasion of Jerusalem's being taken by Pompey, by Sosius,
and by Titus, as appears from the places already quoted in the
note on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 8. sect. 1; which scrupulous
superstition, as to the observation of such a rigorous rest upon
the Sabbath day, our Savior always opposed, when the Pharisaical
Jews insisted on it, as is evident in many places in the New
Testament, though he still intimated how pernicious that
superstition might prove to them in their flight from the Romans,
Matthew 25:20.

(8) This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero, who:
says, in his oration for Flaecus, that "Cneius Pompeius, when he
was conqueror, and had taken Jerusalem, did not touch any thing
belonging to that temple."

(9) Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed, and its
restoration by Pompey, see the note on the War, B. I. ch. 7.
sect. 7.

(10) Dean Prideaux well observes, "That notwithstanding the
clamor against Gabinius at Rome, Josephus gives him a able
character, as if he had acquitted himself with honor in the
charge committed to him" [in Judea]. See at the year 55.

(11) This history is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out of Livy,
who says that "A. Gabinius, the proconsul, restored Ptolemy of
Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say
any thing new which is not in the other to his kingdom of Egypt,
and ejected Archelaus, whom they had set up for king," &c. See
Prid. at the years 61 and 65.

(12) Dr. Hudson observes, that the name of this wife of Antipater
in Josephus was Cypros, as a Hebrew termination, but not Cypris,
the Greek name for Venus, as some critics were ready to correct
it.

(13) Take Dr. Hudson's note upon this place, which I suppose to
be the truth: "Here is some mistake in Josephus; for when he had
promised us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem he brings
in a decree of far greater antiquity, and that a league of
friendship and union only. One may easily believe that Josephus
gave order for one thing, and his amanuensis performed another,
by transposing decrees that concerned the Hyrcani, and as deluded
by the sameness of their names; for that belongs to the first
high priest of this name, [John Hyrcanus,] which Josephus here
ascribes to one that lived later [Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander
Janneus]. However, the decree which he proposes to set down
follows a little lower, in the collection of Raman decrees that
concerned the Jews and is that dated when Caesar was consul the
fifth time." See ch. 10. sect. 5.

(14) Those who will carefully observe the several occasional
numbers and chronological characters in the life and death of
this Herod, and of his children, hereafter noted, will see that
twenty-five years, and not fifteen, must for certain have been
here Josephus's own number for the age of Herod, when he was made
governor of Galilee. See ch. 23. sect. 5, and ch. 24. sect. 7;
and particularly Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1, where about
forty-four years afterwards Herod dies an old man at about
seventy.

(15) It is here worth our while to remark, that none could be put
to death in Judea but by the approbation of the Jewish Sanhedrim,
there being an excellent provision in the law of Moses, that even
in criminal causes, and particularly where life was concerned, an
appeal should lie from the lesser councils of seven in the other
cities to the supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusalem; and
that is exactly according to our Savior's words, when he says,
"It could not be that a prophet should perish out of Jerusalem,"
Luke 13:33.

(16) This account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by the
Talmudists, who call this Sameas, "Simeon, the son of Shetach."

(17) That Hyreanus was himself in Egypt, along with Antipater, at
this time, to whom accordingly the bold and prudent actions of
his deputy Antipater are here ascribed, as this decree of Julius
Caesar supposes, we are further assured by the testimony of
Strabo, already produced by Josephus, ch. 8. sect. 3.

(18) Dr. Hudson justly supposes that the Roman imperators, or
generals of armies, meant both here and sect. 2, who gave
testimony to Hyrcanus's and the Jews' faithfulness and goodwill
to the Romans before the senate and people of Rome, were
principally Pompey, Scaurus, and Gabinius; of all whom Josephus
had already given us the history, so far as the Jews were
concerned with them.

(19) We have here a most remarkable and authentic attestation of
the citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham was the father of all the
Hebrews; that their own ancestors were, in the oldest times, the
friends of those Hebrews; and that the public arts of their city,
then extant, confirmed the same; which evidence is too strong to
be evaded by our present ignorance of the particular occasion of
such ancient friendship and alliance between those people. See
the like full evidence of the kindred of the Lacedemonians and
the Jews; and that became they were both of the posterity of
Abraham, by a public epistle of those people to the Jews,
preserved in the First Book of the Maccabees, 12:19-23; and
thence by Josephus, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4 sect. 10; both which
authentic records are highly valuable. It is also well worthy of
observation, what Moses Chorenensis, the principal Armenian
historian, informs us of, p. 83, that Arsaces, who raised the
Parthian empire, was of the seed of Abraham by Chetura; and that
thereby was accomplished that prediction which said, "Kings of
nations shall proceed from thee," Genesis 17:6.

(20) If we compare Josephus's promise in sect. 1, to produce all
the public decrees of the Romans in favor of the Jews, with his
excuse here for omitting many of them, we may observe, that when
he came to transcribe all those decrees he had collected, he
found them so numerous, that he thought he should too much tire
his readers if he had attempted it, which he thought a sufficient
apology for his omitting the rest of them; yet do those by him
produced afford such a strong confirmation to his history, and
give such great light to even the Roman antiquities themselves,
that I believe the curious are not a little sorry for such his
omissions.

(21) For Marcus, this president of Syria, sent as successor to
Sextus Caesar, the Roman historians require us to read "Marcus"
in Josephus, and this perpetually, both in these Antiquities, and
in his History of the Wars, as the learned generally agree.

(22) In this and the following chapters the reader will easily
remark, how truly Gronovius observes, in his notes on the Roman
decrees in favor of the Jews, that their rights and privileges
were commonly purchased of the Romans with money. Many examples
of this sort, both as to the Romans and others in authority, will
occur in our Josephus, both now and hereafter, and need not be
taken particular notice of on the several occasions in these
notes. Accordingly, the chief captain confesses to St. Paul that
"with a great sum he had obtained his freedom," Acts 22:28; as
had St. Paul's ancestors, very probably, purchased the like
freedom for their family by money, as the same author justly
concludes also.

(23) This clause plainly alludes to that well-known but unusual
and very long darkness of the sun which happened upon the murder
of Julius Cesar by Brutus and Cassius, which is greatly taken
notice of by Virgil, Pliny, and other Roman authors. See Virgil's
Georgics, B. I., just before the end; and Pliny's Nat. Hist. B.
IL ch. 33.

(24) We may here take notice that espousals alone were of old
esteemed a sufficient foundation for affinity, Hyrcanus being
here called father-in-law to Herod because his granddaughter
Mariarune was betrothed to him, although the marriage was not
completed till four years afterwards. See Matthew 1:16.

(25) This law of Moses, that the priests were to be "without
blemish," as to all the parts of their bodies, is in Leviticus
21:17-24

(26) Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time when he was
first made king at Rome, and concerning the time when he began
his second reign, without a rival, upon the conquest and
slaughter of Antigonus, both principally derived from this and
the two next chapters in Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and
ch. 15. sect. 10.

(27) This grievous want of water at Masada, till the place had
like to have been taken by the Parthians, (mentioned both here,
and Of the War, B. I. ch. 15. sect. 1,) is an indication that it
was now summer time.

(28) This affirmation of Antigonus, spoken in the days of Herod,
and in a manner to his face, that he was an Idumean, i.e. a half
Jew, seems to me of much greater authority than that pretense of
his favorite and flatterer Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived
his pedigree from Jews as far backward as the Babylonish
captivity, ch. 1. sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always esteems
him an Idumean, though he says his father Antipater was of the
same people with the Jews, ch. viii. sect. 1. and by birth a Jew,
Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 7; as indeed all such proselytes of
justice, as the Idumeans, were in time esteemed the very same
people with the Jews.

(29) It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers of
Herod could not have gotten upon the tops of these houses which
were full of enemies, in order to pull up the upper floors, and
destroy them beneath, but by ladders from the out side; which
illustrates some texts in the New Testament, by which it appears
that men used to ascend thither by ladders on the outsides. See
Matthew 24:17; Mark 13:15; Luke 5:19; 17:31.

(30) Note here, that Josephus fully and frequently assures us
that there passed above three years between Herod's first
obtaining the kingdom at Rome, and his second obtaining it upon
the taking of Jerusalem and death of Antigonus. The present
history of this interval twice mentions the army going into
winter quarters, which perhaps belonged to two several winters,
ch. 15. sect. 3, 4; and though Josephus says nothing how long
they lay in those quarters, yet does he give such an account of
the long and studied delays of Ventidius, Silo, and Macheras, who
were to see Herod settled in his new kingdom, but seem not to
have had sufficient forces for that purpose, and were for certain
all corrupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays possible,
and gives us such particular accounts of the many great actions
of Herod during the same interval, as fairly imply that interval,
before Herod went to Samosata, to have been very considerable.
However, what is wanting in Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses
Chorenensis, the Armenian historian, in his history of that
interval, B. II ch. 18., where he directly assures us that
Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal manager of this
Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod was made king at
Rome, and yet Antony did not hear of his death, in that very
neighborhood, at Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege
it; after which Herod brought him an army, which was three
hundred and forty miles' march, and through a difficult country,
full of enemies also, and joined with him in the siege of
Samosata till that city was taken; then Herod and Sosins marched
back with their large armies the same number of three hundred and
forty miles; and when, in a little time, they sat down to besiege
Jerusalem, they were not able to take it but by a siege of five
months. All which put together, fully supplies what is wanting in
Josephus, and secures the entire chronology of these times beyond
contradiction.




BOOK 15 FOOTNOTES


(1) The city here called "Babylon" by Josephus, seems to be one
which was built by some of the Seleucidae upon the Tigris, which
long after the utter desolation of old Babylon was commonly so
called, and I suppose not far from Seleueia; just as the latter
adjoining city Bagdat has been and is often called by the same
old name of Babylon till this very day.

(2) Here we have an eminent example of Herod's worldly and
profane politics, when by the abuse of his unlawful and usurped
power, to make whom he pleased high priest, in the person of
Ananelus, he occasioned such disturbances in his kingdom, and in
his own family, as suffered him to enjoy no lasting peace or
tranquillity ever afterward; and such is frequently the effect of
profane court politics about matters of religion in other ages
and nations. The Old Testament is full of the miseries of the
people of the Jews derived from such court politics, especially
in and after the days of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, "who made
Israel to sin;" who gave the most pernicious example of it; who
brought on the grossest corruption of religion by it; and the
punishment of whose family for it was most remarkable. The case
is too well known to stand in need of particular citations.

(3) Of this wicked Dellius, see the note on the War, B. I. ch.
15. sect. 3.

(4) When Josephus says here that this Ananelus, the new high
priest, was "of the stock of the high priests," and since he had
been just telling us that he was a priest of an obscure family or
character, ch. 2. sect. 4, it is not at all probable that he
could so soon say that he was "of the stock of the high priests."
However, Josephus here makes a remarkable observation, that this
Ananelus was the third that was ever unjustly and wickedly turned
out of the high priesthood by the civil power, no king or
governor having ventured to do so, that Josephus knew of, but
that heathen tyrant and persecutor Antiochus Epiphanes; that
barbarous parricide Aristobulus, the first that took royal
authority among the Maccabees; and this tyrant king Herod the
Great, although afterward that infamous practice became frequent,
till the very destruction of Jerusalem, when the office of high
priesthood was at an end.

(5) This entirely confutes the Talmudists, who pretend that no
one under twenty years of age could officiate as high priest
among the Jews.

(6) A Hebrew chronicle, cited by Reland, says this drowning was
at Jordan, not at Jericho, and this even when he quote Josephus.
I suspect the transcriber of the Hebrew chronicle mistook the
name, and wrote Jordan for Jericho.

(7) The reading of one of Josephus's Greek MSS. seems here to be
right, that Aristobulus was "not eighteen years old" when he was
drowned, for he was not seventeen when he was made high priest,
ch. 2. sect. 6, ch. 3. sect. 3, and he continued in that office
but one year, as in the place before us.

(8) The reader is here to take notice, that this seventh year of
the reign of Herod, and all the other years of his reign, in
Josephus, are dated from the death of Antigonus, or at the
soonest from the conclusion of Antigonus, and the taking of
Jerusalem a few months before, and never from his first obtaining
the kingdom at Rome, above three years before, as some have very
weakly and injudiciously done.

(9) Herod says here, that as ambassadors were sacred when they
carried messages to others, so did the laws of the Jews derive a
sacred authority by being delivered from God by angels, [or
Divine ambassadors,] which is St. Paul's expression about the
same laws, Galatians 3:19; Hebrews 2;2.

(10) This piece of religion, the supplicating God with
sacrifices, by Herod, before he went to this fight with the
Arabians, taken notice of also in the first book of the War, ch.
19. sect. 5, is worth remarking, because it is the only example
of this nature, so far as I remember, that Josephus ever mentions
in all his large and particular accounts of this Herod; and it
was when he had been in mighty distress, and discouraged by a
great defeat of his former army, and by a very great earthquake
in Judea, such times of affliction making men most religious; nor
was he disappointed of his hopes here, but immediately gained a
most signal victory over the Arabians, while they who just before
had been so great victors, and so much elevated upon the
earthquake in Judea as to venture to slay the Jewish ambassadors,
were now under a strange consternation, and hardly able to fight
at all.

(11) Whereas Mariamne is here represented as reproaching: Herod
with the murder of her father [Alexander], as well as her brother
[Aristobulus], while it was her grandfather Hyrcanus, and not her
father Alexander, whom he caused to be slain, (as Josephus
himself informs us, ch. 6. sect. 2,) we must either take
Zonaras's reading, which is here grandfather, rightly, or else we
must, as before, ch. 1. sect. 1, allow a slip of Josephus's pen
or memory in the place before us.

(12) Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a bill of
divorce to her husband, though in the days of Josephus it was not
esteemed lawful for a woman so to do. See the like among the
Parthians, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 9. sect. 6. However, the
Christian law, when it allowed divorce for adultery, Matthew
5:32, allowed the innocent wife to divorce her guilty husband, as
well as the innocent husband to divorce his guilty wife, as we
learn from the shepherd of Hermas, Mand. B. IV., and from: the
second apology of Justin Martyr, where a persecution was brought
upon the Christians upon such a divorce; and I think the Roman
laws permitted it at that time, as well as the laws of
Christianity. Now this Babas, who was one of the race of the
Asamoneans or Maccabees, as the latter end of this section
informs us, is related by the Jews, as Dr. Hudson here remarks,
to have been so eminently religious in the Jewish way, that,
except the day following the tenth of Tisri, the great day of
atonement, when he seems to have supposed all his sins entirely
forgiven, he used every day of the whole year to offer a
sacrifice for his sins of ignorance, or such as he supposed he
had been guilty of, but did not distinctly remember. See somewhat
like it of Agrippa the Great, Antiq. B. XIX. ch. 3. sect. 3, and
Job 1:4, 5.

(13) These grand plays, and shows, and Thymelici, or music
meetings, and chariot races, when the chariots were drawn by two,
three, or four pair of horses, etc., instituted by Herod in his
theatres, were still, as we see here, looked on by the sober Jews
as heathenish sports, and tending to corrupt the manners of the
Jewish nation, and to bring them in love with paganish idolatry,
and paganish conduct of life, but to the dissolution of the law
of Moses, and accordingly were greatly and justly condemned by
them, as appears here and every where else in Josephus. Nor is
the case of our modern masquerades, plays, operas, and the like
"pomps and vanities of this wicked world," of any better tendency
under Christianity.

(14) Here we have an eminent example of the language of Josephus
in his writing to Gentiles, different from that when he wrote to
Jews; in his writing to whom he still derives all such judgments
from the anger of God; but because he knew many of the Gentiles
thought they might naturally come in certain periods, he complies
with them in the following sentence. See the note on the War. B.
I. ch. 33. sect. 2.

(15) This famine for two years that affected Judea and Syria, the
thirteenth mid fourteenth years of Herod, which are the
twenty-third and twenty-fourth years before the Christian era,
seems to have been more terrible during this time than was that
in the days of Jacob, Genesis 41., 42. And what makes the
comparison the more remarkable is this, that now, as well as
then, the relief they had was from Egypt also; then from Joseph
the governor of Egypt, under Pharaoh king of Egypt; and now from
Petronius the prefect of Egypt, under Augustus the Roman emperor.
See almost the like case, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 2. sect. 6. It is
also well worth our observation here, that these two years were a
Sabbatic year, and a year of jubilee, for which Providence,
during the theocracy, used to provide a triple crop beforehand;
but became now, when the Jews had forfeited that blessing, the
greatest years of famine to them ever since the days of Ahab, 1
Kings 17., 18.

(16) This Aelius Gallus seems to be no other than that Aelius
Lagus whom Dio speaks of as conducting an expedition that was
about this time made into Arabia Felix, according to Betarius,
who is here cited by Spanheim. See a full account of this
expedition in Prideaux, at the years 23 and 24.

(17) One may here take notice, that how tyrannical and
extravagant soever Herod were in himself, and in his Grecian
cities, as to those plays, and shows, and temples for idolatry,
mentioned above, ch. 8. sect. 1, and here also; yet durst even he
introduce very few of them into the cities of the Jews, who, as
Josephus here notes, would not even then have borne them, so
zealous were they still for many of the laws of Moses, even under
so tyrannical a government as this was of Herod the Great; which
tyrannical government puts me naturally in mind of Dean
Prideaux's honest reflection upon the like ambition after such
tyrannical power in Pompey and Caesar: "One of these (says he, at
the year 60) could not bear an equal, nor the other a superior;
and through this ambitions humor and thirst after more power in
these two men, the whole Roman empire being divided into two
opposite factions, there was produced hereby the most destructive
war that ever afflicted it; and the like folly too much reigns in
all other places. Could about thirty men be persuaded to live at
home in peace, without enterprising upon the rights of each
other, for the vain glory of conquest, and the enlargement of
power, the whole world might be at quiet; but their ambition,
their follies, and their humor, leading them constantly to
encroach upon and quarrel with each other, they involve all that
are under them in the mischiefs thereof; and many thousands are
they which yearly perish by it; so that it may almost raise a
doubt, whether the benefit which the world receives from
government be sufficient to make amends for the calamities which
it suffers from the follies, mistakes, and real-administrations
of those that manage it."

(18) Cesarea being here said to be rebuilt and adorned in twelve
years, and soon afterwards in ten years, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 5.
sect. 1, there must be a mistake in one of the places as to the
true number, but in which of them it is hard positively to
determine.

(19) This Pollio, with whom Herod's sons lived at Rome, was not
Pollio the Pharisee, already mentioned by Josephus, ch. 1. sect.
1, and again presently after this, ch. 10. sect. 4; but Asinine
Pollo, the Roman, as Spanheim here observes.

(20) The character of this Zenodorus is so like that of a famous
robber of the same name in Strabo, and that about this very
country, and about this very time also, that I think Dr. Hudson
hardly needed to have put a overlaps to his determination that
they were the same.

(21) A tetrarchy properly and originally denoted the fourth part
of an entire kingdom or country, and a tetrarch one that was
ruler of such a fourth part, which always implies somewhat less
extent of dominion and power than belong to a kingdom and to a
king.

(22) We may here observe, that the fancy of the modern Jews, in
calling this temple, which was really the third of their temples,
the second temple, followed so long by later Christians, seems to
be without any solid foundation. The reason why the Christians
here followed the Jews is, because of the prophecy of Haggai,
2:6-9, which they expound of the Messiah's coning to the second
or Zorobabel's temple, of which they suppose this of Herod to be
only a continuation; which is meant, I think, of his coming to
the fourth and last temple, of that future, largest, and most
glorious one, described by Ezekiel; whence I take the former
notion, how general soever, to be a great mistake. See Lit.
Accorap. of Proph. p. 2.

(23) Some of our modern students in architecture have made a
strange blunder here, when they imagine that Josephus affirms the
entire foundations of the temple or holy house sunk down into the
rocky mountain on which it stood no less than twenty cubits,
whereas he is clear that they were the foundations of the
additional twenty cubits only above the hundred (made perhaps
weak on purpose, and only for show and grandeur) that sunk or
fell down, as Dr. Hudson rightly understands him; nor is the
thing itself possible in the other sense. Agrippa's preparation
for building the inner parts of the temple twenty cubits higher
(History of the War, B. V. ch. 1. sect. 5) must in all
probability refer to this matter, since Josephus says here, that
this which had fallen down was designed to be raised up again
under Nero, under whom Agrippa made that preparation. But what
Josephus says presently, that Solomon was the first king of the
Jews, appears by the parallel place, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 9. sect.
7, and other places, to be meant only the first of David's
posterity, and the first builder of the temple.

(24) "Into none Of these three did king Herod enter," i.e. 1. Not
into the court of the priests; 2. Nor into the holy house itself;
3. Nor into the separate place belonging to the altar, as the
words following imply; for none but priests, or their attendants
the Levites, might come into any of them. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch.
4. sect. 6, when Herod goes into the temple, and makes a speech
in it to the people, but that could only be into the court of
Israel, whither the people could come to hear him.

(25) This tradition which Josephus here mentions, as delivered
down from fathers to their children, of this particular
remarkable circumstance relating to the building of Herod's
temple, is a demonstration that such its building was a known
thing in Judea at this time. He was born about forty-six years
after it is related to have been finished, and might himself have
seen and spoken with some of the builders themselves, and with a
great number of those that had seen it building. The doubt
therefore about the truth of this history of the pulling down and
rebuilding this temple by Herod, which some weak people have
indulged, was not then much greater than it soon may be, whether
or not our St. Paul's church in London was burnt down in the fire
of London, A.D. 1666, and rebuilt by Sir Christopher Wren a
little afterward.




BOOK 16 FOOTNOTES


(1) We may here observe the ancient practice of the Jews, of
dedicating the sabbath day, not to idleness, but to the learning
their sacred rites and religious customs, and to the meditation
on the law of Moses; the like to which we meet with elsewhere in
Josephus also against Apion, B. I. sect. 22.

(2) This interval of ten years for the duration of Marcus
Agrippa's government in Asia seems to be true, and agreeable to
the Roman history. See Usher's Annals at A.M. 3392.

(3) Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was this
accusation of his sons deferred till they came to Rome, as sect.
3 assures us, and as we are particularly informed in the History
of the War, B. I. ch. 23. sect. 3; though what he here says
belonged distinctly to Alexander, the elder brother, I mean his
being brought to Rome, is here justly extended to both the
brothers, and that not only in our copies, but in that of Zonaras
also; nor is there reason to doubt but they were both at this
solemn hearing by Augustus, although the defense was made by
Alexander alone, who was the eldest brother, and one that could
speak very well.

(4) Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild suspicion, as
we have supposed already, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 7, that
Josephus's history of Herod's rebuilding the temple is no better
than a fable, it may not be amiss to take notice of this
occasional clause in the speech of Alexander before his father
Herod, in his and his brother's vindication, which mentions the
temple as known by every body to have been built by Herod.

(5) See John 2:20. See also another speech of Herod's own to the
young men that pulled down his golden eagle from the front of the
temple, where he takes notice how the building of the temple cost
him a vast sum; and that the Asamoneans, in those one hundred and
twenty-five years they held the government, were not able to
perform so great a work, to the honor of God, as this was, Antiq.
B. XVII. ch. 6. sect. 3.

(6) Dr. Hudson here gives us the words of Suetonius concerning
this Nicopolis, when Augustus rebuilt it: "And that the memory of
the victory at Actium might be celebrated the more afterward, he
built Nicopolis at Actium, and appointed public shows to be there
exhibited every fifth year." In August, sect. 18.

(7) Augustus here calls Julius Caesar his father, though by birth
he was only his uncle, on account of his adoption by him. See the
same Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 14. sect. 4.

(8) This is authentic evidence that the Jews, in the days of
Augustus, began to prepare for the celebration of the sabbath at
the ninth hour on Friday, as the tradition of the elders did, it
seems, then require of them.

(9) The remaining part of this chapter is remarkable, as justly
distinguishing natural justice, religion, and morality, from
positive institutions in all countries, and evidently preferring
the former before the latter, as did the true prophets of God
always under the Old Testament, and Christ and his New; whence
Josephus seems to have been at this time nearer Christianity than
were the Scribes and Pharisees of his age; who, as we know from
the New Testament, were entirely of a different opinion and
practice.

(10) It is here worth our observation, how careful Josephus was
as to the discovery of truth in Herod's history, since he would
not follow Nicolaus of Damascus himself, so great an historian,
where there was great reason to suspect that he flattered Herod;
which impartiality in history Josephus here solemnly pro fesses,
and of which impartiality he has given more demonstrations than
almost any historian whomsoever; but as to Herod's taking great
wealth out of David's sepulcher, though I cannot prove it, yet do
I strongly suspect it from this very history.

(11) These joint presidents of Syria, Saturninus and Volumnius,
were not perhaps of equal authority, but the latter like a
procurator under the former, as the very learned Noris and Pagi,
and with them Dr. Hudson, determine.

(12) This Aretas was now become so established a name for the
kings of Arabia, [at Petra and Damascus,] that when the crown
came to this Aeneas, he changed his name to Aretas, as Havercamp
here justly observes. See Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 15. sect, 2.

(13) This oath, by the fortune of Caesar, was put to Polycarp, a
bishop of Smyrna, by the Roman governor, to try whether he were a
Christian, as they were then esteemed who refused to swear that
oath. Martyr. Polycarp, sect. 9.

(14) What Josephus relates Augustus to have here said, that
Berytus was a city belonging to the Romans, is confirmed by
Spanheim's notes here: "It was," says he, "a colony placed there
by Augustus. Whence Ulpian, De Gens. bel. L. T. XV. The colony of
Berytus was rendered famous by the benefits of Caesar; and thence
it is that, among the coins of Augustus, we meet with some having
this inscription: The happy colony of Augustus at Berytua."

(15) The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is
entirely wanting in the old Latin version, as Spanheim truly
observes; nor is there any other reason for it, I suppose, than
the great difficulty of an exact translation.




BOOK 17 FOOTNOTES


(1) Those who have a mind to know all the family and descendants
of Antipater the Idumean, and of Herod the Great, his son, and
have a memory to preserve them all distinctly, may consult
Josephus, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect. 4; and Of the War, B. I.
ch. 28. sect. 4; in Havercamp's edition, p. 336; and Spanheim,
lb. p. 402--405; and Reland, Paleslin. Part I. p. 178, 176.

(2) This is now wanting.

(3) Pheroras's wife, and her mother and sister, and Doris,
Antipater's mother.

(4)His wife, her mother, and sister.

(5) It seems to me, by this whole story put together, that
Pheroras was not himself poisoned, as is commonly supposed; for
Antipater had persuaded him to poison Herod, ch. v. sect. 1,
which would fall to the ground if he wore himself poisoned; nor
could the poisoning of Pheroras serve any design that appears now
going forward; it was only the supposal of two of his freed-men,
that this love-potion, or poison, which they knew was brought to
Pheroras's wife, was made use of for poisoning him; whereas it
appears to have been brought for her husband to poison Herod
withal, as the future examinations demonstrate.

(6) That the making of images, without an intention to worship
them, was not unlawful to the Jews, see the note on Antiq. B
VIII. ch. 7. sect. 5.

(7) This fact, that one Joseph was made high priest for a single
day, on occasion of the action here specified, that befell
Matthias, the real high priest, in his sleep, the night before
the great day of expiation, is attested to both in the Mishna and
Talmud, as Dr. Hudson here informs us. And indeed, from this
fact, thus fully attested, we may confute that pretended rule in
the Talmud here mentioned, and endeavored to be excused lay
Reland, that the high priest was not suffered to sleep the night
before that great day of expiation; which watching would surely
rather unfit him for the many important duties he was to perform
on that solemn day, than dispose him duly to perform them. Nor do
such Talmudical rules, when unsupported by better evidence, much
less when contradicted there by, seem to me of weight enough to
deserve that so great a man as Reland should spend his time in
endeavors at their vindication.

(8) This eclipse of the moon (which is the only eclipse of either
of the luminaries mentioned by our Josephus in any of his
writings) is of the greatest consequence for the determination of
the time for the death of Herod and Antipater, and for the birth
and entire chronology of Jesus Christ. It happened March 13th, in
the year of the Julian period 4710, and the 4th year before the
Christian era. See its calculation by the rules of astronomy, at
the end of the Astronomical Lectures, edit. Lat. p. 451, 452.

(9) A place for the horse-races.

(10) When it is here said that Philip the tetrarch, and Archelaus
the king, or ethnarch, were own brother, or genuine brothers, if
those words mean own brothers, or born of the same father and
mother, there must be here some mistake; because they had indeed
the same father, Herod, but different mothers; the former
Cleopatra, and Archclaus Malthace. They were indeed brought up
together privately at Rome like when he went to have his kingdom
confirmed to him at Rome, ch. 9. sect. 5; and Of the War, B. II.
ch. 2. sect. 1; which intimacy is perhaps all that Josephus
intended by the words before us.

(11) These numbers of years for Herod's reign, 34 and 37, are the
very same with those, Of the War, B. I. ch. 33. sect. 8, and are
among the principal chronological characters belonging to the
reign or death of Herod. See Harm. p. 150--155.

(12) At eight stadia or furlongs a-day, as here, Herod's funeral,
conducted to Herodium, which lay at the distance from Jericho,
where he died, of 200 stadia or furlongs, Of the War, B. 1. ch.
33. sect. 9, must have taken up no less than twenty-five days.

(13) This passover, when the sedition here mentioned was moved
against Archelaus, was not one, but thirteen months after the
eclipse of the moon already mentioned.

(14) See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 10; and Of the War; B. II.
ch. 12. sect. 9.

(15) These great devastations made about the temple here, and Of
the War, B. II. ch. 3. sect. 3, seem not to have been full
re-edified in the days of Nero; till whose time there were
eighteen thousand workmen continually employed in rebuilding and
repairing that temple, as Josephus informs us, Antiq. B. XX. ch.
9. sect. 7. See the note on that place.

(16) Unless this Judas, the son of Ezekias, be the same with that
Theudas, mentioned Acts 5:36, Josephus must have omitted him; for
that other Thoualas, whom he afterward mentions, under Fadus the
Roman governor, B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 1, is much too late to
correspond to him that is mentioned in the Acts. The names
Theudas, Thaddeus, and Judas differ but little. See Archbishop
Usher's Annals at A.M. 4001. However, since Josephus does not
pretend to reckon up the heads of all those ten thousand
disorders in Judea, which he tells us were then abroad, see sect.
4 and 8, the Theudas of the Acts might be at the head of one of
those seditions, though not particularly named by him. Thus he
informs us here, sect. 6, and Of the War, B. II. ch. 4. Sect. 2,
that certain of the seditious came and burnt the royal palace at
Amsthus, or Betharamphta, upon the river Jordan. Perhaps their
leader, who is not named by Josephus, might be this Theudas.

(17) See Of the War, B. II. ch. 2. sect. 3.

(18) See the note, Of the War, B. II. ch. 6. sect. 1.

(19) He was tetrarch afterward.

(20) If any one compare that Divine prediction concerning the
tyrannical power which Jewish kings would exercise over them, if
they would be so foolish as to prefer it before their ancient
theocracy or aristocracy, 1 Samuel 8:1-22; Antiq. B. VI. ch. 4.
sect. 4, he will soon find that it was superabundantly fulfilled
in the days of Herod, and that to such a degree, that the nation
now at last seem sorely to repent of such their ancient choice,
in opposition to God's better choice for them, and had much
rather be subject to even a pagan Roman government, and their
deputies, than to be any longer under the oppression of the
family of Herod; which request of theirs Augustus did not now
grant them, but did it for the one half of that nation in a few
years afterward, upon fresh complaints made by the Jews against
Archelaus, who, under the more humble name of an ethnarch, which
Augustus only would now allow him, soon took upon him the
insolence and tyranny of his father king Herod, as the remaining
part of this book will inform us, and particularly ch. 13. sect.
2.

(21) This is not true. See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 3, 4; and
ch. 12. sect. 2; and ch. 13. sect. 1, 2. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3.
sect. 5; and ch. 10. sect. 2, 3. Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 9. sect. 3.
Since Josephus here informs us that Archelaus had one half of the
kingdom of Herod, and presently informs us further that
Archelaus's annual income, after an abatement of one quarter for
the present, was 600 talents, we may therefore ga ther pretty
nearly what was Herod the Great's yearly income, I mean about
1600 talents, which, at the known value of 3000 shekels to a
talent, and about 2s. 10d. to a shekel, in the days of Josephus,
see the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 2, amounts to 680,000
sterling per annum; which income, though great in itself, bearing
no proportion to his vast expenses every where visible in
Josephus, and to the vast sums he left behind him in his will,
ch. 8. sect. 1, and ch. 12. sect. 1, the rest must have arisen
either from his confiscation of those great men's estates whom he
put to death, or made to pay fine for the saving of their lives,
or from some other heavy methods of oppression which such savage
tyrants usually exercise upon their miserable subjects; or rather
from these several methods not together, all which yet seem very
much too small for his expenses, being drawn from no larger a
nation than that of the Jews, which was very populous, but
without the advantage of trade to bring them riches; so that I
cannot but strongly suspect that no small part of this his wealth
arose from another source; I mean from some vast sums he took out
of David's sepulcher, but concealed from the people. See the note
on Antiq. B. VII. ch. 15. sect. 3.

(22) Take here a very useful note of Grotias, on Luke 3:1, here
quoted by Dr. Hudson: "When Josephus says that some part of the
house (or possession) of Zenodorus (i.e. Abilene) was allotted to
Philip, he thereby declares that the larger part of it belonged
to another. This other was Lysanias, whom Luke mentions, of the
posterity of that Lysanias who was possessed of the same country
called Abilene, from the city Abila, and by others Chalcidene,
from the city Chaleis, when the government of the East was under
Antonius, and this after Ptolemy, the son of Menneus; from which
Lysanias this country came to be commonly called the Country of
Lysanias; and as, after the death of the former Lyanias, it was
called the tetrarchy of Zenodorus, so, after the death of
Zenodorus, or when the time for which he hired it was ended when
another Lysanias, of the same name with the former, was possessed
of the same country, it began to be called the Tetrarchy of
Lysanias." However, since Josephus elsewhere (Antiq. B. XX. ch.
7. sect. 1) clearly distinguishes Abilene from Cilalcidcue,
Groius must be here so far mistaken.

(23) Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was forbidden the
Jews to marry their brother's wife when she had children by her
first husband, and that Zonaras (cites, or) interprets the clause
before us accordingly.




BOOK 18 FOOTNOTES


(1) Since St. Luke once, Acts 5:37, and Josephus four several
times, once here, sect. 6; and B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2; Of the War,
B. II. ch. 8. sect. 1; and ch. 17. sect. 8, calls this Judas, who
was the pestilent author of that seditious doctrine and temper
which brought the Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean;
but here (sect. 1) Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of
Gamala; it is a great question where this Judas was born, whether
in Galilee on the west side, or in Gaulonitis on the east side,
of the river Jordan; while, in the place just now cited out of
the Antiquities, B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2, he is not only called a
Galilean, but it is added to his story, "as I have signified in
the books that go before these," as if he had still called him a
Galilean in those Antiquities before, as well as in that
particular place, as Dean Aldrich observes, Of the War, B. II.
ch. 8. sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he should here call
him a Gaulonite, when in the 6th sect. following here, as well as
twice Of the War, he still calls him a Galilean. As for the city
of Gamala, whence this Judas was derived, it determines nothing,
since there were two of that name, the one in Gaulonitis, the
other in Galilee. See Reland on the city or town of that name.

(2) It seems not very improbable to me that this Sadduc, the
Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the Rabbins speak, as the
unhappy, but undesigning, occasion of the impiety or infidelity
of the Sadducees; nor perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees
till this very time, though they were a distinct sect long
before. See the note on B. XIII. ch. 10. sect 5; and Dean
Prideaux, as there quoted. Nor do we, that I know of, find the
least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity of these Sadducees
before this time, the Recognitions assuring us that they began
about the days of John the Baptist; B. 1. ch. 54. See note above.

(3) It seems by what Josephus says here, and Philo himself
elsewhere, Op. p. 679, that these Essens did not use to go to the
Jewish festivals at Jerusalem, or to offer sacrifices there,
which may be one great occasion why they are never mentioned in
the ordinary books of the New Testament; though, in the
Apostolical Constitutions, they are mentioned as those that
observed the customs of their forefathers, and that without any
such ill character laid upon them as is there laid upon the other
sects among that people.

(4) Who these Polistae in Josephus, or in Strabo, among the
Pythagoric Dacae, were, it is not easy to determine. Scaliger
offers no improbable conjecture, that some of these Dacae lived
alone, like monks, in tents or caves; but that others of them
lived together in built cities, and thence were called by such
names as implied the same.

(5) We may here take notice, as well as in the parallel parts of
the books Of the War, B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1, that after the death
of Herod the Great, and the succession of Archclaus, Josephus is
very brief in his accounts of Judea, till near his own time. I
suppose the reason is, that after the large history of Nicolaus
of Damascus, including the life of Herod, and probably the
succession and first actions of his sons, he had but few good
histories of those times before him.

(6) Numbers 19:11-14.

(7) This citation is now wanting.

(8) These Jews, as they are here called, whose blood Pilate shed
on this occasion, may very well be those very Galilean Jews,
"whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices," Luke
13:1, 2; these tumults being usually excited at some of the Jews'
great festivals, when they slew abundance of sacrifices, and the
Galileans being commonly much more busy in such tumults than
those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn from the history of
Archelaus, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 3 and ch. 10. sect. 2, 9;
though, indeed, Josephus's present copies say not one word of
"those eighteen upon whom the tower in Siloam fell, and slew
them," which the 4th verse of the same 13th chapter of St. Luke
informs us of. But since our gospel teaches us, Luke 23:6, 7,
that "when Pilate heard of Galilee, he asked whether Jesus were a
Galilean. And as soon as he knew that he belonged to Herod's
jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod;" and ver. 12, "The same day
Pilate and Herod were made friends together for before they had
been at enmity between themselves;" take the very probable key of
this matter in the words of the learned Noldius, de Herod. No.
219: "The cause of the enmity between Herod and Pilate (says he)
seems to have been this, that Pilate had intermeddled with the
tetrarch's jurisdiction, and had slain some of his Galilean
subjects, Luke 13:1; and, as he was willing to correct that
error, he sent Christ to Herod at this time."

(9) A.D. 33, April 3.

(10) April 5.

(11) Of the banishment of these four thousand Jews into Sardinia
by Tiberius, see Suetonlus in Tiber. sect. 36. But as for Mr.
Reland's note here, which supposes that Jews could not,
consistently with their laws, be soldiers, it is contradicted by
one branch of the history before us, and contrary to innumerable
instances of their fighting, and proving excellent soldiers in
war; and indeed many of the best of them, and even under heathen
kings themselves, did so; those, I mean, who allowed them their
rest on the sabbath day, and other solemn festivals, and let them
live according to their own laws, as Alexander the Great and the
Ptolemies of Egypt did. It is true, they could not always obtain
those privileges, and then they got executed as well as they
could, or sometimes absolutely refused to fight, which seems to
have been the case here, as to the major part of the Jews now
banished, but nothing more. See several of the Roman decrees in
their favor as to such matters, B. XIV. ch. 10.

(12) Since Moses never came himself beyond Jordan, nor
particularly to Mount Gerizzim, and since these Samaritans have a
tradition among them, related here by Dr. Hudson, from Reland,
who was very skillful in Jewish and Samaritan learning, that in
the days of Uzzi or Ozis the high priest, 1 Chronicles 6:6; the
ark and other sacred vessels were, by God's command, laid up or
hidden in Mount Gerizzim, it is highly probable that this was the
foolish foundation the present Samaritans went upon, in the
sedition here described.

(13) This mention of the high priest's sacred garments received
seven days before a festival, and purified in those days against
a festival, as having been polluted by being in the custody of
heathens, in Josephus, agrees well with the traditions of the
Talmudists, as Reland here observes. Nor is there any question
but the three feasts here mentioned were the passover, pentecost,
and feast of tabernacles; and the fast so called by way of
distinction, as Acts 27:9, was the great day of expiation.

(14) This calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies, is
exactly right; for since Herod died about September, in the
fourth year before the Christian era, and Tiberius began, as is
well known, Aug. 19, A.D. 14, it is evident that the
thirty-seventh year of Philip, reckoned from his father's death,
was the twentieth of Tiberius, or near the end of A.D. 33, [the
very year of our Savior's death also,] or, however, in the
beginning of the next year, A.D. 34. This Philip the tetrarch
seems to have been the best of all the posterity of Herod, for
his love of peace, and his love of justice.
An excellent example this.

(15) This Herod seems to have had the additional name of Philip,
as Antipus was named Herod-Antipas: and as Antipus and Antipater
seem to be in a manner the very same name, yet were the names of
two sons of Herod the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and
this Herod-Philip be two different sons of the same father, all
which Grotias observes on Matthew 14:3. Nor was it, as I with
Grotias and others of the Philip the tetrarch, but this
Herod-Philip, whose wife Herod the tetrarch had married, and that
in her first husband's lifetime, and when her first husband had
issue by her-; for which adulterous and incestuous marriage John
the Baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch, and for which
reproof Salome, the daughter of Herodias by her first husband
Herod-Philip, who was still alive, occasioned him to be unjustly
beheaded.

(16) Whether this sudden extinction of almost the entire lineage
of Herod the Great, which was very numerous, as we are both here
and in the next section informed, was not in part as a punishment
for the gross incests they were frequently guilty of, in marrying
their own nephews and nieces, well deserves to be considered. See
Leviticus 18:6, 7; 21:10; and Noldius, De Herod, No. 269, 270.

(17) There are coins still extant of this Eraess, as Spanheim
informs us. Spanheim also informs us of a coin still extant of
this Jotape, daughter of the king of Commageus.

(18) Spanheim observes, that we have here an instance of the
Attic quantity of use-money, which was the eighth part of the
original sum, or 12 per cent., for such is the proportion of 2500
to 20,000.

(19) The governor of the Jews there.

(20) Tiberius, junior of Germanicus.

(21) This high commendation of Antonia for marrying but once,
given here, and supported elsewhere; Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 13.
sect. 4, and this, notwithstanding the strongest temptations,
shows how honorable single marriages were both among the Jews and
Romans, in the days of Josephus and of the apostles, and takes
away much of that surprise which the modern Protestants have at
those laws of the apostles, where no widows, but those who had
been the wives of one husband only, are taken into the church
list; and no bishops, priests, or deacons are allowed to marry
more than once, without leaving off to officiate as clergymen any
longer. See Luke 2:36; 1 Timothy 5:11, 12; 3:2, 12; Titus 1:10;
Constit. Apost. B. II. sect. 1, 2; B. VI. sect. 17; Can. B.
XVII,; Grot. in Luc. ii. 36; and Resports. ad Consult. Cassand.
p. 44; and Cotelet. in Constit. B. VI. sect. 17. And note, that
Tertullian owns this law against second marriages of the clergy
had been once at least executed in his time; and heavily
complains elsewhere, that the breach thereof had not been always
punished by the catholics, as it ought to have been. Jerome,
speaking of the ill reputation of marrying twice, says, that no
such person could be chosen into the clergy in his days; which
Augustine testifies also; and for Epiphanius, rather earlier, he
is clear and full to the same purpose, and says that law obtained
over the whole catholic church in his days,--as the places in the
forecited authors inform us.

(22) Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epistle V. that
this was the custom of Tiberius, to couple the prisoner and the
soldier that guarded him together in the same chain.

(23) Tiberius his own grandson, and Caius his brother Drusus's
grandson.

(24) So I correct Josephus's copy, which calls Germanicus his
brother, who was his brother's son.

(25) This is a known thing among the Roman historians and poets,
that Tiberius was greatly given to astrology and divination.

(26) This name of a lion is often given to tyrants, especially by
the such Agrippa, and probably his freed-man Marsyas, in effect
were, Ezekiel 19:1, 9; Esther 4:9 2 Timothy 4:17. They are also
sometimes compared to or represented by wild beasts, of which the
lion is the principal, Daniel 7:3, 8; Apoc. 13:1, 2.

(27) Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the tetrarchy of
Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred upon him till the
reign of Claudius, as we learn, Antiq. B. XIX, ch. 5. sect. 1.

(28) Regarding instances of the interpositions of Providence, as
have been always very rare among the other idolatrous nations,
but of old very many among the posterity of Abraham, the
worshippers of the true God; nor do these seem much inferior to
those in the Old Testament, which are the more remarkable,
because, among all their other follies and vices, the Jews were
not at this time idolaters; and the deliverances here mentioned
were done in order to prevent their relapse into that idolatry.

(29) Josephus here assures us that the ambassadors from
Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than three in
number, for the Jews, and for the Gentiles, which are but six in
all; whereas Philo, who was the principal ambassador from the
Jews, as Josephus here confesses, (as was Apion for the
Gentiles,) says, the Jews' ambassadors were themselves no fewer
than live, towards the end of his legation to Caius; which, if
there be no mistake in the copies, must be supposed the truth;
nor, in that case, would Josephus have contradicted so authentic
a witness, had he seen that account of Philo's; which that he
ever did does not appear.

(30) This Alexander, the alabarch, or governor of the Jews, at
Alexandria, and brother to Philo, is supposed by Bishop Pearson,
in Act. Apost. p. 41,42, to be the same with that Alexander who
is mentioned by St. Luke, as of the kindred of the high priests,
Acts 4:6.

(31) What Josephus here, and sect. 6, relates as done by the Jews
seed time, is in Philo, "not far off the time when the corn was
ripe," who, as Le Clerc notes, differ here one from the other.
This is another indication that Josephus, when he wrote this
account, had not seen Philo's Legat. ad Caiurn, otherwise he
would hardly trove herein differed from him.

(32) This. Publius Petronius was after this still president of
Syria, under Cladius, and, at the desire of Agrippa, published a
severe decree against the inhabitants of Dora, who, in a sort of
intitation of Caius, had set op a statue of Claudius in a Jewish
synagogue there. This decree is extant, B. XIX. ch. 6. sect. 3,
and greatly confirms the present accounts of Josephus, as do the
other decrees of Claudius, relating to the like Jewish affairs,
B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 2, 3, to which I refer the inquisitive
reader.

(33) Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament words, the
presence and appearance of God, for the extraordinary
manifestation of his power and providence to Petronius, by
sending rain in a time of distress, immediately upon the
resolution he had taken to preserve the temple unpolluted, at the
hazard of his own life, without any other miraculous appearance
at all in that case; which well deserves to be taken notice of
here, and greatly illustrates several texts, both in the Old and
New Testament.

(34) This behavior of Caius to Agrippa is very like that of Herod
Antipas, his uncle, to Herodias, Agrippa's sister, about it John
the Baptist, Matthew 14:6--11.

(35) The joining of the right hands was esteemed among the
Peoians [and Parthians] in particular a most inviolable
obligation to fidelity, as Dr. Hudson here observes, and refers
to the commentary on Justin, B. XI. ch. 15., for its
confirmation. We often meet with the like use of it in Josephus.

(36) This custom of the Mesopotamians to carry their household
gods along with them wherever they traveled is as old as the days
of Jacob, when Rachel his wife did the same, Genesis 31:19,
30-35; nor is it to pass here unobserved, what great miseries
came on these Jews, because they suffered one of their leaders to
marry an idolatrous wife, contrary to the law of Moses. Of which
matter see the note on B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 3.

(37) This custom, in Syria and Mesopotamia, of setting men upon
an ass, by way of disgrace, is still kept up at Damascus in
Syria; where, in order to show their despite against the
Christians, the Turks will not suffer them to hire horses, but
asses only, when they go abroad to see the country, as Mr.
Maundrell assures us, p. 128.




BOOK 19 FOOTNOTES


(1) In this and the three next chapters we have, I think, a
larger and more distinct account of the slaughter of Caius, and
the succession of Claudius, than we have of any such ancient
facts whatsoever elsewhere. Some of the occasions of which
probably were, Josephus's bitter hatred against tyranny, and the
pleasure he took in giving the history of the slaughter of such a
barbarous tyrant as was this Caius Caligula, as also the
deliverance his own nation had by that slaughter, of which he
speaks sect. 2, together with the great intimacy he had with
Agrippa, junior, whose father was deeply concerned in the
advancement of Claudius, upon the death of Caius; from which
Agrippa, junior, Josephus might be fully informed Of his history.

(2) Called Caligula by the Romans.

(3) Just such a voice as this is related to be came, and from an
unknown original also, to the famous Polycarp, as he was going to
martyrdom, bidding him "play the man;" as the church of Smyrna
assures us in their account of that his martyrdom, sect. 9.

(4) Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and not Julius
Caesar, who first changed the Roman commonwealth into a monarchy;
for these shows were in honor of Augustus, as we shall learn in
the next section.

(5) Suetonius says Caius was slain about the seventh hour of the
day, the ninth. The series of the narration favors Josephus.

(6) The rewards proposed by the Roman laws to informers was
sometimes an eigth partm as Spanheim assures us, from the
criminal's goods, as here, and sometimes a fourth part.

(7) These consuls are named in the War of the Jews, B. II. ch.
11. sect; 1, Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, as
Spanheim notes here. The speech of the former of them is set down
in the next chapter, sect. 2.

(8) In this oration of Sentius Saturninus, we may see the great
value virtuous men put upon public liberty, and the sad misery
they underwent, while they were tyrannized over by such emperors
as Caius. See Josephus's own short but pithy reflection at the
end of the chapter: "So difficult," says he, "it is for those to
obtain the virtue that is necessary to a wise man, who have the
absolute power to do what they please without control."

(9) Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Saturninus, the
sovereign authority of the consuls and senate had been taken away
just a hundred years before the death of Caius, A.D. 41, or in
the sixtieth year before the Christian saga, when the first
triumvirate began under Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus.

(10) Spanheim here notes from Suetonius, that the name of Caius's
sister with whom he was guilty of incest, was Drusilla and that
Suetonius adds, he was guilty of the same crime with all his
sisters also. He notes further, that Suetonius omits the mention
of the haven for ships, which our author esteems the only public
work for the good of the present and future ages which Caius left
behind him, though in an imperfect condition.

(11) This Caius was the son of that excellent person Germanicus,
who was the son of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius the emperor.

(11) The first place Claudius came to was inhabited, and called
Herincure, as Spanheim here informs us from Suetonius, in Claud.
ch. 10.

(12) How Claudius, another son of Drusus, which Drusus was the
father of Germanicus, could be here himself called Germanicus,
Suetonius informs us, when he assures us that, by a decree of the
senate, the surname of Germanicus was bestowed upon Drusus, and
his posterity also.--In Claud. ch. 1.

(13) This number of drachmae to be distributed to each private
soldier, five thousand drachmae, equal to twenty thousand
sesterces, or one hundred and sixty-one pounds sterling, seems
much too large, and directly contradicts Suetonius, ch. 10., who
makes them in all but fifteen sesterces, or two shillings and
four pence. Yet might Josephus have this number from Agrippa,
junior, though I doubt the thousands, or at least the hundreds,
have been added by the transcribers, of which we have had several
examples already in Josephus.

(14) This piercing cold here complained of by Lupus agrees well
to the time of the year when Claudius began his reign; it being
for certain about the months of November, December, or January,
and most probably a few days after January the twenty-fourth, and
a few days before the Roman Parentalia.

(15) It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that the
murders of the vilest tyrants, who yet highly deserved to die,
when those murderers were under oaths, or other the like
obligations of fidelity to them, were usually revenged, and the
murderers were cut off themselves, and that after a remarkable
manner; and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very
persons who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms by
them. The examples are very numerous, both in sacred and profane
histories, and seem generally indications of Divine vengeance on
such murderers. Nor is it unworthy of remark, that such murderers
of tyrants do it usually on such ill principles, in such a cruel
manner, and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty,
which was the case here, ch. 1. sect. 14, and ch. 2. sect. 4, as
justly deserved the Divine vengeance upon them. Which seems to
have been the case of Jehu also, when, besides the house of Ahab,
for whose slaughter he had a commission from God, without any
such commission, any justice or commiseration, he killed Ahab's
great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and forty-two of the
kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings 10:11-14. See Hosea 1:4. I do not
mean here to condemn Ehud or Judith, or the like executioners of
God's vengeance on those wicked tyrants who had unjustly
oppressed God's own people under their theocracy; who, as they
appear still to have had no selfish designs nor intentions to
slay the innocent, so had they still a Divine commission, or a
Divine impulse, which was their commission for what they did,
Judges 3:15, 19, 20; Judith 9:2; Test. Levi. sect. 5, in Authent.
Rec. p. 312. See also page 432.

(16) Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when he reforms
us, ch. 3:1, that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of
Abilene, whose capital was Abila; as he is further confirmed by
Ptolemy, the great geographer, which Spanheim here observes, when
he calls that city Abila of Lysanias. See the note on B. XVII.
ch. 11. sect. 4; and Prid. at the years 36 and 22. I esteem this
principality to have belonged to the land of Canaan originally,
to have been the burying-place of Abel, and referred to as such,
Matthew 23:35; Luke 11:51. See Authent. Rec. Part. II. p.
883--885.

(17) This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr.
Hudson here tells us from the great Selden, that it used to be
thus represented at the bottom of their edicts by the initial
letters only, U. D. P. R. L. P, Unde De Plano Recte Lege Possit;
"Whence it may be plainly read from the ground."

(18) Josephus shows, both here and ch. 7. sect. 3, that he had a
much greater opinion of king Agrippa I. than Simon the learned
Rabbi, than the people of Cesarea and Sebaste, ch. 7. sect. 4;
and ch. 9. sect. 1; and indeed than his double-dealing between
the senate and Claudius, ch. 4. sect. 2, than his slaughter of
James the brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter, or his
vain-glorious behavior before he died, both in Acts 12:13; and
here, ch. 4. sect. 1, will justify or allow. Josephus's character
was probably taken from his son Agrippa, junior.

(19) This treasury-chamber seems to have been the very same in
which our Savior taught, and where the people offered their
charity money for the repairs or other uses of the temple, Mark
12:41, etc.; Luke 22:1; John 8:20.

(20) A strange number of condemned criminals to be under the
sentence of death at once; no fewer, it seems, than one thousand
four hundred!

(21) We have a mighty cry made here by some critics, as the great
Eusebius had on purpose falsified this account of Josephus, so as
to make it agree with the parallel account in the Acts of the
Apostles, because the present copies of his citation of it, Hist.
Eceles. B. II. ch. 10., omit the words an owl--on a certain rope,
which Josephus's present copies retain, and only have the
explicatory word or angel; as if he meant that angel of the Lord
which St. Luke mentions as smiting Herod, Acts 12:23, and not
that owl which Josephus called an angel or messenger, formerly of
good, but now of bad news, to Agrippa. This accusation is a
somewhat strange one in the case of the great Eusebius, who is
known to have so accurately and faithfully produced a vast number
of other ancient records, and particularly not a few out of our
Josephus also, without any suspicion of prevarication. Now, not
to allege how uncertain we are whether Josephus's and Eusebius's
copies of the fourth century were just like the present in this
clause, which we have no distinct evidence of, the following
words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any such
exposition: "This [bird] (says Eusebius) Agrippa presently
perceived to be the cause of ill fortune, as it was once of good
fortune, to him;" which can only belong to that bird, the owl,
which as it had formerly foreboded his happy deliverance from
imprisonment, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 6. sect. 7, so was it then
foretold to prove afterward the unhappy forerunner of his death
in five days' time. If the improper words signifying cause, be
changed for Josephus's proper word angel or messenger, and the
foregoing words, be inserted, Esuebius's text will truly
represent that in Josephus. Had this imperfection been in some
heathen author that was in good esteem with our modern critics,
they would have readily corrected these as barely errors in the
copies; but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well
relished by many of those critics, nothing will serve but the
ill-grounded supposal of willful corruption and prevarication.

(22) This sum of twelve millions of drachmae, which is equal to
three millions of shekels, i.e. at 2s. 10d. a shekel, equal to
four hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, was
Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about three quarters of his
grandfather Herod's income; he having abated the tax upon houses
at Jerusalem, ch. 6. sect. 3, and was not so tyrannical as Herod
had been to the Jews. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11.
sect. 4. A large sum this! but not, it seems, sufficient for his
extravagant expenses.

(23) Reland takes notice here, not improperly, that Josephus
omits the reconciliation of this Herod Agrippa to the Tyrians and
Sidoninus, by the means of Blastus the king's chamberlain,
mentioned Acts 12:20. Nor is there any history in the world so
complete, as to omit nothing that other historians take notice
of, unless the one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to
it.

(24) Photius, who made an extract out of this section, says they
were not the statues or images, but the ladies themselves, who
were thus basely abused by the soldiers.




BOOK 20 FOOTNOTES


(1) Here is some error in the copies, or mistake in Josephus; for
the power of appointing high priests, alter Herod king of Chalcis
was dead, and Agrippa, junior, was made king of Chalcis in his
room, belonged to him; and he exercised the same all along till
Jerusalem was destroyed, as Josephus elsewhere informs us, ch. 8.
sect., 11; ch. 9. sect. 1, 4, 6, 7.

(2) Josephus here uses the word monogene, an only begotten son,
for no other than one best beloved, as does both the Old and New
Testament, I mean where there were one or more sons besides,
Genesis 22:2; Hebrew 11:17. See the note on B. I. ch. 13. sect.
1.

(3) It is here very remarkable, that the remains of Noah's ark
were believed to be still in being in the days of Josephus. See
the note on B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5.

(4) Josephus is very full and express in these three chapters,
3., 4., and 5., in observing how carefully Divine Providence
preserved this Izates, king of Adiabene, and his sons, while he
did what he thought was his bounden duty, notwithstanding the
strongest political motives to the contrary.

(5) This further account of the benefactions of Izates and Helena
to the Jerusalem Jews which Josephus here promises is, I think,
no where performed by him in his present works. But of this
terrible famine itself in Judea, take Dr. Hudson's note here:--
"This ( says he ) is that famine foretold by Agabus, Acts 11:28,
which happened when Claudius was consul the fourth time; and not
that other which happened when Claudius was consul the second
time, and Cesina was his colleague, as Scaliger says upon
Eusebius, p. 174." Now when Josephus had said a little afterward,
ch. 5. sect. 2, that "Tiberius Alexander succeeded Cuspius Fadus
as procurator," he immediately subjoins, that" under these
procurators there happened a great famine in Judea." Whence it is
plain that this famine continued for many years, on account of
its duration under these two procurators. Now Fadus was not sent
into Judea till after the death of king Agrippa, i.e. towards the
latter end of the 4th year of Claudius; so that this famine
foretold by Agabus happened upon the 5th, 6th, and 7th years of
Claudius, as says Valesius on Euseb. II. 12. Of this famine also,
and queen Helena's supplies, and her monument, see Moses
Churenensis, p. 144, 145, where it is observed in the notes that
Pausanias mentions that her monument also.

(6) This privilege of wearing the tiara upright, or with the tip
of the cone erect, is known to have been of old peculiar to great
kings, from Xenophon and others, as Dr. Hudson observes here.

(7) This conduct of Izates is a sign that he was become either a
Jew, or an Ebionite Christian, who indeed differed not much from
proper Jews. See ch. 6. sect. 1. However, his supplications were
heard, and he was providentially delivered from that imminent
danger he was in.

(8) These pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena, queen of
Adiabene, near Jerusalem, three in number, are mentioned by
Eusebius, in his Eccles. Hist. B. II. ch. 12, for which Dr.
Hudson refers us to Valesius's notes upon that place.--They are
also mentioned by Pausanias, as hath been already noted, ch. 2.
sect. 6. Reland guesses that that now called Absalom's Pillar may
be one of them.

(9) This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procurator, about
A.D. 45 or 46, could not be that Thendas who arose in the days of
the taxing, under Cyrenius, or about A.D. 7, Acts v. 36, 37. Who
that earlier Theudas was, see the note on B. XVII. ch. 10. sect.
5.

(10) This and many more tumults and seditions which arose at the
Jewish festivals, in Josephus, illustrate the cautious procedure
of the Jewish governors, when they said, Matthew 26:5, "Let us
not take Jesus on the feast-day, lest there be an up roar among
the people;" as Reland well observes on tins place. Josephus also
takes notice of the same thing, Of the War, B. I. ch. 4. sect. 3.

(11) This constant passage of the Galileans through the country
of Samaria, as they went to Judea and Jerusalem, illustrates
several passages in the Gospels to the same purpose, as Dr.
Hudson rightly observes. See Luke 17:11; John 4:4. See also
Josephus in his own Life, sect. 52, where that journey is
determined to three days.

(12) Our Savior had foretold that the Jews' rejection of his
gospel would bring upon them, among other miseries, these three,
which they themselves here show they expected would be the
consequences of their present tumults and seditions: the utter
subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple,
and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children See Luke
21:6-24.

(13) This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, born in Cyprus, though
he pretended to be a magician, and seems to have been wicked
enough, could hardly be that famous Simon the magician, in the
Acts of the Apostles, 8:9, etc., as some are ready to suppose.
This Simon mentioned in the Acts was not properly a Jew, but a
Samaritan, of the town of Gittae, in the country of Samaria, as
the Apostolical Constitutions, VI. 7, the Recognitions of
Clement, II. 6, and Justin Martyr, himself born in the country of
Samaria, Apology, I. 34, inform us. He was also the author, not
of any ancient Jewish, but of the first Gentile heresies, as the
forementioned authors assure us. So I suppose him a different
person from the other. I mean this only upon the hypothesis that
Josephus was not misinformed as to his being a Cypriot Jew; for
otherwise the time, the name, the profession, and the wickedness
of them both would strongly incline one to believe them the very
same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, junior, as
Josephus informs us here, and a Jewess, as St. Luke informs us,
Acts 24:24, whom this Simon mentioned by Josephus persuaded to
leave her former husband, Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of
justice, and to marry Felix, the heathen procurator of Judea,
Tacitus, Hist. V. 9, supposes her to be a heathen; and the
grand-daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra, contrary both to St.
Luke and Josephus. Now Tacitus lived somewhat too remote, both as
to time and place, to be compared with either of those Jewish
writers, in a matter concerning the Jews in Judea in their own
days, and concerning a sister of Agrippa, junior, with which
Agrippa Josephus was himself so well acquainted. It is probable
that Tacitus may say true, when he informs us that this Felix
(who had in all three wives, or queens, as Suetonius in Claudius,
sect. 28, assures us) did once marry such a grandchild of
Antonius and Cleopatra; and finding the name of one of them to
have been Drusilla, he mistook her for that other wife, whose
name he did not know.

(14) This eruption of Vesuvius was one of the greatest we have in
history. See Bianchini's curious and important observations on
this Vesuvius, and its seven several great eruptions, with their
remains vitrified, and still existing, in so many different
strata under ground, till the diggers came to the antediluvian
waters, with their proportionable interstices, implying the
deluge to have been above two thousand five hundred years before
the Christian era, according to our exactest chronology.

(15) This is now wanting.

(16) This also is now wanting.

(17) This duration of the reign of Claudius agrees with Dio, as
Dr. Hudson here remarks; as he also remarks that Nero's name,
which was at first L. Domitius Aenobarbus, after Claudius had
adopted him was Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus. This
Soleus as [own Life, sect. 11, as also] by Dio Cassius andTaeims,
as Dr. Hudson informs us.

(18) This agrees with Josephus's frequent accounts elsewhere in
his own Life, that Tibetans, and Taricheae, and Gamala were under
this Agrippa, junior, till Justus, the son of Pistus, seized for
the Jews, upon the breaking out of the war.

(19) This treacherous and barbarous murder of the good high
priest Jonathan, by the contrivance of this wicked procurator,
Felix, was the immediate occasion of the ensuing murders by the
Sicarii or ruffians, and one great cause of the following horrid
cruelties and miseries of the Jewish nation, as Josephus here
supposes; whose excellent reflection on the gross wickedness of
that nation, as the direct cause of their terrible destruction,
is well worthy the attention of every Jewish and of every
Christian reader. And since we are soon coming to the catalogue
of the Jewish high priests, it may not be amiss, with Reland, to
insert this Jonathan among them, and to transcribe his particular
catalogue of the last twenty-eight high priests, taken out of
Josephus, and begin with Ananelus, who was
made by Herod the Great. See Antiq. B. XV. ch. 2. sect. 4,
and the note there.
1. Ananelus.
2. Aristobulus.
3. Jesus, the son of Fabus.
4. Simon, the son of Boethus.
5. Marthias, the son of Theophiltu.
6. Joazar, the son of Boethus.
7. Eleazar, the son of Boethus.
8. Jesus, the son of Sic.
9. [Annas, or] Ananus, the son of Seth.
10. Ismael, the son of Fabus.
11. Eleazar, the son of Ananus.
12. Simon, the son of Camithus.
13. Josephus Caiaphas, the son-in-law to Ananus.
14. Jonathan, the son of Ananus.
15. Theophilus, his brother, and son of Ananus.
16. Simon, the son of Boethus.
17. Matthias, the brother of Jonathan, and son of Ananus.
18. Aljoneus.
19. Josephus, the son of Camydus.
20. Ananias, the son of Nebedeus.
21. Jonathas.
22. Ismael, the son of Fabi.
23. Joseph Cabi, the son of Simon.
24. Ananus, the son of Artanus.
25. Jesus, the son of Damnetas.
26. Jesus, the son of Gamaliel.
27. Matthias, the son of Theophilus.
28. Phannias, the son of Samuel.
As for Ananus and Joseph Caiaphas, here mentioned about the
middle of this catalogue, they are no other than those Annas and
Caiaphas so often mentioned in the four Gospels; and that
Ananias, the son of Nebedeus, was that high priest before whom
St. Paul pleaded his own cause, Acts 24.

(20) Of these Jewish impostors and false prophets, with many
other circumstances and miseries of the Jews, till their utter
destruction, foretold by our Savior, see Lit. Accompl. of Proph.
p. 58-75. Of this Egyptian impostor, and the number of his
followers, in Josephus, see Acts 21:38.

(21) The wickedness here was very peculiar and extraordinary,
that the high priests should so oppress their brethren the
priests, as to starve the poorest of them to death. See the like
presently, ch. 9. sect. 2. Such fatal crimes are covetousness and
tyranny in the clergy, as well as in the laity, in all ages.

(22) We have here one eminent example of Nero's mildness and
goodness in his government towards the Jews, during the first
five years of his reign, so famous in antiquity; we have perhaps
another in Josephus's own Life, sect. 3; and a third, though of a
very different nature here, in sect. 9, just before. However,
both the generous acts of kindness were obtained of Nero by his
queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and perhaps privately a
Jewish proselyte, and so were not owing entirely to Nero's own
goodness.

(23) It hence evidently appears that Sadducees might be high
priests in the days of Josephus, and that these Sadducees were
usually very severe and inexorable judges, while the Pharisees
were much milder, and more merciful, as appears by Reland's
instances in his note on this place, and on Josephus's Life,
sect. 31, and those taken from the New Testament, from Josephus
himself, and from the Rabbins; nor do we meet with any Sadducees
later than this high priest in all Josephus.

(24) Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its causes, as
also that he did not die till long afterwards, see Prim. Christ.
Revived, vol. III. ch. 43-46. The sanhedrim condemned our Savior,
but could not put him to death without the approbation of the
Roman procurator; nor could therefore Ananias and his sanhedrim
do more here, since they never had Albinus's approbation for the
putting this James to death.

(25) This Ananias was not the son of Nebedeus, as I take it, but
he who was called Annas or Ananus the elder, the ninth in the
catalogue, and who had been esteemed high priest for a long time;
and, besides Caiaphas, his son-in-law, had five of his own sons
high priests after him, which were those of numbers 11, 14, 15,
17, 24, in the foregoing catalogue. Nor ought we to pass slightly
over what Josephus here says of Annas, or Ananias, that he was
high priest a long time before his children were so; he was the
son of Seth, and is set down first for high priest in the
foregoing catalogue, under number 9. He was made by Quirinus, and
continued till Ismael, the 10th in number, for about twenty-three
years, which long duration of his high priesthood, joined to the
successions of his son-in-law, and five children of his own, made
him a sort of perpetual high priest, and was perhaps the occasion
that former high priests kept their titles ever afterwards; for I
believe it is hardly met with be fore him.

(26) This insolent petition of some of the Levites, to wear the
sacerdotal garments when they sung hymns to God in the temple,
was very probably owing to the great depression and contempt the
haughty high priests had now brought their brethren the priests
into; of which see ch. 8. sect. 8, and ch. 9, sect. 2.

(27) Of these cloisters of Solomon, see the description of the
temple, ch. 13. They seem, by Josephus's words, to have been
built from the bottom of the valley.

(28) See the Life at the beginning of the volume.

(29) What Josephus here declares his intention to do, if God
permitted, to give the public again an abridgement of the Jewish
War hear of it elsewhere, whether he performed what he now
intended or not. Some of the reasons of this design of his might
possibly be, his observation of the many errors he had been
guilty of in the two first of those seven books of the War, which
were written when he was comparatively young, and less acquainted
with the Jewish antiquities than he now was, and in which
abridgement we might have hoped to find those many passages which
himself, as well as those several passages which others refer to,
as written by him, but which are not extant in his present works.
However, since many of his own references to what he had written
elsewhere, as well as most of his own errors, belong to such
early times as could not well come into this abridgement of the
Jewish War; and since none of those that quote things not now
extant in his works, including himself as well as others, ever
cite any such abridgement; I am forced rather to suppose that he
never did publish any such work at all; I mean, as distinct from
his own Life, written by himself, for an appendix to these
Antiquities, and this at least seven years after these
Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed does it appear to me that
Josephus ever published that other work here mentioned, as
intended by him for the public also: I mean the three or four
books concerning God and his essence, and concerning the Jewish
laws; why, according to them, some things were permitted the
Jews, and others prohibited; which last seems to be the same work
which Josephus had also promised, if God permitted, at the
conclusion of his preface to these Antiquities; nor do I suppose
that he ever published any of them. The death of all his friends
at court, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, and the coming of those
he had no acquaintance with to the crown, I mean Nerva and
Trajan, together with his removal from Rome to Judea, with what
followed it, might easily interrupt such his intentions, and
prevent his publication of those works.





End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Antiquities of the Jews

